Difference between revisions of "Mao Zedong" - New World Encyclopedia

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|order = 1st [[Chairman of the Communist Party of China|Chairman]] of the [[Central Committee of the Communist Party of China|Central Committee]] of the [[Communist Party of China]]
 
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'''Mao Zedong''', also [[Wade–Giles|transliterated]] as '''Mao Tse-tung''', and commonly referred to as '''Chairman Mao''' (December 26, 1893 - September 9, 1976), was a [[Han Chinese|Chinese]] [[Communism|communist]] revolutionary and a [[founding father]] of the [[People's Republic of China]], which he governed as [[Chairman of the Communist Party of China]] from its establishment in 1949 until his death. His [[Marxism-Leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] theories, military strategies, and political policies are collectively known as [[Maoism]].
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Born the son of a wealthy farmer in [[Shaoshan]], [[Hunan]], Mao adopted a [[Chinese nationalism|Chinese nationalist]] and [[anti-imperialism|anti-imperialist]] outlook in early life. He converted to Marxism-Leninism and became a founding member of the [[Communist Party of China]] (CPC), of which he became the head during the [[Long March]]. On October 1, 1949 Mao proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic of China. In the following years he solidified his control through [[land reform]]s, through a psychological victory in the [[Korean War]], and through campaigns against landlords, people he termed "[[Counter-revolutionary|counterrevolutionaries]]," and other perceived enemies of the state. In 1957 he launched a campaign known as the [[Great Leap Forward]] that aimed to rapidly transform China's economy from an agrarian economy to an industrial one. This campaign, however, exacerbated agrarian problems leading to one the deadliest [[famine]]s in history. In 1966, he initiated the [[Cultural Revolution]], a program to weed out supposed counter-revolutionary elements in Chinese society. In 1972, he welcomed American president [[Richard Nixon]] in [[Beijing]], signaling a policy of opening China.
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A highly controversial figure, Mao is regarded as one of the most important individuals in modern world history. Supporters regard him as a great leader and credit him with numerous accomplishments including modernizing China and building it into a world power, promoting the status of women, improving education and health care, providing universal housing, and increasing life expectancy as China's population grew from around 550 to over 900 million during the period of his leadership. In contrast, critics, including many historians, have characterized him as a [[dictator]] who oversaw systematic [[human rights]] abuses, and whose rule is estimated to have contributed to the deaths of 40–70 million people through [[starvation]], [[forced labor]], and [[execution]]s, ranking his tenure as the top incidence of [[democide]] in human history.
'''Mao Zedong''', also [[Wade–Giles|transliterated]] as '''Mao Tse-tung''', and commonly referred to as '''Chairman Mao''' (December 26, 1893 - September 9, 1976), was a [[Han Chinese|Chinese]] [[Communism|communist]] revolutionary and a [[founding father]] of  the [[People's Republic of China]], which he governed as [[Chairman of the Communist Party of China]] from its establishment in 1949 until his death. His [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] theories, military strategies and political policies are collectively known as [[Maoism]].
 
 
 
Born the son of a wealthy farmer in [[Shaoshan]], [[Hunan]], Mao adopted a [[Chinese nationalism|Chinese nationalist]] and [[anti-imperialism|anti-imperialist]] outlook in early life, particularly influenced by the events of the [[Xinhai Revolution]] of 1911 and [[May Fourth Movement]] of 1919. Mao converted to Marxism-Leninism while working at [[Peking University]] and became a founding member of the [[Communist Party of China]] (CPC). In 1922, the Communists entered an alliance with the larger [[Kuomintang]] (KMT), a nationalist revolutionary party. Mao's [[Autumn Harvest Uprising]] of 1927 showed the potential revolutionary power of the peasants. In 1927 the KMT's military leader [[Generalissimo]] [[Chiang Kai-shek]] mounted an anti-communist purge, setting off the [[Chinese Civil War]]. Mao helped to found the [[History of the People's Liberation Army#From the founding of the People's Liberation Army to the Korean War|Red Army]], and led the [[Jiangxi Soviet]]'s radical land policies. He came to head the party during the [[Long March]]. Mao agreed to a [[Second United Front|United Front]] with the KMT, and fought under the national government during the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]] (1937–45). After [[Victory over Japan Day|Japan's defeat]] in 1945, Mao's forces defeated the [[Nationalist Government (China)|Nationalists]] in 1949, who withdrew to [[Taiwan]].
 
 
 
On October 1, 1949 Mao proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic of China, a one-party socialist state controlled by the Communist Party. In the following years Mao solidified his control through [[land reform|land reforms]] and through a psychological victory in the [[Korean War]], and through campaigns against landlords, people he termed "[[Counter-revolutionary|counterrevolutionaries]]," and other perceived enemies of the state. In 1957 he launched a campaign known as the [[Great Leap Forward]] that aimed to rapidly transform China's economy from an agrarian economy to an industrial one. This campaign, however, exacerbated agrarian problems leading to [[List of famines|one the deadliest famines in history]]. In 1966, he initiated the [[Cultural Revolution]], a program to weed out supposed counter-revolutionary elements in Chinese society. In 1972, he [[1972 Nixon visit to China|welcomed American president Richard Nixon]] in Beijing, signalling a policy of opening China.
 
 
 
A highly controversial figure, Mao is regarded as one of the most important individuals in modern world history.<ref>{{cite web|work=The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World|url=http://www.oxfordreference.com/pages/samplep02|title=Mao Zedong|accessdate=August 23, 2008}}</ref> Mao is officially held in high regard in the People's Republic of China. Supporters regard him as a great leader and credit him with numerous accomplishments including modernizing China and building it into a world power, promoting the status of women, improving education and health care, providing universal housing, and increasing life expectancy as China's population grew from around 550 to over 900 million during the period of his leadership.<ref name = "MoboGao" /><ref name="China 2010, pp. 327">''The Cambridge Illustrated History of China'', by Patricia Buckley Ebrey, Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN 0-521-12433-6, pp. 327</ref> <ref>''Atlas of World History'', by Patrick Karl O'Brien, Oxford University Press US, 2002, ISBN 0-19-521921-X, pp 254, [http://books.google.com/books?id=ffZy5tDjaUkC&pg=PA254&dq=China's+population+almost+doubled+during+the+period+of+Mao's+leadership&hl=en&sa=X&ei=Clu5UMG6H4j28wTk2oDQDQ&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=China's%20population%20almost%20doubled%20during%20the%20period%20of%20Mao's%20leadership&f=false link]</ref> <ref name="China 2010, pp. 327"/> Maoists furthermore promote his role as theorist, statesman, poet, and visionary.<ref>{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=630}} "''Mao had an extraordinary mix of talents: he was visionary, statesman, political and military strategist of cunning intellect, a philosopher and poet.''"</ref> In contrast, critics, including many historians, have characterized him as a [[dictator]] who oversaw systematic [[human rights abuses]], and whose rule is estimated to have contributed to the deaths of 40–70 million people through starvation, [[Laogai|forced labor]] and executions, ranking his tenure as the top incidence of [[democide]] in human history.<ref name="deathtoll">{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=631}}</ref><ref>[[R. J. Rummel|Rummel, R. J.]] ''[http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/NOTE2.HTM China's Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900]'' [[Transaction Publishers]], 1991. ISBN 0-88738-417-X p. 205: In light of recent evidence, Rummel has increased Mao's [[democide]] toll to [http://democraticpeace.wordpress.com/2008/11/24/getting-my-reestimate-of-maos-democide-out/ 77 million]; [[Daniel Jonah Goldhagen]]. ''Worse Than War: Genocide, Eliminationism, and the Ongoing Assault on Humanity.'' [[PublicAffairs]], 2009. ISBN 1-58648-769-8 p. 53: "...&nbsp;the Chinese communists' murdering of a mind-boggling number of people, perhaps between 50 million and 70 million Chinese, and an additional 1.2 million Tibetans."</ref><ref name="Fenby"/>
 
  
 
==Early life==
 
==Early life==
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[[File:Shaoshan 01.JPG|thumb|right|400px|Mao's childhood home in Shaoshan, in 2010, by which time it had become a tourist destination.]]
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Mao was born on December 26, 1893 in Shaoshan village, [[Shaoshan]], [[Hunan]]. His father, [[Mao Yichang]], was an impoverished [[peasant]] who had become one of the wealthiest farmers in Shaoshan. Zedong described his father as a stern disciplinarian, who would beat him and his three siblings, the boys [[Mao Zemin|Zemin]] and [[Mao Zetan|Zetan]], and an adopted girl, Zejian.<ref name=Schram> Stuart R. Schram, ''Mao Tse-tung'' (Penguin Books, 1967, ISBN 978-0140208405).</ref> Yichang's wife, [[Wen Qimei]], was a devout [[Buddhism|Buddhist]] who tried to temper her husband's strict attitude. Zedong too became a Buddhist, but abandoned this faith in his mid-teenage years.<ref name=Terrill> Ross Terrill, ''Mao: A Biography'' (Stanford University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0804729215).</ref>
  
===Youth and the Xinhai Revolution: 1893–1911===
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At the age of eight, Mao was sent to Shaoshan Primary School where he learned the value systems of [[Confucianism]]. He later admitted that he did not enjoy the [[Chinese classics|classical Chinese texts]] preaching Confucian morals, instead favoring popular novels like ''[[Romance of the Three Kingdoms]]'' and ''[[Water Margin]]''.<ref name=Pantsov>Alexander V. Pantsov and Steven I. Levine, ''Mao: The Real Story'' (Simon & Schuster, 2012, ISBN 978-1451654479).</ref>  
Mao was born on December 26, 1893 in Shaoshan village, [[Shaoshan]], [[Hunan]].{{sfn|1a1=Schram|1y=1966|1p=19|2a1=Hollingworth|2y=1985|2p=15|3a1=Pantsov|3a2=Levine|3y=2012|3p=11}} His father, [[Mao Yichang]], was an impoverished peasant who had become one of the wealthiest farmers in Shaoshan. Zedong described his father as a stern disciplinarian, who would beat him and his three siblings, the boys [[Mao Zemin|Zemin]] and [[Mao Zetan|Zetan]], and an adopted girl, Zejian.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=19–20}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=4–5, 15}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=13–14}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=13–17}}.</ref> Yichang's wife, [[Wen Qimei]], was a devout [[Buddhism|Buddhist]] who tried to temper her husband's strict attitude.<ref name="Schram1966 p20 Terrill 1980 11">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=20}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=11}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=14, 17}}.</ref> Zedong too became a Buddhist, but abandoned this faith in his mid-teenage years.<ref name="Schram1966 p20 Terrill 1980 11"/> Aged 8, Mao was sent to Shaoshan Primary School. Learning the value systems of [[Confucianism]], he later admitted that he didn't enjoy the [[Chinese classics|classical Chinese texts]] preaching Confucian morals, instead favouring popular novels like ''[[Romance of the Three Kingdoms]]'' and ''[[Water Margin]]''.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=20–21}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=8}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=15, 20}}</ref> Aged 13, Mao finished primary education, and his father [[Arranged marriage|had him married]] to the 17-year-old [[Luo Yigu]], uniting their land-owning families. Mao refused to recognise her as his wife, becoming a fierce critic of arranged marriage and temporarily moving away. Luo was locally disgraced and died in 1910.<ref>{{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=12}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=23}}, {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=25–28}}</ref>
 
 
 
[[File:Shaoshan 01.JPG|thumb|left|[[Mao Zedong's Former Residence|Mao's childhood home]] in Shaoshan, in 2010, by which time it had become a tourist destination.]]
 
 
 
Working on his father's farm, Mao read voraciously,<ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=15}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=10–11}}</ref> developing a "political consciousness" from [[Zheng Guanying]]'s booklet which lamented the deterioration of Chinese power and argued for the adoption of [[representative democracy]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=23}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=12–13}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=21}}</ref> Interested in history, Mao was inspired by the military prowess and nationalistic fervour of [[George Washington]] and [[Napoleon Bonaparte]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=25}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=20–21}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=29}}</ref> His political views were shaped by [[Gelaohui]]-led protests which erupted following a famine in Hunanese capital [[Changsha]]; Mao supported the protester's demands, but the armed forces suppressed the dissenters and executed their leaders.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=22}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=13}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=17–18}}</ref> The famine spread to Shaoshan, where starving peasants seized his father's grain; disapproving of their actions as morally wrong, Mao nevertheless claimed sympathy for their situation.<ref>{{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=14}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=18}}</ref> Aged 16, Mao moved to a higher primary school in nearby Dongshan,<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=22}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=15}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=18}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=28}}</ref> where he was bullied for his peasant background.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=26}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=19}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=28–30}}</ref>
 
  
In 1911, Mao began middle school in Changsha.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=26}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=22–23}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=30}}</ref> Revolutionary sentiment was strong in the city, with widespread animosity towards Emperor [[Puyi]]'s [[absolute monarchy]] and many advocating [[republicanism]]. The republicans' figurehead was [[Sun Yat-sen]], an American-educated Christian who led the [[Tongmenghui]] society.<ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=18–19}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=32–34}}</ref> In Changsha, Mao was influenced by Sun's newspaper, ''The People's Independence'' ''(Minli bao)'',<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=27}};{{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=22}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=33}}</ref> and called for Sun to become president in a school essay.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=26–27}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=22–24}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=33}}</ref> As a symbol of rebellion against the [[Manchu]] monarch, Mao and a friend cut off their [[Queue (hairstyle)|queue]] pigtails, a sign of subservience to the emperor.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=26}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=23}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=33}}</ref>
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Mao finished primary education at the age of 13 and his father [[Arranged marriage|had him married]] to the 17-year-old [[Luo Yixiu]], uniting their land-owning families. Mao refused to recognize her as his wife, becoming a fierce critic of arranged marriage and temporarily moving away. Luo was locally disgraced and died in 1910.<ref name=Feigon> Lee Feigon, ''Mao: A Reinterpretation'' (Ivan R. Dee, 2002, ISBN 978-1566634588).</ref> Aged 16, Mao moved to a higher primary school in nearby Dongshan, where he was bullied for his peasant background.<ref name=Schram/>
  
Inspired by Sun's republicanism, the army rose up across southern China, sparking the [[Xinhai Revolution]]. Changsha's governor fled, leaving the city in republican control.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=30–32}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=32–35}}</ref> Supporting the revolution, Mao joined the rebel army as a [[private soldier]], but was not involved in fighting. The northern provinces remained loyal to the emperor, and hoping to avoid a civil war, Sun—proclaimed "provisional president" by his supporters—compromised with the monarchist general [[Yuan Shikai]]. The monarchy would be abolished, creating the [[Republic of China (1912–1949)|Republic of China]], but the monarchist Yuan would become president. The revolution over, Mao resigned from the army in 1912, after six months of being a soldier.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=34}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=34–35}}</ref> Around this time, Mao discovered [[socialism]] from a newspaper article; proceeding to read pamphlets by [[Jiang Kanghu]], the student founder of the Chinese Socialist Party, Mao remained interested yet unconvinced by the idea.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=34–35}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=23–24}}</ref>
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Working on his father's farm, Mao read voraciously, developing a "political consciousness" from [[Zheng Guanying]]'s booklet which lamented the deterioration of Chinese power and argued for the adoption of [[representative democracy]]. Mao was inspired by the military prowess and nationalistic fervor of [[George Washington]] and [[Napoleon Bonaparte]].<ref name=Pantsov/> His political views were shaped by [[Gelaohui]]-led protests which erupted following a [[famine]] in the Hunanese capital [[Changsha]]. Mao supported the protester's demands, but the armed forces suppressed the dissenters and executed their leaders.<ref name=Schram/> The famine spread to Shaoshan, where starving peasants seized his father's grain. Disapproving of their actions as morally wrong, Mao nevertheless claimed sympathy for their situation.<ref name=Terrill/>  
  
===Fourth Normal School of Changsha: 1912–19===
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After moving to Changsha, Mao enrolled and dropped out of a police academy, a soap-production school, a law school, an economics school, and the government-run Changsha Middle School. Studying independently, he spent much time in Changsha's library, reading core works of [[classical liberalism]] such as [[Adam Smith]]'s ''[[The Wealth of Nations]]'' and [[Montesquieu]]'s ''[[The Spirit of the Laws]]'', as well as the works of western scientists and philosophers such as [[Charles Darwin|Darwin]], [[John Stuart Mill|Mill]], [[Rousseau]], and [[Herbert Spencer|Spencer]].<ref name=Terrill/> Viewing himself as an intellectual, he admitted years later that at this time he thought himself better than working people.<ref name=Pantsov/>  
Mao enrolled and dropped out of a police academy, a soap-production school, a law school, an economics school, and the government-run Changsha Middle School.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=35–36}};  {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=22, 25}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=35}}.</ref> Studying independently, he spent much time in Changsha's library, reading core works of [[classical liberalism]] such as [[Adam Smith]]'s ''[[The Wealth of Nations]]'' and [[Montesquieu]]'s ''[[The Spirit of the Laws]]'', as well as the works of western scientists and philosophers such as [[Charles Darwin|Darwin]], [[John Stuart Mill|Mill]], [[Rousseau]], and [[Herbert Spencer|Spencer]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=36}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=26}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=35–36}}.</ref> Viewing himself as an intellectual, years later he admitted that at this time he thought himself better than working people.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=36–37}}.</ref> Inspired by [[Friedrich Paulsen]], the liberal emphasis on individualism led Mao to believe that strong individuals were not bound by moral codes but should strive for the greater good; that the [[Consequentialism|end justifies the means]].<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=40–41}}.</ref> Seeing no use in his son's intellectual pursuits, Mao's father cut off his allowance, forcing him to move into a hostel for the destitute.<ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=26}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=36}}.</ref>
 
  
[[File:Mao Zedong 1913.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Mao in 1913.]]
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Mao decided to become a teacher and enrolled at the Fourth Normal School of Changsha, which soon merged with the First Normal School of Changsha, widely seen as the best school in Hunan. Professor [[Yang Changji]] befriended Mao and urged him to read a radical newspaper, ''[[La Jeunesse|New Youth]]'' ''(Xin qingnian)'', the creation of his friend [[Chen Duxiu]], a dean at [[Peking University]]. Mao published his first article in ''New Youth'' in April 1917, instructing readers to increase their physical strength to serve the revolution. He joined the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi ''(Chuan-shan Hsüeh-she)'', a revolutionary group founded by Changsha literati who wished to emulate the philosopher [[Wang Fuzhi]].<ref name=Terrill/>
  
Desiring to become a teacher, Mao enrolled at the Fourth Normal School of Changsha, which soon merged with the First Normal School of Changsha, widely seen as the best school in Hunan.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=36–37}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=27}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=37}}.</ref> Befriending Mao, professor [[Yang Changji]] urged him to read a radical newspaper, ''[[La Jeunesse|New Youth]]'' ''(Xin qingnian)'', the creation of his friend [[Chen Duxiu]], a dean at [[Peking University]]. Although a [[Chinese nationalism|Chinese nationalist]], Chen argued that China must look to the west to cleanse itself of superstition and autocracy.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=38–39}}</ref> Mao published his first article in ''New Youth'' in April 1917, instructing readers to increase their physical strength to serve the revolution.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=41}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=32}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=42}}.</ref> He joined the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi ''(Chuan-shan Hsüeh-she)'', a revolutionary group founded by Changsha literati who wished to emulate the philosopher [[Wang Fuzhi]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=40–41}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|pp=30–31}}.</ref>
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Seeing no use in his son's intellectual pursuits, Mao's father had cut off his allowance, forcing him to move into a hostel for the destitute.<ref name=Carter/> In his first school year, Mao befriended an older student, Xiao Yu; together they went on a walking tour of Hunan, begging and writing literary couplets to obtain food.<ref>Siao Yu (Xiao Yu), ''Mao Tse-Tung and I Were Beggars'' (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1959, ISBN 978-0815600152).</ref> In 1915 Mao was elected secretary of the Students Society. Forging an Association for Student Self-Government, he led protests against school rules. In spring 1917, he was elected to command the students' volunteer army, set up to defend the school from marauding soldiers. Increasingly interested in the techniques of war, he took a keen interest in [[World War I]], and also began to develop a sense of solidarity with workers.<ref name=Pantsov/> Mao undertook feats of physical endurance with Xiao Yu and [[Cai Hesen]], and with other young revolutionaries they formed the Renovation of the People Study Society in April 1918 to debate Chen Duxiu's ideas. The Society gained 70–80 members, many of whom would later join the Communist Party. Mao graduated in June 1919, ranked third in the year.<ref name=Schram/>
  
In his first school year, Mao befriended an older student, Xiao Yu; together they went on a walking tour of Hunan, begging and writing literary couplets to obtain food.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=43}}; see also Hsiao Yu (Xiao Yu). ''Mao Tse-Tung and I Were Beggars.'' ([Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1959).</ref> A popular student, in 1915 Mao was elected secretary of the Students Society. Forging an Association for Student Self-Government, he led protests against school rules.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=42–43}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=32}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=48}}.</ref> In spring 1917, he was elected to command the students' volunteer army, set up to defend the school from marauding soldiers.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=43}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=32}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=49–50}}.</ref> Increasingly interested in the techniques of war, he took a keen interest in [[World War I]], and also began to develop a sense of solidarity with workers.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=49–50}}.</ref> Mao undertook feats of physical endurance with Xiao Yu and [[Cai Hesen]], and with other young revolutionaries they formed the Renovation of the People Study Society in April 1918 to debate Chen Duxiu's ideas. Desiring personal and societal transformation, the Society gained 70–80 members, many of whom would later join the Communist Party.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=44}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=33}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=50–52}}.</ref> Mao graduated in June 1919, being ranked third in the year.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=45}}; {{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=34}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=52}}.</ref>
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Mao moved to Beijing and, paid a low wage, lived in a cramped room with seven other Hunanese students. He believed that Beijing's beauty offered "vivid and living compensation."<ref name=Pantsov/> His time in Beijing ended in the spring of 1919, when he traveled to [[Shanghai]] with friends departing for France, before returning to Shaoshan, where his mother was terminally ill; she died in October 1919, with her husband dying in January 1920.<ref name=Pantsov/>
  
 
==Early revolutionary activity==
 
==Early revolutionary activity==
{{Main|Early revolutionary activity of Mao Zedong}}
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Mao adopted a Chinese nationalist and anti-imperialist outlook in early life, particularly influenced by the events of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 and May Fourth Movement of 1919. He converted to [[Marxism-Leninism]] while working at [[Peking University]] and became a founding member of the Communist Party of China (CPC).
  
===Beijing, Anarchism, and Marxism: 1917–19===
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===The Xinhai Revolution===
{{double image|right|Marx6.jpg|130|Vladimir Lenin 140-190 for collage.jpg|140|Following the success of the [[October Revolution]] in the Russian Empire, in which Marxists took power, Mao came under the theoretical influence of [[Karl Marx]] (left) and [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] (right).}}
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[[File:Mao Zedong 1913.jpg|right|300px|thumb|Mao in 1913.]]
Mao moved to [[Beijing]], where his mentor Yang Changji had taken a job at Peking University.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=48}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=47, 56–57}}.</ref> Yang thought Mao exceptionally "intelligent and handsome",<ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=18}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=39}}.</ref> securing him a job as assistant to the university librarian [[Li Dazhao]], an early Chinese communist.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=48}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=59}}.</ref> Li authored a series of ''New Youth'' articles on the [[October Revolution]] in Russia, during which the communist [[Bolshevik Party]] under the leadership of [[Vladimir Lenin]] had seized power. Lenin was an advocate of the socio-political theory of [[Marxism]], first developed by the German sociologists [[Karl Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels]], and Li's articles brought an understanding of Marxism to the Chinese revolutionary movement.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=47}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=59–62}}.</ref> Becoming "more and more radical," Mao was influenced by [[Peter Kropotkin]]'s [[anarchism]] but joined Li's Study Group and "developed rapidly toward Marxism" during the winter of 1919.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=48–49}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=62–64}}.</ref>  
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The Xinhai Revolution of 1911 overthrew China's last imperial dynasty (the Qing dynasty), and established the Republic of China (ROC). In Changsha there was widespread animosity towards Emperor [[Puyi]]'s [[absolute monarchy]], with many advocating [[republicanism]]. The republicans' figurehead was [[Sun Yat-sen]], an American-educated Christian who led the [[Tongmenghui]] society.<ref name=Carter>Peter Carter, ''Mao'' (Oxford University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0192731401).</ref> Mao was influenced by Sun's newspaper, ''The People's Independence'' ''(Minli bao)'', and called for Sun to become president in a school essay.<ref name=Schram/> As a symbol of rebellion against the [[Manchu]] monarch, Mao and a friend cut off their [[Queue (hairstyle)|queue]] pigtails, a sign of subservience to the emperor.<ref name=Terrill/>
  
Paid a low wage, Mao lived in a cramped room with seven other Hunanese students, but believed that Beijing's beauty offered "vivid and living compensation".<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=48}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=57–58}}.</ref> At the university, Mao was widely snubbed due to his rural accent and lowly position. By joining the university's Philosophy and Journalism Societies, he attended lectures and seminars by the likes of [[Chen Duxiu]], [[Hu Shi]], and [[Qian Xuantong]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=48}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=62, 66}}.</ref> Mao's time in Beijing ended in the spring of 1919, when he travelled to [[Shanghai]] with friends departing for France,<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=50–52}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=66}}.</ref>  before returning to Shaoshan, where his mother was terminally ill; she died in October 1919, with her husband dying in January 1920.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=66–67}}.</ref>
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Mao joined the rebel army as a [[private soldier]], but was not involved in fighting. When the revolution was over in 1912, he resigned from the army after six months of being a soldier.<ref name=Pantsov/> Around this time, Mao discovered [[socialism]] from a newspaper article; proceeding to read pamphlets by [[Jiang Kanghu]], the student founder of the Chinese Socialist Party, Mao remained interested yet unconvinced by the idea.<ref name=Schram/>
  
===Student rebellions: 1919–20===
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===Beijing: Student rebellions===
China had fallen victim to the expansionist policies of the [[Empire of Japan]], who had conquered large areas of Chinese-controlled territory with the support of France, the UK and the US at the [[Treaty of Versailles]]. Under the control of the warlord [[Duan Qirui]], the Chinese [[Beiyang Government]] had accepted Japanese dominance, agreeing to their [[Twenty-One Demands]] despite popular opposition.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=51–52}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=68–69}}.</ref> In May 1919, the [[May Fourth Movement]] erupted in Beijing, with Chinese patriots rallying against the Japanese and Duan's government. Duan's troops were sent in to crush the protests, but unrest spread throughout China.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=52}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=21–22}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=69–70}}.</ref> In Changsha, Mao had gained employment teaching history at the Xiuye Primary School.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=68}}.</ref>
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{{double image|right|Marx6.jpg|130|Lenin in Switzerland.jpg|150|Following the success of the [[October Revolution]] in the Russian Empire, in which Marxists took power, Mao came under the theoretical influence of [[Karl Marx]] (left) and [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] (right).}}
He began organizing protests against the pro-Duan Governor of Hunan Province, [[Zhang Jinghui]], popularly known as "Zhang the Venomous" due to his criminal activities.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=76}}.</ref> In late May, Mao co-founded the Hunanese Student Association with [[He Shuheng]] and [[Deng Zhongxia]], organizing a student strike for June and in July 1919 began production of a weekly radical magazine, ''Xiang River Review'' ''(Xiangjiang pinglun)''. Using vernacular language that would be understandable to the majority of China's populace, he advocated the need for a "Great Union of the Popular Masses," strengthened trade unions able to wage non-violent revolution; his ideas were not Marxist, but heavily influenced by Kropotkin's concept of [[Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution|mutual aid]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=53–54}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=71–76}}.</ref>
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Mao moved to [[Beijing]] where his mentor Yang Changji had taken a job at [[Peking University]]. Yang thought Mao exceptionally "intelligent and handsome," securing him a job as assistant to the university librarian [[Li Dazhao]], an early Chinese communist.<ref name=Feigon/> Li authored a series of ''New Youth'' articles on the [[October Revolution]] in Russia, during which the communist [[Bolshevik Party]] under the leadership of [[Vladimir Lenin]] had seized power. Becoming "more and more radical," Mao was influenced by [[Peter Kropotkin]]'s [[anarchism]] but joined Li's Study Group and "developed rapidly toward Marxism" during the winter of 1919.<ref name=Schram/>
  
[[File:Beijing students protesting the Treaty of Versailles (May 4, 1919).jpg|thumb|left|200px|Students in Beijing rallied during the May Fourth Movement.]]
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In May 1919, the [[May Fourth Movement]] erupted in Beijing, with Chinese patriots rallying against the Japanese and Duan's [[Beiyang Government]]. Duan's troops were sent in to crush the protests, but unrest spread throughout China. Mao began organizing protests against the pro-Duan Governor of Hunan Province, Zhang Jinghui, popularly known as "Zhang the Venomous" due to his criminal activities. He co-founded the Hunanese Student Association with [[He Shuheng]] and [[Deng Zhongxia]], organizing a student [[strike]] for June and in July 1919 began production of a weekly radical magazine, ''Xiang River Review'' ''(Xiangjiang pinglun)''. Using vernacular language that would be understandable to the majority of China's populace, he advocated the need for a "Great Union of the Popular Masses." His ideas at that time were not Marxist, but heavily influenced by Kropotkin's concept of mutual aid.<ref name=Pantsov/>
Zhang banned the Student Association, but Mao continued publishing after assuming editorship of liberal magazine ''New Hunan'' ''(Xin Hunan)'' and offering articles in popular local newspaper ''Justice'' ''(Ta Kung Po)''. Several of these articles advocated [[feminism|feminist]] views, calling for the liberation of women in Chinese society; Mao was influenced by his forced arranged-marriage.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=55}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=76–77}}.</ref> In December 1919, Mao helped organise a general strike in Hunan, securing some concessions, but Mao and other student leaders felt threatened by Zhang, and Mao returned to Beijing, visiting the terminally ill Yang Changji.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=55–56}}; {{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=79}}.</ref> Mao found that his articles had achieved a level of fame among the revolutionary movement, and set about soliciting support in overthrowing Zhang.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=80}}.</ref> Coming across newly translated Marxist literature by Thomas Kirkup, [[Karl Kautsky]], and Marx and Engels—notably ''[[The Communist Manifesto]]''—he came under their increasing influence, but was still eclectic in his views.<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=81–83}}.</ref>  
 
  
Mao visited [[Tianjin]], [[Jinan]], and [[Qufu]],<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|p=84}}.</ref> before moving to Shanghai, where he worked as a laundryman and met [[Chen Duxiu]], noting that Chen's adoption of Marxism "deeply impressed me at what was probably a critical period in my life." In Shanghai, Mao met an old teacher of his, Yi Peiji, a revolutionary and member of the [[Kuomintang]] (KMT), or Chinese Nationalist Party, which was gaining increasing support and influence. Yi introduced Mao to General [[Tan Yankai]], a senior KMT member who held the loyalty of troops stationed along the Hunanese border with [[Guangdong]]. Tan was plotting to overthrow Zhang, and Mao aided him by organizing the Changsha students. In June 1920, Tan led his troops into Changsha, while Zhang fled. In the subsequent reorganization of the provincial administration, Mao was appointed headmaster of the junior section of the First Normal School. Now receiving a large income, he married Yang Kaihui in the winter of 1920.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=56–57}}.</ref>
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[[File:Beijing students protesting the Treaty of Versailles (May 4, 1919).jpg|thumb|right|400px|Students in Beijing rallied during the May Fourth Movement.]]
 +
Zhang banned the Student Association, but Mao continued publishing after assuming editorship of liberal magazine ''New Hunan'' ''(Xin Hunan)'' and offering articles in popular local newspaper ''Justice'' ''(Ta Kung Po)''. Several of these articles advocated [[feminism|feminist]] views, calling for the liberation of women in Chinese society. In this, Mao was influenced by his forced [[arranged marriage]].<ref name=Schram/> In December 1919, Mao helped organize a [[general strike]] in Hunan, securing some concessions, but Mao and other student leaders felt threatened by Zhang, and Mao returned to Beijing, visiting the terminally ill Yang Changji. Mao found that his articles had achieved a level of fame among the revolutionary movement, and set about soliciting support in overthrowing Zhang. Coming across newly translated Marxist literature by Thomas Kirkup, [[Karl Kautsky]], and Marx and Engels—notably ''[[The Communist Manifesto]]''—he came increasingly under their influence, but was still eclectic in his views.<ref name=Pantsov/>  
  
===Founding the Communist Party of China: 1921–22===
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Mao visited [[Tianjin]], [[Jinan]], and [[Qufu]], before moving to [[Shanghai]], where he met [[Chen Duxiu]]. He noted that Chen's adoption of Marxism "deeply impressed me at what was probably a critical period in my life."<ref name=Pantsov/> In Shanghai, Mao met his old teacher, Yi Peiji, a revolutionary and member of the [[Kuomintang]] (KMT), or Chinese Nationalist Party, which was gaining increasing support and influence. Yi introduced Mao to General [[Tan Yankai]], a senior KMT member who held the loyalty of troops stationed along the Hunanese border with [[Guangdong]]. Tan was plotting to overthrow Zhang, and Mao aided him by organizing the Changsha students. In June 1920, Tan led his troops into Changsha, while Zhang fled. In the subsequent reorganization of the provincial administration, Mao was appointed headmaster of the junior section of the First Normal School. With a secure income, he married Yang Kaihui in the winter of 1920.<ref name=Schram/>
[[File:Location of the First Congress of the Chinese Communist Party Xintiandi Shanghai July 1921.jpg|150px|thumb|left|Location of the first Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in July 1921, in [[Xintiandi]], former [[French Concession]], Shanghai.]]
 
The [[Communist Party of China]] was founded by Chen Duxiu and [[Li Dazhao]] in the [[French concession]] of Shanghai in 1921 as a study society and informal network. Mao set up a Changsha branch, also establishing a branch of the Socialist Youth Corps. Opening a bookstore under the control of his new Cultural Book Society, its purpose was to propagate revolutionary literature throughout Hunan.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=63}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=23, 28}}</ref> Helping to organise workers' strikes in the winter of 1920–21,<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=64}}</ref> he was involved in the movement for Hunan autonomy, hoping that a Hunanese constitution would increase [[civil liberty|civil liberties]] in the province, making his revolutionary activity easier; although the movement was successful, in later life, he denied any involvement.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=63–64}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=23–24, 28, 30}}</ref> By 1921, small Marxist groups existed in Shanghai, Beijing, Changsha, Wuhan, Canton and Jinan, and it was decided to hold a central meeting, which began in Shanghai on July 23, 1921. The first session of the [[National Congress of the Communist Party of China]] was attended by 13 delegates, Mao included, and met in a girls' school that was closed for the summer. After the authorities sent a police spy to the congress, the delegates moved to a boat on South Lake near Chiahsing to escape detection. Although Soviet and [[Comintern]] delegates attended, the first congress ignored Lenin's advice to accept a temporary alliance between the communists and the "bourgeois democrats" who also advocated national revolution; instead they stuck to the orthodox Marxist belief that only the urban proletariat could lead a socialist revolution.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=64–66}}.</ref>
 
  
Now party secretary for Hunan, Mao was stationed in Changsha, from which he went on a Communist recruitment drive.<ref name="Schram1966 p68">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=68}}</ref> In August 1921, he founded the Self-Study University, through which readers could gain access to revolutionary literature, housed in the premises of the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi.<ref name="Schram1966 p68"/> Taking part in the [[Y.C. James Yen#Biography|YMCA]] mass education movement to fight illiteracy, he opened a Changsha branch, though replaced the usual textbooks with revolutionary tracts in order to spread Marxism among the students.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=68–69}}</ref> He continued organizing the labour movement to strike against the administration of Hunan Governor [[Zhao Hengti]], particularly following the execution of two anarchists.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=69}}.</ref> In July 1922, the Second Congress of the Communist Party took place in Shanghai, though Mao lost the address and couldn't attend. Adopting Lenin's advice, the delegates agreed to an alliance with the "bourgeois democrats" of the KMT for the good of the "national revolution." Communist Party members joined the KMT, hoping to push its politics leftward.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=69–70}}}.</ref>
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===Founding the Communist Party of China===
Mao enthusiastically agreed with this decision, arguing for an alliance across China's socio-economic classes; a vocal anti-imperialist, in his writings he lambasted the governments of Japan, UK and US, describing the latter as "the most murderous of hangmen".<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=73–74}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=33}}</ref> Mao's strategy for the successful and famous [[Anyuan Coal Mine Strike|Anyuan coal mines strikes]] (contrary to later Party historians) depended on both "proletarian" and "bourgeois" strategies. The success depended on innovative organizing by Liu Shaoqi and Li Lisan who not only mobilised the miners, but formed schools and cooperatives. They also engaged local intellectuals, gentry, military officers, merchants, Red Gang dragon heads and church clergy in support.<ref>Elizabeth J. Perry,[http://www.japanfocus.org/-Elizabeth-Perry/3882  "Anyuan: Mining China's Revolutionary Tradition]," ''The Asia-Pacific Journal'' 11.1  (January 14, 2013), reprinting Ch 2 of Elizabeth J. Perry. ''Anyuan: Mining China's Revolutionary Tradition.'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012. ISBN  978-0-520-27189-0.</ref>
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[[File:Location of the First Congress of the Chinese Communist Party Xintiandi Shanghai July 1921.jpg|300px|thumb|right|Location of the first Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in July 1921, in [[Xintiandi]], former [[French Concession]], Shanghai.]]
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In 1921 Chen Duxiu and [[Li Dazhao]] founded the [[Communist Party of China]] as a study society and informal network. Mao set up a Changsha branch and opened a bookstore for the purpose of propagating revolutionary literature throughout Hunan.  
  
===Collaboration with the Kuomintang: 1922–27===
+
By 1921, small Marxist groups existed in Shanghai, Beijing, Changsha, Wuhan, Canton, and Jinan, and it was decided to hold a central meeting, which began in Shanghai on July 23, 1921. This first session of the [[National Congress of the Communist Party of China]] was attended by 13 delegates, Mao included, and met in a girls' school that was closed for the summer. After the authorities sent a police spy to the congress, the delegates moved to a boat on South Lake near Chiahsing to escape detection.  
[[File:Mao1927.jpg|right|upright|thumb|Mao the revolutionary in 1927.]]
 
At the Third Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai in June 1923, the delegates reaffirmed their commitment to working with the KMT against the Beiyang government and imperialists. Supporting this position, Mao was elected to the Party Committee, taking up residence in Shanghai.
 
<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=74–76}}</ref> Attending the First KMT Congress, held in [[Guangzhou]] in early 1924, Mao was elected an alternate member of the KMT Central Executive Committee, and put forward four resolutions to decentralise power to urban and rural bureaus. His enthusiastic support for the KMT earned him the suspicion of some communists.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=76–82}}</ref> In late 1924, Mao returned to Shaoshan to recuperate from an illness. Discovering that the peasantry were increasingly restless due to the upheaval of the past decade, some had seized land from wealthy landowners to found communes; this convinced him of the revolutionary potential of the peasantry, an idea advocated by the KMT but not the communists.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=78}}.</ref> As a result, he was appointed to run the KMT's [[Peasant Movement Training Institute at Guangzhou|Peasant Movement Training Institute]], also becoming Director of its Propaganda Department and editing its ''Political Weekly'' ''(Zhengzhi zhoubao)'' newsletter.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=85, 87}};</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 36">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=36}}</ref>
 
Through the Peasant Movement Training Institute, Mao took an active role in organizing the revolutionary Hunanese peasants and preparing them for militant activity, taking them through military training exercises and getting them to study various left-wing texts.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=82, 90–91}}</ref> In the winter of 1925, Mao fled to [[Guangzhou|Canton]] after his revolutionary activities attracted the attention of Zhao's regional authorities.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=83}}</ref>
 
  
The communists dominated the left wing of the KMT, struggling for power with the party's right wing. When party leader Sun Yat-sen died in May 1925, he was succeeded by a rightist, [[Chiang Kai-shek]], who initiated moves to marginalise the position of the communists.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=84,89}}.</ref> Mao nevertheless supported Chiang's decision to overthrow the Beiyang government and their foreign imperialist allies using the [[National Revolutionary Army]], who embarked on the [[Northern Expedition]] in 1926.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=87, 92–93}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=39}}</ref> In the wake of this expedition, peasants rose up, appropriating the land of the wealthy landowners, whom were in many cases killed. Such uprisings angered senior KMT figures, who were themselves landowners, emphasizing the growing class and ideological divide within the revolutionary movement.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=95}}</ref>
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Now party secretary for Hunan, Mao was stationed in Changsha, from which he went on a Communist recruitment drive. In August 1921, he founded the Self-Study University, through which readers could gain access to revolutionary literature, housed in the premises of the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi. Taking part in the Chinese National [[YMCA]] mass education movement to fight illiteracy, he opened a Changsha branch, though replaced the usual textbooks with revolutionary tracts in order to spread Marxism among the students. He continued organizing the labor movement to strike against the administration of Hunan Governor [[Zhao Hengti]]. In July 1922, the Second Congress of the Communist Party took place in Shanghai. Adopting Lenin's advice, the delegates agreed to an alliance with the "bourgeois democrats" of the KMT for the good of the "national revolution." Communist Party members joined the KMT, hoping to push its politics leftward. Mao enthusiastically agreed with this decision, arguing for an alliance across China's socio-economic classes.
{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=#ACE1AF|quote="Revolution is not a dinner party, nor an essay, nor a painting, nor a piece of embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another."|source=—Mao, February 1927.<ref>{{cite web|url= http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/china_1900_mao_war.htm |title= Mao Zedong on War and Revolution |publisher= Columbia University |work= Quotations from Mao Zedong on War and Revolution |accessdate= November 12, 2011 }}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=41}}</ref> }}
 
  
In March 1927, Mao appeared at the Third Plenum of the KMT Central Executive Committee in Wuhan, which sought to strip General Chiang of his power by appointing [[Wang Jingwei]] leader. There, Mao played an active role in the discussions regarding the peasant issue, defending a set of "Regulations for the Repression of Local Bullies and Bad Gentry," which advocated the death penalty or life imprisonment for anyone found guilty of [[counter-revolution]]ary activity, arguing that in a revolutionary situation, "peaceful methods cannot suffice".<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=98}}</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 42">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=42}}</ref> In April 1927, Mao was appointed to the KMT's five-member Central Land Committee, urging peasants to refuse to pay rent. Mao led another group to put together a "Draft Resolution on the Land Question," which called for the confiscation of land belonging to "local bullies and bad gentry, corrupt officials, militarists and all counter-revolutionary elements in the villages." Proceeding to carry out a "Land Survey," he stated that anyone owning over 30 ''mou'' (four and a half acres), constituting 13% of the population, were uniformly counter-revolutionary. He accepted that there was great variation in revolutionary enthusiasm across the country, and that a flexible policy of land redistribution was necessary.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=99–100}}</ref> Presenting his conclusions at the Enlarged Land Committee meeting, many expressed reservations, some believing that it went too far, and others not far enough. Ultimately, his suggestions were only partially implemented.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=100}}</ref>
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===Collaboration with the Kuomintang===
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[[File:Mao1927.jpg|right|300px|thumb|Mao the revolutionary in 1927.]]
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At the Third Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai in June 1923, the delegates reaffirmed their commitment to working with the KMT against the Beiyang government and imperialists. Supporting this position, Mao was elected to the Party Committee, taking up residence in Shanghai. Attending the First KMT Congress, held in [[Guangzhou]] in early 1924, Mao was elected an alternate member of the KMT Central Executive Committee, and put forward four resolutions to decentralize power to urban and rural bureaus. His enthusiastic support for the KMT earned him the suspicion of some communists.<ref name=Schram/> In late 1924, Mao returned to Shaoshan to recuperate from an illness. Discovering that the [[peasantry]] were increasingly restless due to the upheaval of the past decade (some had seized land from wealthy landowners to found communes) he became convinced of the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. As a result, Mao was appointed to run the KMT's [[Peasant Movement Training Institute at Guangzhou|Peasant Movement Training Institute]], also becoming Director of its Propaganda Department and editing its ''Political Weekly'' ''(Zhengzhi zhoubao)'' newsletter.<ref name=Feigon/>
  
==Civil War==
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Through the Peasant Movement Training Institute, Mao took an active role in organizing the revolutionary Hunanese peasants and preparing them for militant activity, taking them through military training exercises and getting them to study various left-wing texts. In the winter of 1925, Mao fled to [[Guangzhou|Canton]] after his revolutionary activities attracted the attention of Zhao's regional authorities.
  
===The Nanchang and Autumn Harvest Uprisings: 1927===
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When KMT party leader Sun Yat-sen died in May 1925, he was succeeded by a rightist, [[Chiang Kai-shek]], who initiated moves to marginalize the position of the communists. Mao nevertheless supported Chiang's decision to overthrow the Beiyang government and their foreign imperialist allies using the [[National Revolutionary Army]], who embarked on the [[Northern Expedition]] in 1926. In the wake of this expedition, peasants rose up, appropriating the land of the wealthy landowners, many of whom were killed. Such uprisings angered senior KMT figures, who were themselves landowners, emphasizing the growing class and ideological divide within the revolutionary movement.
Fresh from the success of the Northern Expedition to overthrow the warlords, Chiang turned on the communists, who by now numbered in the tens of thousands across China. Ignoring the orders of the Wuhan-based KMT government, he marched on Shanghai, a city controlled by communist militias. Although the communists welcomed Chiang's arrival, he turned on them, massacring 5000 with the aid of the [[Green Gang]].<ref name="Feigon 2002 42"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=106}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=61–62}}</ref> Chiang's army then marched on Wuhan, but was prevented from taking the city by communist General [[Ye Ting]] and his troops.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=112}}</ref> Chiang's allies also attacked communists; in Beijing, 19 leading communists were killed by [[Zhang Zuolin]], while in Changsha, He Jian's forces machine gunned hundreds of peasant militiamen.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=106–109, 112–113}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p62">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=62}}</ref> That May, tens of thousands of communists and their sympathisers were killed by nationalists, with the CPC losing approximately {{formatnum:15000}} of its {{formatnum:25000}} members.<ref name="Carter1976 p62"/>
 
  
{{Quote box|width=15em|align=left|bgcolor=#ACE1AF|quote="'Eagles cleave the air,<br/>Fish glide in the limpid deep;<br/>Under freezing skies a million<br/>creatures contend in freedom.<br/>Brooding over this immensity,<br/>I ask, on this boundless land<br/>Who rules over man's destiny?"|source=—Excerpt from Mao's<br/> poem "Changsha," September 1927.<ref name="Carter1976 p64">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=64}}</ref> }}
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In March 1927, Mao appeared at the Third Plenum of the KMT Central Executive Committee in Wuhan, which sought to strip General Chiang of his power by appointing [[Wang Jingwei]] leader. There, Mao played an active role in the discussions regarding the peasant issue, defending a set of "Regulations for the Repression of Local Bullies and Bad Gentry," which advocated the death penalty or life imprisonment for anyone found guilty of [[counter-revolution]]ary activity, arguing that in a revolutionary situation, "peaceful methods cannot suffice."<ref name=Feigon/> In April 1927, Mao was appointed to the KMT's five-member Central Land Committee, urging peasants to refuse to pay rent. Mao led another group to put together a "Draft Resolution on the Land Question," which called for the confiscation of land belonging to "local bullies and bad gentry, corrupt officials, militarists and all counter-revolutionary elements in the villages." <ref name=Schram/>
The CPC continued supporting the Wuhan KMT government, a position Mao initially supported,<ref name="Carter1976 p62"/> but he had changed his mind by the time of the CPC's Fifth Congress, deciding to stake all hope on the peasant militia.<ref name="Carter1976 p63">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=63}}</ref> The question was rendered moot when the Wuhan government expelled all communists from the KMT on 15 July.<ref name="Carter1976 p63"/> The CPC founded the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army of China, better known as the "[[History of the People's Liberation Army#From the founding of the People's Liberation Army to the Korean War|Red Army]]," to battle Chiang. A battalion led by General [[Zhu De]] was ordered to take the city of [[Nanchang]] on 1 August 1927 in what became known as the [[Nanchang Uprising]]; initially successful, they were forced into retreat after five days, marching south to [[Shantou]], and from there being driven into the wilderness of [[Fujian]].<ref name="Carter1976 p63"/> Appointed commander-in-chief of the Red Army, Mao led four regiments against Changsha in the [[Autumn Harvest Uprising]], hoping to spark peasant uprisings across Hunan. On the eve of the attack, Mao composed a poem—the earliest of his to survive—titled "Changsha." His plan was to attack the KMT-held city from three directions on 9 September, but the Fourth Regiment deserted to the KMT cause, attacking the Third Regiment. Mao's army made it to Changsha, but could not take it; by 15 September, he accepted defeat, with 1000 survivors marching east to the [[Jinggang Mountains]] of [[Jiangxi]].<ref name="Carter1976 p64"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=122–125}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=46–47}}</ref>
 
  
In their biography of Mao, Mao: the unknown story, Jung Chang and Jon Halliday dispute this version of events.<ref>Jung Chang and Jon Halliday; Mao: The unknown story, 2005, Random House</ref> Chang and Halliday claim that the 'uprising' was in fact sabotaged by Mao to allow him to snare a force of Nationalist mutineers from Nanchang who were crossing over to the CCP, prevent them from defecting to any other CCP leader, and enhance his own personal power within the CCP. They claim that Mao's three-day delay in seeing the other leaders of the Hunan uprising, scheduled for 15 August but delayed by Mao until 18 August, was to allow Mao to check that the mutineers would still be passing close by and that if Mao had not had the opportunity of adding this force to his own forces within the CCP he would not have gone to south Hunan.<ref name="ChangHalliday">Chang, Halliday; Mao, Chapt.5</ref>
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==Civil War==
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{{Main|Chinese Civil War}}
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In 1927 Mao's Autumn Harvest Uprising showed the potential revolutionary power of the [[peasant]]s. At the same time, the KMT's military leader Generalissimo [[Chiang Kai-shek]] mounted an anti-communist purge, setting off the [[Chinese Civil War]].  
  
Chang and Halliday also claim that Mao lobbied to 'narrow down' the uprising and talked the other leaders (including Russian diplomats at the Soviet consulate in Changsha who, Chang and Halliday claim, had been controlling much of the CCP activity) into striking only at Changsha. This, they say, was in order to allow Mao to also gain control of a force of 1,700 peasant rebels and defectors from the Nationalist army who were near Changsha. Chang and Halliday point out that once Mao had gained control of these men, he then moved to a position 100&nbsp;km east of Changsha at Wenjiashi and was there on 11 September, the uprising's launch date, far from his troops, and that on 14 September, before the troops had reached Changsha or met heavy resistance, Mao ordered them to abandon the assault on Changsha and converge on his position. Chang and Halliday report a view sent to Moscow by the secretary of the Soviet Consulate in Changsha that the retreat was 'the most despicable treachery and cowardice.'<ref name="ChangHalliday" />
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===The Nanchang and Autumn Harvest Uprisings===
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The CPC continued supporting the Wuhan KMT government, a position Mao initially supported, but he had changed his mind by the time of the CPC's Fifth Congress, deciding to stake all hope on the [[peasant]] [[militia]].<ref name=Carter/> The question was rendered moot when the Wuhan government expelled all communists from the KMT. The CPC founded the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army of China, better known as the "[[Red Army]]," to battle Chiang. A battalion led by General [[Zhu De]] was ordered to take the city of [[Nanchang]] on August 1, 1927 in what became known as the [[Nanchang Uprising]]; initially successful, they were forced into retreat after five days, marching south to [[Shantou]], and from there being driven into the wilderness of [[Fujian]].  
  
Chang and Halliday allege that Mao later fabricated the version of events (which is still that taught by the CCP) in order to hide the fact that far from leading a peasant uprising, he hijacked it for his own personal ends, sabotaged the organisation, and departed with the new troops before the attack on Changsha had begun.<ref name="ChangHalliday" />
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Appointed commander-in-chief of the Red Army, Mao led four regiments against Changsha in the [[Autumn Harvest Uprising]], hoping to spark peasant uprisings across Hunan. On the eve of the attack, Mao composed a poem—the earliest of his to survive—titled "Changsha." Mao's plan was to attack the KMT-held city from three directions on September 9, but the Fourth Regiment deserted to the KMT cause, attacking the Third Regiment. Mao's army made it to Changsha, but could not take it; by September 15 he accepted defeat, with 1,000 survivors marching east to the [[Jinggang Mountains]] of [[Jiangxi]].<ref name=Feigon/>
  
===Base in Jinggangshan: 1927–1928===
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The CPC Central Committee expelled Mao from their rank and from the Hunan Provincial Committee, punishment for his "military opportunism," for his focus on rural activity, and for being too lenient with "bad gentry." Setting up base in [[Jinggangshan City]], an area of the Jinggang Mountains, Mao united five villages as a self-governing state, supporting the confiscation of land from rich landlords, who were "re-educated" and sometimes executed. He ensured that no massacres took place in the region, pursuing a more lenient approach than that advocated by the Central Committee.<ref name=Schram/> Proclaiming that "Even the lame, the deaf and the blind could all come in useful for the revolutionary struggle," he boosted the army's numbers, incorporating two groups of bandits into his army, building a force of around {{formatnum:1800}} troops. He laid down rules for his soldiers: prompt obedience to orders, all confiscations were to be turned over to the government, and nothing was to be confiscated from poorer peasants. In doing so, he molded his men into a disciplined, efficient fighting force.<ref name=Carter/>
Hiding in Shanghai, the CPC Central Committee expelled Mao from their rank and from the Hunan Provincial Committee, punishment for his "military opportunism," for his focus on rural activity, and for being too lenient with "bad gentry." They nevertheless adopted three policies he had long championed: the immediate formation of [[Workers' council|soviet]]s, the confiscation of all land without exemption, and the rejection of the KMT. Mao's response was to ignore them.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=125}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=68}}</ref> Setting up base in [[Jinggangshan City]], an area of the Jinggang Mountains, Mao united five villages as a self-governing state, supporting the confiscation of land from rich landlords, who were "re-educated" and sometimes executed. He ensured that no massacres took place in the region, pursuing a more lenient approach than that advocated by the Central Committee.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=130}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=67–68}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=48}}</ref> Proclaiming that "Even the lame, the deaf and the blind could all come in useful for the revolutionary struggle," he boosted the army's numbers,<ref name="Carter1976 p69">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=69}}</ref> incorporating two groups of bandits into his army, building a force of around {{formatnum:1800}} troops.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=126–127}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=66–67}}</ref> He laid down rules for his soldiers: prompt obedience to orders, all confiscations were to be turned over to the government, and nothing was to be confiscated from poorer peasants. In doing so, he molded his men into a disciplined, efficient fighting force.<ref name="Carter1976 p69"/>
 
  
{{Quote box|width=20em|align=left|bgcolor=#ACE1AF|quote="When the enemy advances, we retreat.<br/>When the enemy retreats, we advance.<br/>When the enemy rests, we harass him.<br/>When the enemy avoids a battle, we attack."|source= Mao's advice in combating the Kuomintang, 1928.<ref name="Carter1976 p70">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=70}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=159}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=47}}</ref> }}
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In spring 1928, the Central Committee ordered Mao's troops to southern Hunan, hoping to spark peasant uprisings. Mao was skeptical, but complied. Reaching Hunan, they were attacked by the KMT and fled after heavy losses. Meanwhile, KMT troops had invaded Jinggangshan, leaving them without a base. Wandering the countryside, Mao's forces came across a CPC regiment led by General [[Zhu De]] and [[Lin Biao]]; they united and retook Jinggangshan after prolonged guerrilla war against the KMT. Joined by a defecting KMT regiment and [[Peng Dehuai]]'s Fifth Red Army, the mountainous area was unable to grow enough crops to feed everyone, leading to food shortages throughout the winter.<ref name=Feigon/>
  
In spring 1928, the Central Committee ordered Mao's troops to southern Hunan, hoping to spark peasant uprisings. Mao was skeptical, but complied. Reaching Hunan, they were attacked by the KMT and fled after heavy losses. Meanwhile, KMT troops had invaded Jinggangshan, leaving them without a base.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=131}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=68–69}}</ref> Wandering the countryside, Mao's forces came across a CPC regiment led by General [[Zhu De]] and [[Lin Biao]]; they united, attempting to retake Jinggangshan. Initially successful, the KMT counter-attacked, pushing the CPC back; over the next few weeks, they fought an entrenched guerrilla war in the mountains.<ref name="Carter1976 p70"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=128, 132}}</ref> Central Committee again ordered Mao to march to south Hunan, but he refused, remaining at his base. Contrastingly, Zhu complied, leading his armies away; the KMT attacked Mao's base, and although his troops fended them off for 25 days, Mao left the camp at night to find reinforcements. Reuniting with the decimated Zhu's army, they returned to Jinggangshan and retook the base. Joined by a defecting KMT regiment and [[Peng Dehuai]]'s Fifth Red Army, the mountainous area was unable to grow enough crops to feed everyone, leading to food shortages throughout the winter.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=133–137}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=70–71}}</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 50">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=50}}.</ref>
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===Jiangxi Soviet Republic of China===
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[[File:1928 Mao and third wife He Jijen.jpg|thumb|400px|Mao with his third wife, [[He Zizhen]].]]
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In January 1929, Mao and Zhu evacuated the base and took their armies south, to the area around [[Tonggu County|Tonggu]] and [[Xinfeng County, Jiangxi|Xinfeng]] in [[Jiangxi]], which they consolidated as a new base. Together having 2,000 men, with a further 800 provided by Peng, the evacuation led to a drop in morale, and many troops became disobedient and began thieving; this worried [[Li Lisan]] and the Central Committee. Li believed that only the urban [[proletariat]] could lead a successful revolution, and saw little need for Mao's [[peasant]] [[guerrilla]]s. Mao refused to disband his army or abandon his base. Officials in Moscow desired greater control over the CPC, removing Li from power by calling him to Russia for an inquest into his errors and replacing him with Soviet-educated Chinese communists, known as the "[[28 Bolsheviks]]," two of whom, [[Bo Gu]] and [[Zhang Wentian]], took control of the Central Committee. Mao disagreed with the new leadership, believing they grasped little of the Chinese situation, and soon emerged as their key rival.<ref name=Schram/>
  
===Jiangxi Soviet Republic of China: 1929–1934===
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In February 1930, Mao created the Southwest Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government in the region under his control. In November his wife and sister were captured and beheaded by KMT general He Jian. Mao then married [[He Zizhen]], an 18-year-old revolutionary who bore him five children over the following nine years.<ref name=Feigon/> Members of the Jiangxi Soviet accused him of being too moderate, and hence anti-revolutionary. In December, they tried to overthrow Mao, resulting in the [[Futian incident]]; putting down the rebels, Mao's loyalists [[torture]]d many and executed between 2,000 and 3,000 dissenters.<ref name=Schram/> Seeing it as a secure area, the CPC Central Committee moved to Jiangxi, which in November was proclaimed to be the [[Soviet Republic of China]], an independent Communist-governed state. Although proclaimed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Mao's power was diminished, with control of the Red Army being allocated to [[Zhou Enlai]]; Mao meanwhile recovered from [[tuberculosis]].<ref name=Carter/>
[[File:1928 Mao and third wife He Jijen.jpg|thumb|220px|Mao with his third wife, [[He Zizhen]].]]
 
In January 1929, Mao and Zhu evacuated the base and took their armies south, to the area around [[Tonggu County|Tonggu]] and [[Xinfeng County, Jiangxi|Xinfeng]] in [[Jiangxi]], which they consolidated as a new base.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=138}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=71–72}}</ref> Together having 2000 men, with a further 800 provided by Peng, the evacuation led to a drop in morale, and many troops became disobedient and began thieving; this worried [[Li Lisan]] and the Central Committee, who saw Mao's army as ''[[lumpenproletariat]]'' unable to share in proletariat [[class consciousness]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=138, 141}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p72">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=72}}</ref> In keeping with orthodox Marxist thought, Li believed that only the urban proletariat could lead a successful revolution, and saw little need for Mao's peasant guerrillas; he ordered Mao to disband his army into units to be sent out to spread the revolutionary message. Mao replied that while concurring with Li's theoretical position, he would not disband his army or abandon his base.<ref name="Carter1976 p72"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=139}}</ref> Both Li and Mao saw the Chinese revolution as the key to [[world revolution]], believing that a CPC victory would spark the overthrow of global imperialism and capitalism. In this, they disagreed with the official line of the Soviet government and Comintern. Officials in Moscow desired greater control over the CPC, removing Li from power by calling him to Russia for an inquest into his errors.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=146–149}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p75">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=75}}</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 51">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=51}}</ref> They replaced him with Soviet-educated Chinese communists, known as the "[[28 Bolsheviks]]," two of whom, [[Bo Gu]] and [[Zhang Wentian]], took control of the Central Committee. Mao disagreed with the new leadership, believing they grasped little of the Chinese situation, and soon emerged as their key rival.<ref name="Carter1976 p75"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=149–151}}</ref>
 
  
In February 1930, Mao created the Southwest Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government in the region under his control,<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=149}}</ref> in November suffering emotional trauma after his wife and sister were captured and beheaded by KMT general He Jian.<ref name="Feigon 2002 50"/><ref name="Carter1976 p75"/><ref name="Schram1966 p153">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=153}}</ref> He then married [[He Zizhen]], an 18-year-old revolutionary who bore him five children over the following nine years.<ref name="Feigon 2002 51"/><ref name="Schram p208"/> Facing internal problems, members of the Jiangxi Soviet accused him of being too moderate, and hence anti-revolutionary. In December, they tried to overthrow Mao, resulting in the [[Futian incident]]; putting down the rebels, Mao's loyalists tortured many and executed between 2000 and 3000 dissenters.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=152}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p76">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=76}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=51–53}}</ref> Seeing it as a secure area, the CPC Central Committee moved to Jiangxi, which in November was proclaimed to be the [[Soviet Republic of China]], an independent Communist-governed state. Although proclaimed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Mao's power was diminished, with control of the Red Army being allocated to [[Zhou Enlai]]; Mao meanwhile recovered from [[tuberculosis]].<ref name="Carter1976 p77">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=77}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=154–155}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=54–55}}</ref>
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[[File:Mao1931.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Mao in 1931.]]
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Attempting to defeat the Communists, the KMT armies adopted a policy of [[Encirclement Campaigns|encirclement and annihilation]]; outnumbered, Mao responded with guerrilla tactics, but Zhou and the new leadership replaced this approach with a policy of open confrontation and conventional warfare. In doing so the Red Army successfully defeated [[First Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|the first]] and [[Second Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|second encirclements]]. Angered at his armies' failure, [[Chiang Kai-shek]] personally arrived to lead the operation; also facing setbacks, he retreated to deal with the [[Mukden Incident|further Japanese incursions into China]]. Victorious, the Red Army expanded its area of control, eventually encompassing a population of 3 million. Viewing the Communists as a greater threat than the Japanese, Chiang returned to Jiangxi, initiating the [[Fifth Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|fifth encirclement campaign]], involving the construction of a concrete and barbed wire "wall of fire" around the state, accompanied by aerial bombardment, to which Zhou's tactics proved ineffective. Trapped inside, morale among the Red Army dropped as food and medicine became scarce, and the leadership decided to evacuate.<ref name=Feigon/>
  
[[File:Mao1931.jpg|thumb|left|150px|Mao in 1931.]]
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===The Long March===
Attempting to defeat the Communists, the KMT armies adopted a policy of [[Encirclement Campaigns|encirclement and annihilation]]; outnumbered, Mao responded with guerrilla tactics influenced by the works of ancient military strategists like [[Sun Tzu]], but Zhou and the new leadership replaced this approach with a policy of open confrontation and conventional warfare. In doing so the Red Army successfully defeated [[First Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|the first]] and [[Second Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|second encirclements]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=155–161}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p78">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=78}}</ref> Angered at his armies' failure, Chiang Kaishek personally arrived to lead the operation; also facing setbacks, he retreated to deal with the [[Mukden Incident|further Japanese incursions into China]].<ref name="Carter1976 p77"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=161–165}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=53–54}}</ref> Victorious, the Red Army expanded its area of control, eventually encompassing a population of 3 million.<ref name="Carter1976 p78"/> Mao proceeded with his land reform program, in November 1931 announcing the start of a "land verification project" which was expanded in June 1933, also orchestrating education programs and implementing measures to increase female political participation.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=166−168}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=55}}</ref> Viewing the Communists as a greater threat than the Japanese, Chiang returned to Jiangxi, initiating the [[Fifth Encirclement Campaign against Jiangxi Soviet|fifth encirclement campaign]], involving the construction of a concrete and barbed wire "wall of fire" around the state, accompanied by aerial bombardment, to which Zhou's tactics proved ineffective. Trapped inside, morale among the Red Army dropped as food and medicine became scarce, and the leadership decided to evacuate.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=175−177}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=80−81}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=56−57}}</ref>
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{{Main|Long March}}
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On October 14, 1934, the Red Army broke through the KMT line on the Jiangxi Soviet's south-west corner at Xinfeng with {{formatnum:85000}} soldiers and {{formatnum:15000}} party cadres and embarked on the "[[Long March]]." In order to make the escape, many of the wounded and the ill as well as women and children, including Mao's two young children born to He Zizhen who accompanied Mao on the march, were left behind. They took [[Zunyi]] in January 1935 where they [[Zunyi Conference|held a conference]]. Mao was elected to a position of leadership, becoming Chairman of [[Politburo of the Communist Party of China|the Politburo]] and ''de facto'' leader of both Party and Red Army, in part because his candidacy was supported by Soviet Premier [[Joseph Stalin]]. Insisting that they operate as a [[guerrilla]] force, Mao laid out a destination: the Shenshi Soviet in [[Shaanxi]], Northern China, from where the Communists could focus on fighting the Japanese.
  
===The Long March: 1934–1935===
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Mao led his troops to [[Loushan Pass]], where they faced armed opposition but successfully crossed the river. Chiang flew into the area to lead his armies against Mao, but the Communists out-maneuvered him and crossed the [[Jinsha River]]. Faced with the more difficult task of crossing the [[Tatu River]], they managed it by fighting a battle over the [[Luding Bridge]] in May, taking [[Luding County|Luding]]. Marching through the mountain ranges around [[Ma'anshan]], in Moukung, Western Szechuan they encountered the {{formatnum:50000}}-strong CPC Fourth Front Army of [[Zhang Guotao]], together proceeding to Maoerhkai and then [[Gansu]]. However, Zhang and Mao disagreed over what to do; the latter wished to proceed to Shaanxi, while Zhang wanted to flee east to [[Tibet]] or [[Sikkim]], far from the KMT threat. It was agreed that they would go their separate ways, with [[Zhu De]] joining Zhang. Mao's forces proceeded north, through hundreds of miles of [[Mongolian-Manchurian grassland|Grasslands]], an area of quagmire where they were attacked by [[Manchu people|Manchu tribesman]] and where many soldiers succumbed to famine and disease. Finally reaching [[Shaanxi]], they fought off both the KMT and an Islamic cavalry militia before crossing over the [[Min Mountains]] and Mount Liupan and reaching the Shenshi Soviet; only 7-8,000 had survived.<ref name=Feigon/>
On 14 October 1934, the Red Army broke through the KMT line on the Jiangxi Soviet's south-west corner at Xinfeng with {{formatnum:85000}} soldiers and {{formatnum:15000}} party cadres and embarked on the "[[Long March]]." In order to make the escape, many of the wounded and the ill, as well as women and children, were left behind, defended by a group of guerrilla fighters whom the KMT massacred.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=180}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=81−82}}</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 57">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=57}}</ref> The {{formatnum:100000}} who escaped headed to southern Hunan, first crossing the [[Xiang River]] after heavy fighting,<ref name="Feigon 2002 57"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=180−181}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=83}}</ref> and then the [[Wu River (Yuan River, north)|Wu River]], in [[Guizhou]] where they took [[Zunyi]] in January 1935. Temporarily resting in the city, they [[Zunyi Conference|held a conference]]; here, Mao was elected to a position of leadership, becoming Chairman of [[Politburo of the Communist Party of China|the Politburo]], and ''de facto'' leader of both Party and Red Army, in part because his candidacy was supported by Soviet Premier [[Joseph Stalin]]. Insisting that they operate as a guerrilla force, he laid out a destination: the Shenshi Soviet in [[Shaanxi]], Northern China, from where the Communists could focus on fighting the Japanese. Mao believed that in focusing on the anti-imperialist struggle, the Communists would earn the trust of the Chinese people, who in turn would renounce the KMT.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=181}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=84−86}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=58}}</ref>
 
  
From Zunyi, Mao led his troops to [[Loushan Pass]], where they faced armed opposition but successfully crossed the river. Chiang  flew into the area to lead his armies against Mao, but the Communists outmanoeuvred him and crossed the [[Jinsha River]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=183}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=86−87}}</ref> Faced with the more difficult task of crossing the [[Tatu River]], they managed it by fighting a battle over the [[Luding Bridge]] in May, taking [[Luding County|Luding]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=184−186}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=88−90}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=59−60}}</ref> Marching through the mountain ranges around [[Ma'anshan]],<ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=90−91}}</ref> in Moukung, Western Szechuan they encountered the {{formatnum:50000}}-strong CPC Fourth Front Army of [[Zhang Guotao]], together proceeding to Maoerhkai and then [[Gansu]]. However, Zhang and Mao disagreed over what to do; the latter wished to proceed to Shaanxi, while Zhang wanted to flee east to [[Tibet]] or [[Sikkim]], far from the KMT threat. It was agreed that they would go their separate ways, with [[Zhu De]] joining Zhang.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=186}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=91−92}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=60}}</ref> Mao's forces proceeded north, through hundreds of miles of [[Mongolian-Manchurian grassland|Grasslands]], an area of quagmire where they were attacked by [[Manchu people|Manchu tribesman]] and where many soldiers succumbed to famine and disease.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=187−188}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=92−93}}</ref><ref name="Feigon 2002 61">{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=61}}</ref> Finally reaching [[Shaanxi]], they fought off both the KMT and an Islamic cavalry militia before crossing over the [[Min Mountains]] and Mount Liupan and reaching the Shenshi Soviet; only 7-8000 had survived.<ref name="Feigon 2002 61"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=188}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=93}}</ref>  The Long March cemented Mao's status as the dominant figure in the party. In November 1935, he was named chairman of the Military Commission. From this point onward, Mao was the Communist Party's undisputed leader, even though he would not become party chairman until 1943.<ref>Barnouin, Barbara and Yu Changgen. ''Zhou Enlai: A Political Life''. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ISBN 962-996-280-2. Retrieved March 12, 2011. [http://books.google.com/books?id=NztlWQeXf2IC&printsec=frontcover&dq=zhou+enlai&hl=en&ei=wBkuTdKyB4H_8AaJucigAQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CCsQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q&f=false p.62]</ref>
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While costly, the Long March gave the Communist Party of China (CPC) the isolation it needed, allowing its army to recuperate and rebuild in the north of China. The Chinese communists developed their ideology, their methods of indoctrination and their [[guerrilla]] tactics. The determination and dedication of the surviving participants of the Long March was vital in helping the CPC to gain a positive reputation among the [[peasant]]s.
  
Many if not most of the events as later described by Mao and which now form the official story of the Communist Party of China, as told above, are seen as outright lies by historians such as Jung Chang. During the decade spent researching the book, ''Mao: The Unknown Story'',<ref>Chang, Jung and Jon Halliday; ''Mao: The Unknown Story'', Jonathan Cape, 2005</ref> for instance, Chang found evidence that there was no battle at Luding and that the CCP crossed the bridge unopposed. Chang interviewed an eye witness to the crossing of the Dadu (Tatu) River at Luding, Mrs Zhu De, then 93 years old, who recalled no deaths, save for two people who fell from the bridge at Luding while repairing it. Chang also points out the contradictions in the version of events as told by the CCP, which said the bridge was taken by a suicide attack by 22 men, but that these men were also present at a ceremony following the crossing of the bridge.<ref name="ChangHalliday_a">Chang, Halliday; Mao, Ch. 13</ref>
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The [[Long March]] cemented Mao's status as the dominant figure in the party. In November 1935, he was named chairman of the Military Commission. From this point onward, Mao was the Communist Party's undisputed leader, even though he would not become party chairman until 1943.<ref>Barbara Barnouin and Changgen Yu, ''Zhou Enlai: A Political Life'' (The Chinese University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-9629962807).</ref>
  
Chang and Halliday also dispute the Communist Party of China's official version by claiming that far from the Long March being a masterful piece of strategy by the CCP, it was in fact devised by Chiang Kai Shek, leader of the KMT. Chiang's aim was to give the CCP an easy route to follow through warlord controlled areas. Hemmed in by Nationalist troops on three sides, the CCP was forced to follow the route dictated by the KMT. The aim of this was to allow KMT forces to follow the reds into warlord controlled areas such as Sichuan and win over warlords scared of the sudden arrival of the communist force. The only glitch in this plan came when Mao refused to follow the easy route into Sichuan where he was to meet up with a red army much larger than his own and led by a more senior CCP member, Chang Kuo Tao. Mao recognised the threat Chang posed to his rising position in the CCP and doubled back to give himself time to further cement his political power, causing the needless deaths of thousands of his own troops.<ref name="ChangHalliday_a" />
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It should be noted that many of the events as later described by Mao and which now form the official story of the Communist Party of China, as told above, are regarded as lies by some historians. During the decade spent researching the book, ''Mao: The Unknown Story'', for instance, Jung Chang found evidence that there was no battle at Luding and that the CCP crossed the bridge unopposed.<ref name=ChangHalliday>Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, ''Mao: The Unknown Story'' (Jonathan Cape, 2003, ISBN 978-0224071260).</ref>
  
Chang and Halliday also point out that Mao and other top CCP leaders did not walk the Long March, but were carried on litters - Mao himself told his staff that being carried on the Long March gave him much time to read - with the litter bearers' knees being worn to the bone when forced to carry Mao up mountains.<ref name="ChangHalliday_a" />
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===Alliance with the Kuomintang===
 
 
===Alliance with the Kuomintang: 1935–1940===
 
 
{{Main|Second Sino-Japanese War}}
 
{{Main|Second Sino-Japanese War}}
[[File:1946 Mao and Chiang.jpg|thumb|In an effort to defeat the Japanese, Mao (left) agreed to collaborate with Chiang (right).]]
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[[File:1946 Mao and Chiang.jpg|thumb|400px|In an effort to defeat the Japanese, Mao (left) agreed to collaborate with Chiang (right).]]
Arriving at the [[Yan'an]] Soviet during October 1935, Mao's troops settled in Pao An. Remaining there till spring 1936, they developed links with local communities, redistributed and farmed the land, offered medical treatment and began literacy programs.<ref name="Feigon 2002 61"/><ref name="Schram p193">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=193}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=94−96}}</ref> Mao now commanded {{formatnum:15000}} soldiers, boosted by the arrival of [[He Long]]'s men from Hunan and the armies of Zhu Den and Zhang Guotao, returning from Tibet.<ref name="Schram p193"/> In February 1936 they established the North West Anti-Japanese Red Army University in Yan'an, through which they trained increasing numbers of new recruits.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=206−207}}</ref> In January 1937 they began the "anti-Japanese expedition," sending groups of guerrilla fighters into Japanese-controlled territory to undertake sporadic attacks,<ref name="Schram1966 p20">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=20}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=101}}</ref> while in May 1937, a Communist Conference was held in Yan'an to discuss the situation.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=202}}</ref> Western reporters also arrived in the "Border Region" (as the Soviet had been renamed); most notable were [[Edgar Snow]], who used his experiences as a basis for ''[[Red Star Over China]]'', and [[Agnes Smedley]], whose accounts brought international attention to Mao's cause.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=209−210}}</ref>
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Arriving at the [[Yan'an]] Soviet during October 1935, Mao's troops settled in Pao An. Remaining there till spring 1936, they developed links with local communities, redistributed and farmed the land, offered medical treatment and began literacy programs.<ref name=Feigon/> Mao now commanded {{formatnum:15000}} soldiers, boosted by the arrival of [[He Long]]'s men from Hunan and the armies of Zhu Den and Zhang Guotao, returning from Tibet. In February 1936 they established the North West Anti-Japanese Red Army University in Yan'an, through which they trained increasing numbers of new recruits. In January 1937 they began the "anti-Japanese expedition," sending groups of guerrilla fighters into Japanese-controlled territory to undertake sporadic attacks, while in May 1937, a Communist Conference was held in Yan'an to discuss the situation. Western reporters also arrived in the "Border Region" (as the Soviet had been renamed); most notable were [[Edgar Snow]], who used his experiences as a basis for ''[[Red Star Over China]]'', and [[Agnes Smedley]], whose accounts brought international attention to Mao's cause.<ref name=Schram/>
  
On the Long March, Mao's wife He Zizen had been injured from a shrapnel wound to the head, and so traveled to Moscow for medical treatment; Mao proceeded to divorce her and marry an actress, [[Jiang Qing]].<ref name="Schram p208">{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=208}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=95}}</ref> Mao moved into a cave-house and spent much of his time reading, tending his garden and theorizing.<ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=95−96}}</ref> He came to believe that the Red Army alone was unable to defeat the Japanese, and that a Communist-led "government of national defense" should be formed with the KMT and other "bourgeois nationalist" elements to achieve this goal.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=194}}</ref> Although despising Chiang Kai-shek as a "traitor to the nation",<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=196}}</ref> on May 5 he telegrammed the Military Council of the Nanking National Government proposing a military alliance, a course of action advocated by Stalin.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=197}}</ref> Although Chiang intended to ignore Mao's message and continue the civil war, he was arrested by one of his own generals, [[Zhang Xueliang]], in [[Xi'an]], leading to the [[Xi'an Incident]]; Zhang forced Chiang to discuss the issue with the Communists, resulting in the formation of a [[Second United Front (China)|United Front]] with concessions on both sides on December 25, 1937.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=198−200}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=98−99}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|pp=64−65}}</ref>
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On the [[Long March]], Mao's wife He Zizen had been injured from a shrapnel wound to the head, and so traveled to Moscow for medical treatment; Mao proceeded to [[divorce]] her and marry an actress, [[Jiang Qing]]. Mao moved into a cave-house and spent much of his time reading, tending his garden and theorizing.<ref name=Carter/> He came to believe that the Red Army alone was unable to defeat the Japanese, and that a Communist-led "government of national defense" should be formed with the KMT and other "bourgeois nationalist" elements to achieve this goal. Although despising [[Chiang Kai-shek]] as a "traitor to the nation", on May 5 he telegrammed the Military Council of the Nanking National Government proposing a military alliance, a course of action advocated by Stalin.<ref name=Schram/> Although Chiang intended to ignore Mao's message and continue the civil war, he was arrested by one of his own generals, [[Zhang Xueliang]], in [[Xi'an]], leading to the [[Xi'an Incident]]; Zhang forced Chiang to discuss the issue with the Communists, resulting in the formation of a [[Second United Front (China)|United Front]] with concessions on both sides on December 25, 1937.<ref name=Feigon/>
  
[[File:Mao1938a.jpg|left|thumb|Mao in 1938, writing ''On Protracted War''.]]
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[[File:Mao1938a.jpg|400px|thumb|Mao in 1938, writing ''On Protracted War''.]]
  
The Japanese had taken both [[Shanghai]] and [[Nanjing|Nanking]]—resulting in the [[Nanking Massacre]], an atrocity Mao never spoke of all his life—pushing the Kuomintang government inland to [[Chongqing|Chungking]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=211}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=100−101}}</ref> The Japanese's brutality led increasing numbers of Chinese joining the fight, with the Red Army growing from {{formatnum:50000}} to {{formatnum:500000}}.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=205}}</ref><ref name="Carter1976 p105">{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=105}}</ref> In August 1938, the Red Army formed the [[New Fourth Army]] and the [[Eighth Route Army]], which were nominally under the command of Chiang's [[National Revolutionary Army]].<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=204}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=66}}</ref> In August 1940, the Red Army initiated the [[Hundred Regiments Campaign]], in which {{formatnum:400000}} troops attacked the Japanese simultaneously in five provinces; a military success, it resulted in the death of {{formatnum:20000}} Japanese, the disruption of railways and the loss of a coal mine.<ref name="Carter1976 p105"/><ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|p=217}}</ref> From his base in Yan'an, Mao authored several texts for his troops, including ''Philosophy of Revolution'', which offered an introduction to the Marxist theory of knowledge, ''Protracted Warfare'', which dealt with guerrilla and mobile military tactics, and ''New Democracy'', which laid forward ideas for China's future.<ref>{{harvnb|Schram|1966|pp=211−216}}; {{harvnb|Carter|1976|pp=101−10}}</ref>
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In August 1938, the Red Army formed the [[New Fourth Army]] and the [[Eighth Route Army]], which were nominally under the command of Chiang's [[National Revolutionary Army]]. In August 1940, the Red Army initiated the [[Hundred Regiments Campaign]], in which {{formatnum:400000}} troops attacked the Japanese simultaneously in five provinces; a military success, it resulted in the death of {{formatnum:20000}} Japanese, the disruption of railways and the loss of a coal mine. From his base in Yan'an, Mao authored several texts for his troops, including ''Philosophy of Revolution'', which offered an introduction to the Marxist theory of knowledge, ''Protracted Warfare'', which dealt with [[guerrilla]] and mobile military tactics, and ''New Democracy'', which laid forward ideas for China's future.
  
===Resuming civil war: 1940–1949===
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===Resuming civil war===
 +
[[File:Mao and Jiang Qing 1946.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Mao with his fourth wife, [[Jiang Qing]], called "Madame Mao," 1946]]
 +
After the end of [[World War II]], the U.S. continued their military assistance to [[Chiang Kai-shek]] and his KMT government forces against the [[People's Liberation Army]] (PLA) led by Mao in the [[Chinese Civil War|civil war]] for control of China. In 1948, under direct orders from Mao, the People's Liberation Army starved out the Kuomintang forces occupying the city of [[Changchun]]. At least {{formatnum:160000}} civilians are believed to have perished during the [[siege]], which lasted from June until October. On January 21, 1949, Kuomintang forces suffered great losses in battles against Mao's forces. In the early morning of December 10, 1949, PLA troops laid siege to Chengdu, the last KMT-held city in [[mainland China]], and Chiang Kai-shek evacuated from the mainland to Formos (now [[Taiwan]]).<ref>Dorothy Perkins (ed.), ''Encyclopedia of China: History and Culture'' (Routledge 1998, ISBN 978-1579581107).</ref>
  
In 1944, the Americans sent a special diplomatic envoy, called the [[Dixie Mission]], to the Communist Party of China. According to Edwin Moise, in ''Modern China: A History 2nd Edition'':
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==Leadership of China==
 
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On October 1, 1949 Mao proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic of China, a one-party socialist state controlled by the Communist Party. In the following years Mao solidified his control through land reforms, through a psychological victory in the [[Korean War]], and through campaigns against landlords, people he termed "counterrevolutionaries," and other perceived enemies of the state. Mao took up residence in [[Zhongnanhai]], a compound next to the [[Forbidden City]] in Beijing, and there he ordered the construction of an indoor swimming pool and other buildings.  
<blockquote>
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[[File:Mao_Proclaiming_New_China.JPG|thumb|400px|Mao Zedong declares the founding of the modern People's Republic of China, October 1, 1949]]
''Most of the Americans were favourably impressed. The CPC seemed less corrupt, more unified, and more vigorous in its resistance to Japan than the KMT. United States fliers shot down over North China&nbsp;... confirmed to their superiors that the CPC was both strong and popular over a broad area. In the end, the contacts with the USA developed with the CPC led to very little.''
 
</blockquote>
 
 
 
After the end of World War II, the U.S. continued their military assistance to Chiang Kai-shek and his KMT government forces against the [[People's Liberation Army]] (PLA) led by Mao Zedong in the [[Chinese Civil War|civil war]] for control of China. Likewise, the [[Soviet Union]] gave quasi-covert support to Mao by their occupation of north east China, which allowed the PLA to move in en masse and took large supplies of arms left by the Japanese's [[Kwantung Army]].{{citation needed|date=November 2012}}
 
 
 
In 1948, under direct orders from Mao, the People's Liberation Army starved out the Kuomintang forces occupying the city of [[Changchun]]. At least {{formatnum:160000}} civilians are believed to have perished during the [[Siege of Changchun|siege]], which lasted from June until October. PLA lieutenant colonel Zhang Zhenglu, who documented the siege in his book ''[[White Snow, Red Blood]]'', compared it to [[Hiroshima]]: ''"The casualties were about the same. Hiroshima took nine seconds; Changchun took five months."''<ref>{{cite news|title= China Is Wordless on Traumas of Communists' Rise |url= http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/02/world/asia/02anniversary.html |work= The New York Times |accessdate= October 2, 2009 |first= Andrew |last= Jacobs |date= October 2, 2009}}</ref> On January 21, 1949, Kuomintang forces suffered great losses in battles against Mao's forces. In the early morning of December 10, 1949, PLA troops laid siege to Chengdu, the last KMT-held city in [[mainland China]], and Chiang Kai-shek evacuated from the mainland to Taiwan.{{citation needed|date=November 2012}}
 
  
==Leadership of China==
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===Korea and Tibet===
[[File:Mao_Proclaiming_New_China.JPG|thumb|left|280px|Mao Zedong declares the founding of the modern People's Republic of China, October 1, 1949]]
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After Mao won the [[Chinese civil war]] in 1949, his goal became the unification of the “five races” under the big family, China.<ref name=Schaik> Sam van Schaik, ''Tibet: A History'' (Yale University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0300154047).</ref>
  
The People's Republic of China was established on October 1, 1949. It was the culmination of over two decades of civil and international wars. From 1943 to 1976, Mao was the [[Chairman of the Communist Party of China]]. During this period, Mao was called Chairman Mao ({{lang|zh-cn|毛主席}}, ''Máo Zhǔxí'') or the Great Leader Chairman Mao ({{lang|zh-cn|伟大领袖毛主席}}, ''Wěidà Lǐngxiù Máo Zhǔxí''). Mao famously announced: "We (the Chinese people) have stood up."<ref>{{cite book | quote = The phrase is often mistakenly said to have been delivered during the speech from the Gate of Heavenly Peace, but was first used on September 21, at the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, then repeated on several occasions  | editor = Cheek T | title = Mao Zedong and China's Revolutions: A Brief History with Documents | location = New York | publisher = [[Palgrave Macmillan]] | year = 2002 | page = 125 | isbn = 0-312-25626-4 }}</ref>
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In October 1950, Mao made the decision to send the Chinese [[People's Volunteer Army]] into Korea and fight against the United Nations forces led by the U.S. Historical records showed that Mao directed minute details of the campaigns in the [[Korean War]].<ref name="Burkitt">Laurie Burkitt, Andrew Scobell, and Larry M. Wortzel (eds.), ''The lessons of history: The Chinese people's Liberation Army at 75'' (Strategic Studies Institute, 2003, ISBN 978-1584871262).</ref>
  
Mao took up residence in [[Zhongnanhai]], a compound next to the [[Forbidden City]] in Beijing, and there he ordered the construction of an indoor swimming pool and other buildings. Mao's physician [[Li Zhisui]] described him as conducting business either in bed or by the side of the pool, preferring not to wear formal clothes unless absolutely necessary.<ref>{{Harvnb|Li|1994|p=xi}}</ref> Li's book, ''[[The Private Life of Chairman Mao]]'', is regarded as controversial, especially by those sympathetic to Mao.<ref>See for example, {{cite book |title= Manufacturing History: Sex, Lies and Random House's Memoirs of Mao's Physician |last= DeBorja, Q.M. and Xu L. Dong (eds) |year= 1996 |publisher= China Study Group |location= New York |ref=De96 | pages = 48}}</ref>
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Aware of Mao’s vision, the Tibetan government in Lhasa ([[Tibet]]) sent a representative, [[Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme|Ngapo Ngawang Jigme]] to [[Chamdo]], [[Kham]], a strategically high valued town near the border. Ngapo had orders to hold the position while reinforcements was coming from the Lhasa and fight off the Chinese.<ref name=Schaik/> On October 16, 1950, news came that the PLA was advancing towards Chamdo and had also taken another strategic town named, Riwoche, which could block the route to Lhasa. With new orders, Ngapo and his men retreated to a monastery where the PLA finally surrounded and captured them, though they were treated with respect. Ngapo wrote to Lhasa suggesting a peaceful surrender or “liberation” instead of war. During the negotiation, the Chinese negotiator was clear: “It is up to you to choose whether Tibet would be liberated peacefully or by force. It is only a matter of sending a telegram to the PLA group to recommence their march to Lhasa."<ref name=Schaik/> Ngapo accepted Mao’s “[[Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet|Seventeen-Point Agreement]],” which constituted Tibet as part of China, in return for which Tibet would be granted autonomy.In the face of discouraging lack of support from the rest of the world, the [[14th Dalai Lama|Dalai Lama]] on August 1951, sent a telegram to Mao accepting the Seventeen-Point Agreement.<ref name=Schaik/>
  
In October 1950, Mao made the decision to send the [[People's Volunteer Army]] into Korea and fight against the United Nations forces led by the U.S. Historical records showed that Mao directed the PVA campaigns in the [[Korean War]] to the minute details.<ref name="Burkitt">{{Cite book
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===Early Campaigns===
  | last1 = Burkitt | first1 = Laurie
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China had been through a series of land reforms before the establishment of the People's Republic of China. In 1946, land and other property of landlords were expropriated and redistributed so that each household in a rural village would have a comparable holding. Significant numbers of landlords and well-to-do peasants were beaten to death at mass meetings organized by the Communist Party as land was taken from them and given to poorer peasants.<ref name=Short>Philip Short, ''Mao: A Life'' (Henry Holt and Co., 2000, ISBN 978-0805031157).</ref> Shortly after the founding of the PRC, Mao laid down new guidelines, insisting that the people themselves should become involved in the killing of landlords who had oppressed them.<ref name=Short/> Mao thought that peasants who killed landlords with their bare hands would become permanently linked to the revolutionary process in a way that passive spectators could not be.
  | last2 = Scobell | first2 = Andrew
 
  | last3 = Wortzel | first3 = Larry M.
 
  | title = The lessons of history: The Chinese people's Liberation Army at 75
 
  | publisher = [[Strategic Studies Institute]]
 
  | pages = 340–341
 
  | date = July 2003
 
  | isbn = 1-58487-126-1
 
  | url  = http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB52.pdf}}</ref>
 
  
[[File:Mao and Jiang Qing 1946.jpg|thumb|right|220px|Mao with his fourth wife, [[Jiang Qing]], called "Madame Mao," 1946]]
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Along with land reform, there was also the [[Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries]].<ref name="Yang Kuisong">Kuisong Yang, [https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/china-quarterly/article/abs/reconsidering-the-campaign-to-suppress-counterrevolutionaries/00F0246FA6A1448DCCC9888104694908 "Reconsidering the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries"] ''The China Quarterly'' 193 (March 2008): 102-121. Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref> This involved public executions targeting mainly former Kuomintang officials, businessmen accused of "disturbing" the market, former employees of Western companies and intellectuals whose loyalty was suspect.<ref name=Mosher>Steven W. Mosher, ''China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality'' (Basic Books, 1992, ISBN 978-0465098132).</ref> The [[United States Department of State|U.S. State department]] in 1976 estimated that there may have been a million killed in the land reform, and {{formatnum:800000}} killed in the counterrevolutionary campaign.<ref>Stephen Rosskamm Shalom, ''Deaths in China Due to Communism'' (Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1984, ISBN 978-0939252114).</ref>
  
Along with [[Three-anti and Five-anti Campaigns|land reform]], during which significant numbers of landlords and well-to-do peasants were beaten to death at mass meetings organised by the Communist Party as land was taken from them and given to poorer peasants,<ref>{{Harvnb|Short|2001|pp=436–437}}</ref> there was also the [[Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries]],<ref name="Yang Kuisong">{{Harvnb|Kuisong|2008}}</ref> which involved public executions targeting mainly former Kuomintang officials, businessmen accused of "disturbing" the market, former employees of Western companies and intellectuals whose loyalty was suspect.<ref>Steven W. Mosher. ''China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality.'' [[Basic Books]], 1992. ISBN 0-465-09813-4 pp 72, 73</ref> The [[United States Department of State|U.S. State department]] in 1976 estimated that there may have been a million killed in the land reform, and {{formatnum:800000}} killed in the counterrevolutionary campaign.<ref>Stephen Rosskamm Shalom. ''Deaths in China Due to Communism.'' Center for Asian Studies Arizona State University, 1984. ISBN 0-939252-11-2 pg 24</ref>
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Mao himself claimed that a total of {{formatnum:700000}} people were killed in attacks on "counter-revolutionaries" during the years 1950–1952.<ref name=Spence>Jonathan Spence, ''Mao Zedong: A Life'' (Penguin Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0143037729).</ref> Mao obtained this number from a report submitted by Xu Zirong, Deputy Public Security Minister, which stated {{formatnum:712000}} counterrevolutionaries were executed, {{formatnum:1290000}} were imprisoned, and another {{formatnum:1200000}} were "subjected to control."<ref name="Yang Kuisong"/> However, because there was a policy to select "at least one landlord, and usually several, in virtually every village for public execution,"<ref name="Cambridge history of China"> Roderick MacFarquhar and John K. Fairbank (eds.), ''The Cambridge History of China'' (Cambridge University Press, 1987, ISBN 978-0521243360). </ref> the number of deaths range between 2 million <ref>Maurice Meisner, ''Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic'' (Free Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0684856353). </ref> and 5 million.<ref name=Mosher/> In addition, at least 1.5 million people, perhaps as many as 4 to 6 million, were sent to [[laogai|"reform through labor"]] camps where many perished.<ref name=Valentino> Benjamin A. Valentino, ''Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century'' (Cornell University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0801439650). </ref> Mao played a personal role in organizing the mass repressions and established a system of execution quotas, which were often exceeded.<ref name="Yang Kuisong"/>  
  
Mao himself claimed that a total of {{formatnum:700000}} people were killed in attacks on "counter-revolutionaries" during the years 1950–52.<ref>{{Harvnb|Spence|1999}}{{Page needed|date=January 2013}}. Mao got this number from a report submitted by Xu Zirong, Deputy Public Security Minister, which stated {{formatnum:712000}} counterrevolutionaries were executed, {{formatnum:1290000}} were imprisoned, and another {{formatnum:1200000}} were "subjected to control.": see {{Harvnb|Kuisong|2008}}.</ref> However, because there was a policy to select "at least one landlord, and usually several, in virtually every village for public execution",<ref name="Cambridge history of China">{{cite book |last=Twitchett |first=Denis |coauthors=[[John K. Fairbank]], [[Roderick MacFarquhar]] |title=The Cambridge history of China |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=0-521-24336-X |url=http://books.google.com/?id=ioppEjkCkeEC&pg=PA87&dq=at+least+one+landlord,+and+usually+several,+in+virtually+every+village+for+public+execution |accessdate=August 23, 2008 |date=June 26, 1987}}</ref> the number of deaths range between 2 million<ref name="Cambridge history of China"/><ref>[[Maurice Meisner]]. ''Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic, Third Edition.'' Free, Press, 1999. ISBN 0-684-85635-2 p. 72: "...&nbsp;the estimate of many relatively impartial observers that there were {{formatnum:2000000}} people executed during the first three years of the People's Republic is probably as accurate a guess as one can make on the basis of scanty information."</ref> and 5 million.<ref>Steven W. Mosher. ''China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality.'' [[Basic Books]], 1992. ISBN 0-465-09813-4 pg 74: "...&nbsp;a figure that [[John K. Fairbank|Fairbank]] has cited as the upper range of "sober" estimates."</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=96}}: "By 1952 they had extended land reform throughout the countryside, but in the process somewhere between two and five million landlords had been killed."</ref> In addition, at least 1.5 million people,<ref>{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=436}}</ref> perhaps as many as 4 to 6 million,<ref name="Valentino2004 121–122">{{Harvnb|Valentino|2004|pp=121–122}}</ref> were sent to [[laogai|"reform through labour"]] camps where many perished.<ref name="Valentino2004 121–122"/> Mao played a personal role in organizing the mass repressions and established a system of execution quotas,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://hrichina.org/public/PDFs/CRF.4.2005/CRF-2005-4_Quota.pdf|format=PDF|title=Mao's "Killing Quotas." Human Rights in China (HRIC). September&nbsp;26, 2005, at Shandong University|last=Changyu|first=Li|accessdate=June 21, 2009}}</ref> which were often exceeded.<ref name="Yang Kuisong"/> He defended these killings as necessary for the securing of power.<ref>{{cite web |url= http://orpheus.ucsd.edu/chinesehistory/pgp/jeremy50sessay.htm |title= Terrible Honeymoon: Struggling with the Problem of Terror in Early 1950s China |last= Brown |first= Jeremy }}</ref>
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Starting in 1951, Mao initiated two successive movements in an effort to rid urban areas of corruption by targeting wealthy capitalists and political opponents, known as the [[three-anti/five-anti campaigns]]. While the three-anti campaign was a focused purge of government, industrial and party officials, the five-anti campaign set its sights slightly broader, targeting capitalist elements in general.<ref>John Fairbank and Merle Goldman, ''China: A New History'' (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0674018280).</ref> A climate of raw terror developed as workers denounced their bosses, spouses turned on their spouses, and children informed on their parents; the victims were often humiliated at [[Struggle Session|struggle sessions]], a method designed to intimidate and terrify people to the maximum. Mao insisted that minor offenders be criticized and reformed or sent to labor camps, "while the worst among them should be shot." These campaigns took several hundred thousand additional lives, the vast majority via [[suicide]].<ref name=Short/>
  
Starting in 1951, Mao initiated two successive movements in an effort to rid urban areas of corruption by targeting wealthy capitalists and political opponents, known as the [[three-anti/five-anti campaigns]]. While the three-anti campaign was a focused purge of government, industrial and party officials, the five-anti campaign set its sights slightly broader, targeting capitalist elements in general.<ref>John Fairbank and Merle Goldman, ''China: A New History'', (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002), 349.</ref> A climate of raw terror developed as workers denounced their bosses, spouses turned on their spouses, and children informed on their parents; the victims were often humiliated at [[Struggle Session|struggle sessions]], a method designed to intimidate and terrify people to the maximum. Mao insisted that minor offenders be criticised and reformed or sent to labour camps, "while the worst among them should be shot." These campaigns took several hundred thousand additional lives, the vast majority via suicide.<ref>{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=437}}</ref>
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[[File:Mao, Bulganin, Stalin, Ulbricht Tsedenbal.jpeg|thumb|400px|Mao at [[Joseph Stalin]]'s 70th birthday celebration in Moscow, December 1949 ]]
  
In Shanghai, suicide by jumping from tall buildings became so commonplace that residents avoided walking on the pavement near skyscrapers for fear that suicides might land on them.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,808241-5,00.html|title=High Tide of Terror|date=March 5, 1956|work=Time|accessdate=May 11, 2009}}</ref> Some biographers have pointed out that driving those perceived as enemies to suicide was a common tactic during the Mao-era. For example, in his biography of Mao, [[Philip Short]] notes that in the [[Yan'an Rectification Movement]], Mao gave explicit instructions that "no cadre is to be killed," but in practice allowed security chief [[Kang Sheng]] to drive opponents to suicide and that "this pattern was repeated throughout his leadership of the People's Republic."<ref name="deathtoll"/>
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===First Five-Year Plan===
[[File:Mao, Bulganin, Stalin, Ulbricht Tsedenbal.jpeg|thumb|280 px|left|Mao at [[Joseph Stalin]]'s 70th birthday celebration in Moscow, December 1949 ]]
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After consolidating his power Mao launched the First [[Five-year plans of the People's Republic of China|Five-Year Plan]] (1953–1958) which plan aimed to end Chinese dependence on agriculture in order to become a world power. With the [[Soviet Union]]'s assistance, new industrial plants were built and agricultural production eventually fell to a point where industry was beginning to produce enough capital that China no longer needed the USSR's support.  
Following the consolidation of power, Mao launched the First [[Five-year plans of the People's Republic of China|Five-Year Plan]] (1953–58). The plan aimed to end Chinese dependence upon agriculture in order to become a world power. With the [[Soviet Union]]'s assistance, new industrial plants were built and agricultural production eventually fell to a point where industry was beginning to produce enough capital that China no longer needed the USSR's support. The success of the First-Five Year Plan was to encourage Mao to instigate the Second Five-Year Plan, the Great Leap Forward, in 1958. Mao also launched a phase of rapid [[collectivization]]. The CPC introduced price controls as well as a [[Simplified Chinese character|Chinese character simplification]] aimed at increasing literacy. Large-scale industrialization projects were also undertaken.
 
  
Programs pursued during this time include the [[Hundred Flowers Campaign]], in which Mao indicated his supposed willingness to consider different opinions about how China should be governed. Given the freedom to express themselves, liberal and intellectual Chinese began opposing the Communist Party and questioning its leadership. This was initially tolerated and encouraged. After a few months, Mao's government reversed its policy and persecuted those, totalling perhaps {{formatnum:500000}}{{citation needed|date=August 2012}}, who criticised, as well as those who were merely alleged to have criticised, the party in what is called the [[Anti-Rightist Movement]]. Authors such as [[Jung Chang]] have alleged that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was merely a ruse to root out "dangerous" thinking.<ref>{{harvnb|Chang|Halliday|2005|p=410}}</ref>
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Programs pursued during this time include the [[Hundred Flowers Campaign]], in which Mao indicated his supposed willingness to consider different opinions about how China should be governed. Given the freedom to express themselves, liberal and intellectual Chinese began opposing the Communist Party and questioning its leadership. On June 8, 1957, Mao published an editorial in the Chinese Communist Party’s ''The People’s Daily''. Mao declared that “poisonous weeds” had grown among the “fragrant flowers” within the one hundred blooming flowers  of people’s criticism. Mao subsequently used the newspapers to identify individuals responsible for certain criticisms as right-wingers and counter-revolutionaries who abused the invitation given to the people to use their voice.<ref name=Karl> Rebecca E. Karl, ''Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World: A Concise History '' (Duke University Press Books, 2010, ISBN 978-0822347958).</ref> The ramifications for intellectuals who participated in criticism spanned from being harassed, labeled as rightists, or worse, counter revolutionists. Some intellectuals were subject to house arrest and forced to write confessions and self criticisms of their crimes, and others were banned from living within urban residencies and or sent for re-education. A few were executed or harassed to death.<ref name=Karl/>
  
Li Zhisui, Mao's physician, suggested that Mao had initially seen the policy as a way of weakening those within his party who opposed him and was surprised by the extent of criticism and the fact that it began to be directed at his own leadership.<ref>{{Harvnb|Li|1994|pp=198, 200, 468–469}}</ref> It was only then that he used it as a method of identifying and subsequently persecuting those critical of his government. The Hundred Flowers movement led to the condemnation, silencing, and death of many citizens, also linked to Mao's Anti-Rightist Movement, with death tolls possibly in the millions.{{Citation needed|date=January 2011}}
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Authors such as [[Jung Chang]] have alleged that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was merely a ruse to root out "dangerous" thinking.<ref name=ChangHalliday/>
  
 
===Great Leap Forward===
 
===Great Leap Forward===
In January 1958, Mao Zedong launched the second [[Five-year plans of the People's Republic of China|Five-Year Plan]], known as the [[Great Leap Forward]], a plan intended as an alternative model for economic growth to the Soviet model focusing on heavy industry that was advocated by others in the party. Under this economic program, the relatively small agricultural collectives which had been formed to date were rapidly merged into far larger [[people's commune]]s, and many of the peasants were ordered to work on massive infrastructure projects and on the production of iron and steel. Some private food production was banned; livestock and farm implements were brought under collective ownership.
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The success of the First-Five Year Plan encouraged Mao to instigate the Second Five-Year Plan, known as the [[Great Leap Forward]], in January 1958. This plan was intended as an alternative model to the Soviet model for economic growth, which focused on heavy industry, advocated by others in the party. Under Mao's economic program the relatively small agricultural collectives which had been formed to date were rapidly merged into far larger [[people's commune]]s, and many of the peasants were ordered to work on massive infrastructure projects and on the production of [[iron]] and [[steel]]. Some private food production was banned; livestock and farm implements were brought under collective ownership.
  
Under the Great Leap Forward, Mao and other party leaders ordered the implementation of a variety of unproven and unscientific new agricultural techniques by the new communes. Combined with the diversion of labour to steel production and infrastructure projects, these projects combined with cyclical [[natural disasters]] led to an approximately 15% drop in grain production in 1959 followed by a further 10% decline in 1960 and no recovery in 1961.<ref name="Spence1999 p553">{{Harvnb|Spence|1999}}{{Page needed|date=January 2013}}<!-- Book has only 188 pages, so page 553 does not look right —></ref>
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Mao and other party leaders ordered the new communes to implement a variety of unproven and unscientific new agricultural techniques. The diversion of labor to steel production and infrastructure projects compounded by [[natural disaster]]s, such as [[drought]]s and [[flood]]s, combined with these projects led to an approximately 15 percent drop in grain production in 1959 followed by a further 10 percent decline in 1960 and no recovery in 1961.<ref name=Spence/>
  
In an effort to win favour with their superiors and avoid being purged, each layer in the party hierarchy exaggerated the amount of grain produced under them. Based upon the fabricated success, party cadres were ordered to requisition a disproportionately high amount of the true harvest for state use, primarily in the cities and urban areas but also for export. The net result, which was compounded in some areas by drought and in others by floods, left rural peasants with little food for themselves and many millions starved to death in the largest [[famine]] known as the [[Great Chinese Famine]]. This famine was a direct cause of the death of some 30 million Chinese peasants between 1959 and 1962 and about the same number of births were lost or postponed.<ref>{{cite pmid | 10600969}}</ref> Further, many children who became emaciated and malnourished during years of hardship and struggle for survival died shortly after the Great Leap Forward came to an end in 1962.<ref name="Spence1999 p553"/>
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[[File:People's commone canteen3.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In the beginning, commune members were able to eat for free at the commune canteens. This changed when food production slowed to a halt.]]
 +
In an effort to win favor with their superiors and avoid being purged, each layer in the party hierarchy exaggerated the amount of grain produced under them. Based upon the fabricated success, party cadres were ordered to requisition a disproportionately high amount of the true harvest for state use, primarily in the cities and urban areas but also for export. The net result left rural peasants with little food for themselves and many millions starved to death in what is known as the [[Great Chinese Famine]]. This [[famine]] was a cause of the death of some tens of millions Chinese peasants between 1959 and 1962.<ref name=Dikotter> Frank Dikötter, ''Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962'' (Walker Books, 2010, ISBN 978-0802777683). </ref> Further, many children who became emaciated and malnourished during years of hardship and struggle for survival died shortly after the Great Leap Forward came to an end in 1962.<ref name=Spence/>
  
The extent of Mao's knowledge of the severity of the situation has been disputed. Mao's physician believed that he may have been unaware of the extent of the famine, partly due to a reluctance to criticise his policies and decisions and the willingness of his staff to exaggerate or outright fake reports regarding food production.<ref>{{Harvnb|Li|1994|pp=283–4, 295}}</ref>  Upon learning of the extent of the starvation, Mao vowed to stop eating meat, an action followed by his staff.<ref>{{Harvnb|Li|1994|p=340}}</ref>
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The extent of Mao's knowledge of the severity of the situation has been disputed. Some believe that he may have been unaware of the extent of the famine, partly due to a reluctance to criticize his policies and decisions and the willingness of his staff to exaggerate or provide false reports regarding food production. According to his physician, Li Zhi-Sui, upon learning of the extent of the starvation, Mao vowed to stop eating meat, an action followed by his staff.<ref name=Li/> Others have disputed the reliability of the figures commonly cited, the qualitative evidence of a "massive death toll," and Mao's complicity in those deaths which occurred.<ref>Joseph Ball, [https://mronline.org/2006/09/21/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward/ Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?] ''Monthly Review'' (September 21, 2006). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>
  
[[File:People's commone canteen3.jpg|thumb|left|250px|In the beginning, commune members were able to eat for free at the commune canteens. This changed when food production slowed to a halt.]]
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However, [[Hong Kong]]-based historian [[Frank Dikötter]], who conducted extensive archival research on the Great Leap Forward in local and regional Chinese government archives, challenged the notion that Mao did not know about the famine until it was too late:
  
Hong Kong-based historian [[Frank Dikötter]], who conducted extensive archival research on the Great Leap Forward in local and regional Chinese government archives,<ref>{{cite news | url=http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/16/opinion/16iht-eddikotter16.html | title=Mao's Great Leap to Famine | author=Dikötter, Frank | newspaper=[[International Herald Tribune]] | date=15 December 15, 2010}}</ref> challenged the notion that Mao did not know about the famine until it was too late:
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<blockquote>The idea that the state mistakenly took too much grain from the countryside because it assumed that the harvest was much larger than it was is largely a myth—at most partially true for the autumn of 1958 only. In most cases the party knew very well that it was starving its own people to death. At a secret meeting in the Jinjiang Hotel in Shanghai dated March 25, 1959, Mao specifically ordered the party to procure up to one third of all the grain, much more than had ever been the case. At the meeting he announced that "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill."<ref name=Dikotter/></blockquote>
  
<blockquote>The idea that the state mistakenly took too much grain from the countryside because it assumed that the harvest was much larger than it was is largely a myth—at most partially true for the autumn of 1958 only. In most cases the party knew very well that it was starving its own people to death. At a secret meeting in the Jinjiang Hotel in Shanghai dated March 25, 1959, Mao specifically ordered the party to procure up to one third of all the grain, much more than had ever been the case. At the meeting he announced that "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill."
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Also, in ''Hungry Ghosts'', [[Jasper Becker]] notes that Mao was dismissive of reports he received of food shortages in the countryside and refused to change course, believing that peasants were lying and that [[rightist]]s and [[kulak]]s were hoarding grain. He refused to open state granaries, and instead launched a series of "anti-grain concealment" drives that resulted in numerous purges and suicides.<ref name=Becker> Jasper Becker, ''Hungry Ghosts'' (Free Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0684834573).</ref> Other violent campaigns followed in which party leaders went from village to village in search of hidden food reserves, and not only grain, as Mao issued quotas for pigs, chickens, ducks and eggs. Many peasants accused of hiding food were tortured and beaten to death.<ref name=Becker/>
<ref name="Dikottersite">[http://web.mac.com/dikotter/Dikotter/Famine_2.html Frank Dikötter, Mao's Great Famine, Key Arguments]</ref></blockquote>
 
  
In ''Hungry Ghosts'', [[Jasper Becker]] notes that Mao was dismissive of reports he received of food shortages in the countryside and refused to change course, believing that peasants were lying and that [[rightists]] and [[kulaks]] were hoarding grain. He refused to open state granaries,<ref name="Becker81">{{Harvnb|Becker|1998|p=81}}</ref> and instead launched a series of "anti-grain concealment" drives that resulted in numerous purges and suicides.<ref>{{Harvnb|Becker|1998|p=86}}</ref> Other violent campaigns followed in which party leaders went from village to village in search of hidden food reserves, and not only grain, as Mao issued quotas for pigs, chickens, ducks and eggs. Many peasants accused of hiding food were tortured and beaten to death.<ref>{{Harvnb|Becker|1998|p=93}}</ref>
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The Great Leap Forward was a failure in other ways. Although the [[steel]] [[quota]]s were officially reached, almost all of the supposed steel made in the countryside was [[iron]], as it had been made from assorted scrap metal in home-made furnaces with no reliable source of fuel such as coal. This meant that proper [[smelting]] conditions could not be achieved. According to a teacher in rural Shanghai:
 
 
In contrast, socialist journals such as the ''[[Monthly Review]]'' have disputed the reliability of the figures commonly cited, the qualitative evidence of a "massive death toll," and Mao's complicity in those deaths which occurred.<ref>[http://monthlyreview.org/commentary/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?] by Joseph Ball, ''[[Monthly Review]]'', September 21, 2006</ref>
 
 
 
Whatever the case, the Great Leap Forward caused Mao to lose esteem among many of the top party cadres and was eventually forced to abandon the policy in 1962, while losing some political power to moderate leaders, perhaps most notably [[Liu Shaoqi]] and [[Deng Xiaoping]] in the process. However, Mao, supported by national propaganda, claimed that he was only partly to blame. As a result, he was able to remain Chairman of the Communist Party, with the Presidency transferred to Liu Shaoqi.
 
 
 
The Great Leap Forward was a tragedy for the vast majority of the Chinese. Although the steel quotas were officially reached, almost all of the supposed steel made in the countryside was iron, as it had been made from assorted scrap metal in home-made furnaces with no reliable source of fuel such as coal. This meant that proper [[smelting]] conditions could not be achieved. According to Zhang Rongmei, a geometry teacher in rural Shanghai during the Great Leap Forward:
 
  
 
<blockquote>
 
<blockquote>
"We took all the furniture, pots, and pans we had in our house, and all our neighbours did likewise. We put everything in a big fire and melted down all the metal."
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We took all the furniture, pots, and pans we had in our house, and all our neighbors did likewise. We put everything in a big fire and melted down all the metal.<ref> Beth Macy, ''Factory Man: How One Furniture Maker Battled Offshoring, Stayed Local - and Helped Save an American Town'' (Little, Brown and Company, 2014, ISBN 978-0316231435).</ref>
 
</blockquote>
 
</blockquote>
  
The worst of the famine was steered towards enemies of the state.<ref>{{Harvnb|Valentino|2004|p=128}}</ref> As [[Jasper Becker]] explains:
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The Great Leap Forward caused Mao to lose esteem among many of the top party cadres and was eventually forced to abandon the policy in 1962, while losing some political power to moderate leaders, perhaps most notably [[Liu Shaoqi]] and [[Deng Xiaoping]] in the process. However, Mao, supported by national [[propaganda]], claimed that he was only partly to blame. As a result, he was able to remain Chairman of the Communist Party, with the Presidency transferred to Liu Shaoqi.
<blockquote>
 
"The most vulnerable section of China's population, around five per cent, were those whom Mao called '[[enemies of the people]]'. Anyone who had in previous campaigns of repression been labeled a 'black element' was given the lowest priority in the allocation of food. Landlords, rich peasants, former members of the nationalist regime, religious leaders, rightists, counter-revolutionaries and the families of such individuals died in the greatest numbers."''<ref>{{Harvnb|Becker|1998|p=103}}</ref>
 
</blockquote>
 
  
[[File:Kissinger Mao.jpg|thumb|Mao with [[Henry Kissinger]] and [[Zhou Enlai]]; Beijing, 1972.]]
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===Cultural Revolution===
 
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{{Main|Cultural Revolution}}
===Consequences===
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The Cultural Revolution was initiated by Mao in 1966 to reassert his leadership after the disasters of the Great Leap Forward which led to a loss of power to reformist rivals such as [[Liu Shaoqi]] and [[Deng Xiaoping]]. State Chairman and General Secretary, respectively, they favored the idea that Mao should be removed from actual power but maintain his ceremonial and symbolic role, with the party upholding all of his positive contributions to the revolution. They attempted to marginalize Mao by taking control of economic policy and asserting themselves politically. Mao responded to Liu and Deng's movements by launching the [[Cultural Revolution]] in 1966.  
At the [[Lushan Conference]] in July/August 1959, several leaders expressed concern that the Great Leap Forward had not proved as successful as planned. The most direct of these was Minister of Defence and [[Korean War]] General [[Peng Dehuai]]. Following Peng's criticism of the Great Leap Forward, Mao orchestrated a purge of Peng and his supporters, stifling criticism of the Great Leap policies. Senior officials who reported the truth of the famine to Mao were branded as "right opportunists."<ref>{{Harvnb|Becker|1998|pp=92–93}}</ref> A campaign against right opportunism was launched and resulted in party members and ordinary peasants being sent to camps where many would subsequently die in the famine. Years later the CPC would conclude that 6 million people were wrongly punished in the campaign.<ref>{{Harvnb|Valentino|2004|p=127}}</ref>
 
  
The number of deaths by starvation during the Great Leap Forward is deeply controversial. Until the mid-1980s, when official census figures were finally published by the Chinese Government, little was known about the scale of the disaster in the Chinese countryside, as the handful of Western observers allowed access during this time had been restricted to model villages where they were deceived into believing that the Great Leap Forward had been a great success. There was also an assumption that the flow of individual reports of starvation that had been reaching the West, primarily through Hong Kong and Taiwan, must have been localised or exaggerated as China was continuing to claim record harvests and was a net exporter of grain through the period. Because Mao wanted to pay back early to the Soviets debts totalling 1.973 billion [[Chinese yuan|yuan]] from 1960 to 1962,<ref name="Yang Jisheng"/> exports increased by 50%, and fellow Communist regimes in [[North Korea]], [[North Vietnam]] and [[Socialist People's Republic of Albania|Albania]] were provided grain free of charge.<ref name="Becker81"/>
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Between 1966 and 1968, Mao's principal lieutenants, Defense Minister [[Lin Biao]] and Mao's wife [[Jiang Qing]], organized a mass youth militia called the [[Red Guards]] to overthrow Mao's enemies. In the chaos and violence that ensued, much of China's artistic legacy was destroyed, millions were persecuted, some of whom lost their lives. Chaos reigned in much of the nation, and millions were persecuted, including a famous philosopher, [[Chen Yuen]]. During the Cultural Revolution, the schools in China were closed and young intellectuals living in cities were ordered to the countryside to be "re-educated" by the peasants, where they performed hard manual labor and other work.
  
Censuses were carried out in China in 1953, 1964 and 1982. The first attempt to analyse this data to estimate the number of famine deaths was carried out by American demographer Dr. Judith Banister and published in 1984. Given the lengthy gaps between the censuses and doubts over the reliability of the data, an accurate figure is difficult to ascertain. Nevertheless, Banister concluded that the official data implied that around 15 million excess deaths incurred in China during 1958–61, and that based on her modelling of Chinese demographics during the period and taking account of assumed under-reporting during the famine years, the figure was around 30 million. The official statistic is 20 million deaths, as given by [[Hu Yaobang]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=761}}</ref> [[Yang Jisheng]], a former [[Xinhua News Agency]] reporter who had privileged access and connections available to no other scholars, estimates a death toll of 36 million.<ref name="Yang Jisheng">Mark O'Neill. [http://en.chinaelections.org/newsinfo.asp?newsid=18328# A hunger for the truth: A new book, banned on the mainland, is becoming the definitive account of the Great Famine.] South China Morning Post, July 6, 2008.</ref> Frank Dikötter estimates that there were at least 45 million premature deaths attributable to the Great Leap Forward from 1958 to 1962.<ref>{{Cite news |url= http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/news/maos-great-leap-forward-killed-45-million-in-four-years-2081630.html |title= Mao's Great Leap Forward 'killed 45 million in four years' |last= Akbar |first= Arifa |date= September 17, 2010 |accessdate= September 20, 2010 |location= London |work= The Independent}}; {{Harvnb|Dikötter|2010|p=333}}</ref> Various other sources have put the figure at between 20 and 46 million.<ref name="maostats"/>
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Millions of lives were ruined during this period, as the Cultural Revolution pierced into every part of Chinese life, depicted by such Chinese films as ''[[To Live (film)|To Live]]'', ''[[The Blue Kite]]'' and ''[[Farewell My Concubine (film)|Farewell My Concubine]]''. It is estimated that hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, perished in the violence of the Cultural Revolution.<ref name="maostats">[http://necrometrics.com/20c5m.htm#Mao Source List and Detailed Death Tolls for the Twentieth Century Hemoclysm] ''Historical Atlas of the Twentieth Century''. Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>
  
On the international front, the period was dominated by the further isolation of China. The [[Sino-Soviet split]] resulted in [[Nikita Khrushchev]]'s withdrawal of all Soviet technical experts and aid from the country. The split was triggered by arguments over the control and direction of [[world communism]] and other disputes pertaining to foreign policy.{{Citation needed|date=April 2012}} Most of the problems regarding communist unity resulted from the death of [[Joseph Stalin]] in March 1953 and his replacement by Khrushchev. Only [[People's Republic of Albania|Albania]] under the leadership of [[Enver Hoxha]] openly sided with China against the Soviets, which began an alliance between the two countries which would last until the [[Sino-Albanian split]] after Mao's death in 1976.
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When Mao was informed of such losses, particularly that people had been driven to [[suicide]], he is alleged to have commented: "People who try to commit suicide&nbsp;—don't attempt to save them!&nbsp;.&nbsp;.&nbsp;. China is such a populous nation, it is not as if we cannot do without a few people."<ref name=MacFarquhar> Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals, ''Mao's Last Revolution'' (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0674023321).</ref> The authorities allowed the Red Guards to abuse and kill opponents of the regime. Said [[Xie Fuzhi]], national police chief: "Don't say it is wrong of them to beat up bad persons: if in anger they beat someone to death, then so be it." As a result, in August and September 1966, there were 1,772 people murdered in Beijing alone.<ref name=MacFarquhar/>
  
Stalin had established himself as the successor of "correct" [[Marxist]] thought well before Mao controlled the [[Communist Party of China]], and therefore Mao never challenged the suitability of any Stalinist doctrine (at least while Stalin was alive). Upon the death of Stalin, Mao believed (perhaps because of seniority) that the leadership of the "correct" Marxist doctrine would fall to him. The resulting tension between Khrushchev (at the head of a politically and militarily superior government), and Mao (believing he had a superior understanding of Marxist ideology) eroded the previous patron-client relationship between the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] and the CPC.{{Citation needed|date=April 2012}} In China, the formerly favorable Soviets were now denounced as "revisionists" and listed alongside "American imperialism" as movements to oppose.{{Citation needed|date=April 2012}}
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This period is often looked at in official circles in China and in the West as a great stagnation or even of reversal for China. While many—an estimated 100 million—did suffer,<ref>Daniel Chirot, ''Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age'' (Princeton University Press, 1996).</ref> some scholars, such as Lee Feigon and Mobo Gao, claim there were many great advances, and in some sectors the Chinese economy continued to outperform the west. China exploded its [[Test No. 6|first H-Bomb]] (1967), launched the [[Dong Fang Hong]] satellite (January 30, 1970), commissioned its first nuclear submarines and made various advances in science and technology. Healthcare was free, and living standards in the countryside continued to improve.<ref name="MoboGao"/><ref name=Feigon/>
  
Partly surrounded by hostile American military bases (in South Korea, Japan, and [[Taiwan]]), China was now confronted with a new [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] threat from the north and west. Both the internal crisis and the external threat called for extraordinary statesmanship from Mao, but as China entered the new decade the statesmen of the People's Republic were in hostile confrontation with each other.{{citation needed|date=August 2013}}
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[[File:Kissinger Mao.jpg|thumb|400px|Mao with [[Henry Kissinger]] and [[Zhou Enlai]]; Beijing, 1972.]]
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In 1969, Mao declared the Cultural Revolution to be over, although the official history of the People's Republic of China marks the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 with Mao's death. In 1972, Mao welcomed American President [[Richard Nixon]] in Beijing, signaling a policy of opening China, which was furthered under the rule of [[Deng Xiaoping]] (1978–1992).  
  
At a large Communist Party conference in Beijing in January 1962, called the "Conference of the Seven Thousand," State Chairman Liu Shaoqi denounced the Great Leap Forward as responsible for widespread famine.<ref name="Chang">{{Harvnb|Chang|Halliday|2005|pp=568, 579}}</ref> The overwhelming majority of delegates expressed agreement, but Defense Minister [[Lin Biao]] staunchly defended Mao.<ref name="Chang"/> A brief period of liberalization followed while Mao and Lin plotted a comeback.<ref name="Chang"/> Liu Shaoqi and [[Deng Xiaoping]] rescued the economy by disbanding the people's communes, introducing elements of private control of peasant smallholdings and importing grain from Canada and Australia to mitigate the worst effects of famine.{{Citation needed|date=April 2012}}
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It was during this period that Mao chose [[Lin Biao]], who seemed to echo all of Mao's ideas, to become his successor. Lin was later officially named as Mao's successor. By 1971, however, a divide between the two men became apparent. Official history in China states that Lin was planning a military coup or an [[assassination]] attempt on Mao. Lin Biao died in a plane crash over the air space of [[Mongolia]], presumably on his way to flee China, probably anticipating his arrest. The CPC declared that Lin was planning to depose Mao, and posthumously expelled Lin from the party. At this time, Mao lost trust in many of the top CPC figures.
  
===Cultural Revolution===
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==Public image==
{{Main|Cultural Revolution}}
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Mao gave contradicting statements on the subject of [[Cult of personality|personality cults]]. In 1955, as a response to the [[Khrushchev Report]] that criticised [[Joseph Stalin]], Mao stated that personality cults are "poisonous ideological survivals of the old society," and reaffirmed China's commitment to [[collective leadership]].<ref> Maurice Meisner, ''Mao Zedong: A Political and Intellectual Portrait'' (Polity, 2007, ISBN 978-0745631073).</ref> But at the 1958 Party congress in Chengdu, Mao expressed support for the personality cults of people whom he labelled as genuinely worthy figures: "Worshipping Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is correct because truth is held in their hands."<ref>Glenn Kucha and Jennifer Llewellyn, https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/cult-of-mao/ The Cult of Mao] ''Alpha History''. Retrieved June 12, 2023. </ref>
Mao was concerned with the nature of post-1959 China. He saw that the revolution had replaced the old elite with a new one. He was concerned that those in power were becoming estranged from the people they were supposed to serve. Mao believed that a revolution of culture would unseat and unsettle the "ruling class" and keep China in a state of "perpetual revolution" that, theoretically, would serve the interests of the majority, not a tiny elite.<ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=140}}</ref> [[Liu Shaoqi]] and [[Deng Xiaoping]], then the State Chairman and General Secretary, respectively, had favored the idea that Mao should be removed from actual power but maintain his ceremonial and symbolic role, with the party upholding all of his positive contributions to the revolution. They attempted to marginalise Mao by taking control of economic policy and asserting themselves politically as well. Many claim that Mao responded to Liu and Deng's movements by launching the [[Cultural Revolution]] in 1966. Some scholars, such as Mobo Gao, claim the case for this is perhaps overstated.<ref>For a full treatment of this idea, see {{Harvnb|Gao|2008}}</ref> Others, such as [[Frank Dikötter]], hold that Mao launched the Cultural Revolution to wreak revenge on those who had dared to challenge him over the Great Leap Forward.<ref>Jonathan Mirsky. [http://www.literaryreview.co.uk/mirsky_09_10.html ''Livelihood Issues.''] [[Literary Review]]</ref>
 
  
Believing that certain liberal bourgeois elements of society continued to threaten the socialist framework, groups of young people known as the [[Red Guards (China)|Red Guards]] struggled against authorities at all levels of society and even set up their own tribunals. Chaos reigned in much of the nation, and millions were persecuted, including a famous philosopher, Chen Yuen. During the Cultural Revolution, the schools in China were closed and the young intellectuals living in cities were ordered to the countryside to be "re-educated" by the peasants, where they performed hard manual labour and other work.
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In 1962, Mao proposed the Socialist Education Movement (SEM) to educate the peasants . Large quantities of politicized art were produced and circulated&nbsp;—with Mao at the center. Numerous posters, [[Chairman Mao badge|badges]] and musical compositions referenced Mao in the phrase "Chairman Mao is the red sun in our hearts" ({{lang|zh|毛主席是我们心中的红太阳}}, ''Máo Zhǔxí Shì Wǒmen Xīnzhōng De Hóng Tàiyáng'') and a "Savior of the people" ({{lang|zh|人民的大救星}}, ''Rénmín De Dà Jiùxīng'').<ref>Helen Wang, Chapter 5: "Mao Badges – Visual Imagery and Inscriptions" ''Chairman Mao Badges: Symbols and Slogans of the Cultural Revolution'' (British Museum Press, 2008, ISBN 0861591690).</ref>
  
The Revolution led to the destruction of much of China's traditional cultural heritage and the imprisonment of a huge number of Chinese citizens, as well as creating general economic and social chaos in the country. Millions of lives were ruined during this period, as the Cultural Revolution pierced into every part of Chinese life, depicted by such Chinese films as ''[[To Live (film)|To Live]]'', ''[[The Blue Kite]]'' and ''[[Farewell My Concubine (film)|Farewell My Concubine]]''. It is estimated that hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, perished in the violence of the Cultural Revolution.<ref name="maostats">{{cite web|url= http://necrometrics.com/20c5m.htm#Mao |title= Source List and Detailed Death Tolls for the Twentieth Century Hemoclysm |publisher= Historical Atlas of the Twentieth Century |accessdate= August 23, 2008 }}</ref>
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In October 1966, Mao's ''[[Quotations from Chairman Mao|Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung]]'', which was known as the ''Little Red Book'' was published. Party members were encouraged to carry a copy with them and possession was almost mandatory as a criterion for membership. Over the years, Mao's image became displayed almost everywhere, present in homes, offices and shops. His quotations were [[Emphasis (typography)|typographically emphasized]] by putting them in boldface or red type in even the most obscure writings. Music from the period emphasized Mao's stature, as did children's rhymes. The phrase "Long Live Chairman Mao for [[ten thousand years]]" was commonly heard during the era.<ref> Xing Lu, ''Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Impact on Chinese Thought, Culture, and Communication'' (University of South Carolina Press, 2004, ISBN 978-1570035432). </ref>
  
When Mao was informed of such losses, particularly that people had been driven to suicide, he is alleged to have commented: "People who try to commit suicide&nbsp;—don't attempt to save them!&nbsp;.&nbsp;.&nbsp;. China is such a populous nation, it is not as if we cannot do without a few people."<ref>{{Harvnb|MacFarquhar|2006|p=110}}</ref> The authorities allowed the Red Guards to abuse and kill opponents of the regime. Said [[Xie Fuzhi]], national police chief: "Don't say it is wrong of them to beat up bad persons: if in anger they beat someone to death, then so be it."<ref>{{Harvnb|MacFarquhar|2006|p=125}}</ref> As a result, in August and September 1966, there were 1,772 people murdered in Beijing alone.<ref>{{Harvnb|MacFarquhar|2006|p=124}}</ref>
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==Use of the media==
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Mao Zedong’s use of [[mass media]] was integral to his success. Almost immediately following the establishment of the Chinese Communist party Mao embarked on literacy campaigns, educational programs, and cultural projects throughout the entirety of China. [[Mandarin]] was proclaimed as the national spoken language and linguists were subsequently dispatched to solidify a simplified written Chinese language.<ref name=Karl/>  
  
It was during this period that Mao chose [[Lin Biao]], who seemed to echo all of Mao's ideas, to become his successor. Lin was later officially named as Mao's successor. By 1971, however, a divide between the two men became apparent. Official history in China states that Lin was planning a military coup or an assassination attempt on Mao. Lin Biao died in a plane crash over the air space of Mongolia, presumably on his way to flee China, probably anticipating his arrest. The CPC declared that Lin was planning to depose Mao, and posthumously expelled Lin from the party. At this time, Mao lost trust in many of the top CPC figures. The highest-ranking Soviet Bloc intelligence defector, Lt. Gen. [[Ion Mihai Pacepa]] described his conversation with [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]] who told him about a plot to kill Mao Zedong with the help of Lin Biao organised by the [[KGB]].<ref name="Pacepa0">{{cite web|url= http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=MzY4NWU2ZjY3YWYxMDllNWQ5MjQ3ZGJmMzg3MmQyNjQ= |title= The Kremlin's Killing Ways |author= Ion Mihai Pacepa |work= National Review |date= November 28, 2006 |accessdate= August 23, 2008 }}</ref>
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Mao went to great lengths in order to ensure that his beliefs and words could find their way into the hands and minds of all Chinese people. The books ''Selected Works of Chairman Mao Zedong''<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/ Selected Works of Chairman Mao Zedong] ''Marxists.org''. Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref> or ''Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-Tung''<ref> ''Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung '' (China Books & Periodicals; Reissue edition, 1990, ISBN 978-0835123884).</ref> were published by Foreign Languages Press, Peking and distributed on an almost inconceivably large scale.<ref name=GBarme> Geremie Barme, ''Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader'' (Routledge, 1996, ISBN 978-1563246791).</ref> There were entire stockpiles of the four-volume ''Selected works of Mao Zedong'' in a variety of forms. Massive amounts of the Chinese State publishing budget was used up in producing Mao-period publications in the late 1970s. By the end of the ten-year-long Cultural Revolution it was noted by the national book store, Xinhua, that more than forty billion volumes of Mao’s works were printed and distributed; equivalent to about 15 copies of each of Mao’s books for every child, woman, and man in China.<ref name=GBarme/>
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In 1979, internal estimates ranged that during the [[Cultural Revolution]] 2.2 billion portraits of the Chairman Mao Zedong had been produced. Such a number, in relation to the Chinese population at the time, is enough to provide three portraits of Mao to every single person in China.<ref name=GBarme/> Although character posters were not a new technique in China, the Cultural Revolution displayed a surge in rising form of mass media. The posters that were used by Mao, the Chinese Communist Party, and citizens proved to be a very effective tool.<ref name=Karl/>
  
In 1969, Mao declared the Cultural Revolution to be over, although the official history of the People's Republic of China marks the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 with Mao's death. In the last years of his life, Mao was faced with declining health due to either [[Parkinson's disease]] or, according to his physician, [[amyotrophic lateral sclerosis]],<ref>{{Harvnb|Li|1994|p=581}}</ref> as well as lung ailments due to smoking and heart trouble. Some also attributed Mao's decline in health to the betrayal of Lin Biao. Mao remained passive as various factions within the Communist Party mobilised for the power struggle anticipated after his death.
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Under Mao’s influence the various forms of Chinese arts became a venue for mass media. Along with his use of Character Posters, Mao attempted, with moderate success, to synthesize [[realism]] with [[folk art]] in an attempt to realign art with the mass origins of the Chinese people. By the 1970s many artists had been sent out of urbanized areas and into rural locations of China in order to facilitate the “rediscovery” of Chinese origins. Such art forms as [[opera]] were changed; they adapted revolutionary lyrics to pre-existing melodies. [[Ballet]], although not of authentic Chinese culture, was changed in order to encompass revolutionary gestures and movements.<ref name=Karl/>
  
This period is often looked at in official circles in China and in the West as a great stagnation or even of reversal for China. While many—an estimated 100 million—did suffer,<ref>{{Harvnb|Chirot|1996|p=198}}</ref> some scholars, such as Lee Feigon and Mobo Gao, claim there were many great advances, and in some sectors the Chinese economy continued to outperform the west.<ref name="ReferenceA">{{Harvnb|Gao|2008}}{{Page needed|date=January 2013}}; {{harvnb|Feigon|2002}}{{Page needed|date=January 2013}}</ref> They hold that the Cultural Revolution period laid the foundation for the spectacular growth that continues in China. During the Cultural Revolution, China exploded its [[Test No. 6|first H-Bomb]] (1967), launched the [[Dong Fang Hong]] satellite (January 30, 1970), commissioned its first nuclear submarines and made various advances in science and technology. Healthcare was free, and living standards in the countryside continued to improve.<ref name="ReferenceA"/>
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It is evident that to Mao “revolution was art; art was revolution.” The effect, intended or not, of Mao’s use of art as a form of mass media was one of the most effective forms of [[propaganda]].<ref name=Karl/>
  
 
==Personal life==
 
==Personal life==
Mao's private life was very secretive at the time of his rule. However, after Mao's death, his personal physician [[Li Zhisui]] published ''[[The Private Life of Chairman Mao]]'', a memoir which mentions some aspects of Mao's private life, such as chain-smoking cigarettes, rare bathing or dental habits, laziness, addiction to sleeping pills and large number of sexual partners.<ref>[[#Li94|Li]], 1994.</ref>
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Having grown up in [[Hunan]], Mao spoke [[Standard Mandarin|Mandarin]] with a marked Hunanese accent. [[Ross Terrill]] noted Mao was a "son of the soil&nbsp;... rural and unsophisticated" in origins,<ref name=Terrill/> while [[Clare Hollingworth]] asserted he was proud of his "peasant ways and manners," having a strong Hunanese accent and providing "earthy" comments on sexual matters.<ref name=Hollingworth>Clare Hollingworth, ''Mao and the Men Against Him'' (Jonathan Cape, Pub., 1985, ISBN 978-0224017602).</ref> [[Lee Feigon]] noted that Mao's "earthiness" meant that he remained connected to "everyday Chinese life."<ref name=Feigon/>
  
Having grown up in [[Hunan]], Mao spoke [[Standard Mandarin|Mandarin]] with a marked Hunanese accent.<ref name="Hollingworth1985">{{harvnb|Hollingworth|1985|pp=29–30}}</ref>
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Mao's private life was very secretive at the time of his rule. However, after Mao's death, his personal physician [[Li Zhisui]] published ''[[The Private Life of Chairman Mao]]'', a memoir which mentions some aspects of Mao's private life.<ref name=Li>Li Zhi-Sui, ''The Private Life of Chairman Mao'' (RandomHouse, 1996, ISBN 978-0679764434).</ref> Li's book is regarded as controversial, especially by those sympathetic to Mao.<ref>See for example,  Q.M. DeBorja and Xu L. Dong (eds), ''Manufacturing History: Sex, Lies and Random House's Memoirs of Mao's Physician'' (NY: China Study Group, 1996).</ref> According to Li, Mao never brushed his teeth, preferring to rinse out his mouth with tea and chew the leaves. By the time of his death, his gums were severely infected and his teeth were coated with green film, with several of them coming loose. Rather than bathe, he had a servant rub him down with a hot towel. Li Zhisui described him as conducting business either in bed or by the side of the pool, preferring not to wear formal clothes unless absolutely necessary.<ref name=Li/>  
[[Ross Terrill]] noted Mao was a "son of the soil&nbsp;... rural and unsophisticated" in origins,<ref name="Terrill 19">{{harvnb|Terrill|1980|p=19}}</ref> while [[Clare Hollingworth]] asserted he was proud of his "peasant ways and manners," having a strong Hunanese accent and providing "earthy" comments on sexual matters.<ref name="Hollingworth1985" /> [[Lee Feigon]] noted that Mao's "earthiness" meant that he remained connected to "everyday Chinese life."<ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=26}}</ref>
 
  
Mao's private doctor has reported on his personal hygiene. He never brushed his teeth, preferring to rinse out his mouth with tea and chew the leaves. By the time of his death, his gums were severely infected and his teeth were coated with green film, with several of them coming loose. Rather than bathe, he had a servant rub him down with a hot towel; according to at least one account, he went a quarter-century without taking a bath.<ref>{{cite book|author=Li Zhi-Sui|title=The Private Life of Chairman Mao|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=VyU6fwmdjf8C&pg=PT166|year=2011|publisher=Random House |page=166|isbn=9780307791399}}</ref>
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Biographer Peter Carter noted that throughout his life, Mao had the ability to gain people's trust, and that as such he gathered around him "an extraordinarily wide range of friends" in his early years. He described Mao as having "an attractive personality" who could for much of the time be a "moderate and balanced man," but noted that he could also be ruthless, and showed no mercy to his opponents.<ref name=Carter/> This description was echoed by Sinologist [[Stuart Schram]], who emphasized Mao's ruthlessness, but who also noted that he showed no sign of taking pleasure in [[torture]] or killing in the revolutionary cause.<ref name=Schram/> Lee Feigon considered Mao "draconian and authoritarian" when threatened, but opined that he was not the "kind of villain that his mentor Stalin was."<ref name=Feigon/> Alexander Pantsov and Steven I. Levine claimed that Mao was a "man of complex moods," who "tried his best to bring about prosperity and gain international respect" for China, being "neither a saint nor a demon." They noted that in early life, he strove to be "a strong, wilful, and purposeful hero, not bound by any moral chains," and that he "passionately desired fame and power."<ref name=Pantsov/>
 
 
Biographer Peter Carter described Mao as having "an attractive personality" who could for much of the time be a "moderate and balanced man," but noted that he could also be ruthless, and showed no mercy to his opponents.<ref name="Carter1976 p76"/> This description was echoed by Sinologist [[Stuart Schram]], who emphasised Mao's ruthlessness, but who also noted that he showed no sign of taking pleasure in torture or killing in the revolutionary cause.<ref name="Schram1966 p153"/> Lee Feigon considered Mao "draconian and authoritarian" when threatened, but opined that he was not the "kind of villain that his mentor Stalin was".<ref>{{harvnb|Feigon|2002|p=53}}</ref> Alexander Pantsov and Steven I. Levine claimed that Mao was a "man of complex moods," who "tried his best to bring about prosperity and gain international respect" for China, being "neither a saint nor a demon."<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=5−6}}</ref> They noted that in early life, he strived to be "a strong, wilful, and purposeful hero, not bound by any moral chains," and that he "passionately desired fame and power".<ref>{{harvnb|Pantsov|Levine|2012|pp=42, 66}}</ref>
 
Carter noted that throughout his life, Mao had the ability to gain people's trust, and that as such he gathered around him "an extraordinarily wide range of friends" in his early years.<ref>{{harvnb|Carter|1976|p=42}}</ref>
 
  
 
==Death and aftermath==
 
==Death and aftermath==
Mao had been in poorer health for several years and had declined visibly for at least six months prior to his death. There are unconfirmed reports that he possibly had ALS or Lou Gehrig's disease. Mao's last public appearance was on May 27, 1976, where he met the visiting Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto during the latter's one-day visit to Beijing.
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In the last years of his life, Mao was faced with declining health due to either [[Parkinson's disease]] or, according to his physician, [[amyotrophic lateral sclerosis]],<ref name=Li/> as well as lung ailments due to smoking and heart trouble. Some also attributed Mao's decline in health to the betrayal of Lin Biao. Mao's last public appearance was on May 27, 1976, where he met the visiting Pakistani Prime Minister [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] during the latter's one-day visit to Beijing.
  
At around 5:00 pm on September 2, 1976, Mao suffered a heart attack, far more severe than his previous two and affecting a much larger area of his heart. X-rays indicated that his current lung infection had worsened, and his urine output dropped to less than 300 cc a day.[citation needed] Mao was awake and alert throughout the crisis and asked his team of doctors, several times, whether he was in danger. His condition continued to fluctuate and his life hung in the balance. Three days later, on September 5, Mao's condition was still critical, and Hua Guofeng called Jiang Qing back from her trip. She spent only a few minutes visiting him in Building 202 (where Mao was staying) before returning to her own residence in the Spring Lotus Chamber. On the afternoon of September 7, Mao's condition took a turn for the worse. Jiang Qing went to Building 202 where she learned the news. Mao had just fallen asleep and needed the rest, but she insisted on rubbing his back and moving his limbs, and she sprinkled powder on his body. The medical team protested that the dust from the powder was not good for his lungs, but she instructed the nurses on duty to follow her example later. The next morning, September 8, she went again. She demanded the medical staff to change Mao's sleeping position, claiming that he had been lying too long on his left side.[citation needed] The doctor on duty objected, knowing that he could breathe only on his left side, but she had him moved nonetheless.[citation needed] Mao's breathing stopped and his face turned blue.[citation needed] Jiang Qing left the room while the medical staff put him on a respirator and performed emergency cardiopulmonary resuscitation. Mao barely revived and Hua Guofeng urged Jiang Qing not to interfere further with the doctors' work, as her actions were detrimental to Mao's health and helped cause his death faster.[citation needed] Mao's organs failed quickly and he fell into a coma shortly before noon where he was put on life support machines. He was taken off life support over 12 hours later quarter to midnight and was pronounced dead at 12:10 am on September 9, 1976. September 9 was chosen as the day to let Mao die because it was seen as an easy day to remember, being the ninth day of the ninth month of the calendar.[citation needed]
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Mao suffered two major heart attacks in 1976, one in March and another in July, before a third struck on September 5, rendering him an invalid. Mao Zedong died nearly four days later just after midnight on September 9, 1976, at age 82.  
  
His body lay in state at the Great Hall of the People. There was a three-minute silence observed during this service. His body was later placed into the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong, even though he had wished to be cremated and had been one of the first high-ranking officials to sign the "Proposal that all Central Leaders be Cremated after Death" in November 1956.[203]
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His body lay in state at the Great Hall of the People. There was a three-minute silence observed during this service. His body was later placed into the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong in Beijing.
  
As anticipated after Mao's death, there was a power struggle for control of China. On one side was the left wing led by the Gang of Four, who wanted to continue the policy of revolutionary mass mobilization. On the other side was the right wing opposing these policies. Among the latter group, the right wing restorationists, led by Chairman Hua Guofeng, advocated a return to central planning along the Soviet model, whereas the right wing reformers, led by Deng Xiaoping, wanted to overhaul the Chinese economy based on market-oriented policies and to de-emphasize the role of Maoist ideology in determining economic and political policy. Eventually, the reformers won control of the government. Deng Xiaoping, with clear seniority over Hua Guofeng, defeated Hua in a bloodless power struggle a few years later.
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As anticipated after Mao's death, there was a power struggle for control of China. On one side was the left wing led by the [[Gang of Four]], who wanted to continue the policy of revolutionary mass mobilization. On the other side was the right wing opposing these policies. Among the latter group, the right wing restorationists, led by Chairman Hua Guofeng, advocated a return to central planning along the Soviet model, whereas the right wing reformers, led by [[Deng Xiaoping]], wanted to overhaul the Chinese economy based on market-oriented policies and to de-emphasize the role of Maoist ideology in determining economic and political policy. Eventually, the reformers won control of the government. Deng Xiaoping, with clear seniority over Hua Guofeng, defeated Hua in a bloodless power struggle a few years later.
 
 
==Mao and Tibet==
 
 
 
After Mao Zedong won the Chinese civil war in 1949, his goal became the unification of the “five races” under the big family, China.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=208}}</ref> Aware of Mao’s vision, the Tibetan government in Lhasa ([[Tibet]]) sent a representative, [[Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme|Ngapo Ngawang Jigme]] to [[Chamdo]], [[Kham]], a strategically high valued town near the border. Ngapo had orders to hold the position while reinforcements was coming from the Lhasa and fight off the Chinese.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=209}}</ref> On October 16, 1950, news came that the PLA was advancing towards Chamdo and had also taken another strategic town named, Riwoche, which could block the route to Lhasa.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=211}}</ref> With new orders, Ngapo and his men retreated to a monastery where the PLA finally surrounded and captured them,<ref name="Schaik 2011 212">{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=212}}</ref> though they were treated with respect.<ref name="Schaik 2011 212"/> Ngapo wrote to Lhasa suggesting a peaceful surrender or “liberation” instead of war.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=213}}</ref> During the negotiation, the Chinese negotiator laid the cards straight on the table, “It is up to you to choose whether Tibet would be liberated peacefully or by force. It is only a matter of sending a telegram to the PLA group to recommence their march to Lhasa.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=214}}</ref>” Ngapo accepted Mao’s “[[Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet|Seventeen-Point Agreement]],” which constituted Tibet as part of China, in return for which Tibet would be granted autonomy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=215}}</ref> In the face of discouraging lack of support from the rest of the world, the [[14th Dalai Lama|Dalai Lama]] on August 1951, sent a telegram to Mao accepting the Seventeen-Point Agreement.<ref>{{Harvnb|Schaik|2011|p=218}}</ref>
 
 
 
==Mao and the media==
 
 
 
Mao Zedong’s use of mass media is integral to his success and a testament to his ability to effectively utilise various forms of media. He utilised almost every available option of media at his disposal as he manoeuvred throughout his career as a leader of Communist China. Mao Zedong is most prominently known for the adamant production and distribution of his ideals and beliefs. The books [http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/ Selected Works of Chairman Mao Zedong] or [[Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-Tung]] were published by Foreign Languages Press, Peking and distributed on an almost inconceivably large scale.<ref name=GBarme>Barme, Geremie (1996). ‘’Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader’’, p. 5-9. M.E. Sharp Inc., Armonk, New York.</ref>
 
An example of the full intent and usage of Mao’s media campaigns is that at the peak of the cultural revolution it was believed that even wedding ceremonies needed to be ‘revolutionised.’ The newly wed couple were presented with possibly several copies of ''Selected Works of Mao Zedong'' or ''Quotations from Chariman Mao''.<ref name=GBarme/>
 
 
 
Mao went to great lengths in order to ensure that his beliefs and words could find their way into the hands and minds of all Chinese people. There were entire stockpiles of the four-volume ''Selected works of Mao Zedong'' in a variety of forms. There was a traditional clothbound limited edition, the traditional plastic covered “little red book,” small and large, and even limited edition versions with extra-large print produced for Mao’s “myopic coevals”.<ref name=GBarme/>
 
Massive amounts of the Chinese State publishing budget was used up in producing Mao-period publications in the late 1970s. Many warehouses throughout the country were solely dedicated to storing the State authorised and initiated literature.<ref name=GBarme/>
 
 
 
The emphasis placed on literature by Mao Zedong was exemplified in the famous storehouse known as “bawanba.”  A special detachment of soldiers guarding the large storage facility, and an additional group of caretakers for the building methodically worked their way along the shelves and piles of the depot, book by book, in order to protect the printed text. Each publication was opened, leafed through for signs of mould and decay, and then repacked and rescheduled for the next maintenance cycle.<ref name=GBarme/>
 
 
 
Mao’s understanding of the importance of media gives insight into his efforts to use and have on hand all ways to reach the Chinese people through media. In 1979 internal estimates ranged that during the Cultural Revolution 2.2 billion portraits of the Chairman Mao Zedong had been produced. Such a number, in relation to the Chinese population at the time, is enough to provide three portraits of Mao to every single person in China. In June 1979 there were over 450 million unsold copies of communist works by Mao and the Communist international community, comprising 24% of all books in China. This number included eight million sets of Mao’s selected works and over two billion copies of his speeches and writings in easily digestible single volumes.<ref name=GBarme/> By the end of the 10-year-long Cultural Revolution it was noted by the national book store, Xinhua, that more than forty billion volumes of Mao’s works were printed and distributed; equivalent to about 15 copies of each of Mao’s books for every child, woman, and man in China.<ref name=GBarme/>
 
 
 
Mao Zedong had utilised and understood the media and the power it held since his days as a revolutionary on the run. Almost immediately following the establishment of the Chinese Communist party Mao embarked on literacy campaigns, educational programs and cultural projects throughout the entirety of China. Mandarin was proclaimed as the national spoken language and linguists were subsequently dispatched to solidify a simplified written Chinese language.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88">Karl, Rebecca (2010). ‘’Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World'', p. 87-88. Duke University Press, United States.</ref>
 
Such efforts were intended to facilitate nationwide literacy rates.<ref>Karl, 87</ref> Mao’s establishment of a foundation within the Chinese people to receive various forms of media proved useful to his efforts later on in his leadership roles.
 
 
 
He requested the aid of non-communist intellectuals versed in the various forms of writing, art and media.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88"/> Mao  had mobile drama troupes sent across the land in order to bring culture and initial forms of Chinese Communist Party propaganda.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88"/> Mao also utilised film in his early introductions of media to the people; he sent mobile film groups to transport projectors, screens and film equipment, on shoulders and ox carts, to some of the furthest corners of the Chinese population. The intent was to teach peasants how to watch moving pictures and how to understand the newly emerging forms of narratives and accompanying media.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88"/>
 
 
 
===Hu Feng Affair===
 
The [[Hu Feng]] Affair exemplifies Mao’s relationship with various forms of media. Hu Feng, a seasoned literary critic, had been in a literary dialogue with communist figures since the 1930s.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88"/> Mao’s personal interest in the situation emerged in the form of a personally written preface to published anti-Hu Feng materials where he wrote that sentiments such as Hu Feng’s were anti-revolutionary and were in fact a facade. Mao also used the publication to not only denounce such individuals but assert that the “task of distinguishing and purging bad persons can be done only by relying on the integration of correct leadership on the part of the leading origins and a high degree of consciousness among the broad masses… all these things are lessons for us. We are taking the Hu Feng affair seriously, because we want to use it to educate the broad masses of the people, first of all those literate working cadres and the intellectuals.”<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 87-88"/>
 
The Hu Feng affair established a precedent for use of media as a weapon to shape opinions.
 
 
 
===The Hundred Blooming Flowers===
 
Mao also chose to use the media as a surface level process for critiquing the Communist systems. Mao published “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” in February, 1957.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97">Karl, Rebecca (2010). ‘’Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World'', p. 95-97. Duke University Press, United States.</ref> This publication called upon the people’s movement of China to evaluate the effectiveness of the Communist Party and subsequent Party methods. Mao’s call for critique was directed towards the intellectual populace that was seemingly nervous after the Hu Feng affair. Mao’s invitation to speak out was an opportunity for the Chinese peoples to use various forms of media, but most were hesitant to do so.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/> Newspapers were some of the first to timidly publish varying critiques; eventually it was perceived a safe venue and forum for voicing unfair party methods, inefficiency, poor planning and inadequate attention to everyday life.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/> Although articles did not always place blame on specific individuals, the authors often did identify themselves to their work. The works varied between newspapers, pamphlets and wall-posters, and the majority of the criticism was founded in the acceptance of the socialist system but attempted to make suggestions to improve the system rather than undermine or overthrow.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/> The criticism revolved around the people's view that the Chinese Communist Party had abandoned its revolutionary principles and was transforming Party Cadres into a privileged social class, but any criticism could very easily be interpreted as seemingly counter-revolutionary.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/>
 
 
 
On June 8, 1957, Mao published an editorial in the Chinese Communist Party’s ''The People’s Daily''. Mao declared that “poisonous weeds” had grown among the “fragrant flowers” within the one hundred blooming flowers  of people’s criticism. Mao subsequently used the newspapers to identify individuals responsible for certain criticisms as right-wingers and counter-revolutionaries who abused the invitation given to the people to use their voice.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/>  The ramifications for intellectuals who participated in criticism spanned from being harassed, labeled as rightists, or worse, counter revolutionists. Some intellectuals were subject to house arrest and forced to write confessions and self criticisms of their crimes, and others were banned from living within  urban residencies and or sent for re-education. A few were executed or harassed to death.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 95-97"/>
 
 
 
===Hai Rui===
 
Preceding the Cultural Revolution a play critique about the Chinese historical character Hai Rui was circulated; the criticism labelled the  previously popular Chinese moral hero as in sync with counter revolutionist thought.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 118-120">Karl, Rebecca (2010). ‘’Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World'', p. 118-120. Duke University Press, United States.</ref> The article, believed to have been written by a Shanghai-based literary critic, Yao Wenyuan, stirred minimal attention and debate about the historical efficacy of the character in China. It turns out, however that the play critique was planted by Jiang Qing, Mao’s wife. She was believed to have done so per Mao’s directions.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 118-120"/>
 
The importance of the play criticizing article arose after Mao returned from his travels to rural China. He used the article as a basis to opening against the current Chinese Communist Party establishment. Mao used the article as a fore to dispose of the playwright, Vice President of Beijing, Wu Han, an excuse to criticise and purge members of the Communist Party for their failure to understand and deal with the criticisms correctly, and, most notably, to initiate the Cultural Revolution.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124">Karl, Rebecca (2010). ‘’Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World'', p. 121-124. Duke University Press, United States.</ref>
 
Mao, yet again, used a newspaper, ''Liberation Daily'', to demand a purge of the “bourgeois elements” from certain cultural circles as well as “right “opportunists” from within the Chinese Communist Party. In his article he identified the two major targets for the Cultural Revolution; Chinese intellectuals and Party Cadre’s were to be assessed and scrutinised. The major location for the Cultural Revolution would be held within the urbanised areas of China.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/>
 
 
 
===Cultural Revolution’s effect on Mao’s media===
 
Although character posters were not a new technique in China, the Cultural Revolution displayed a  surge in rising form of mass media. The posters that were used by Mao, the Chinese Communist Party, and citizens proved to be a very effective tool. The posters provided varying frms of political communication and warfare that could be anonymous, signed, or fabricated to belong to varying authors.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/> Signs, which could be commissioned by anyone who had paper, ink and a brush at their disposal, could easily create a spiraling of political upheaval and impact. The use of the character poster during the Cultural Revolution provide swift, leveling of accusations without any form of proof.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/>
 
It was nearly impossible to effectively combat insidious rumours of reputation and revolutionary standing before it cut down whoever the target may have been.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/>
 
 
 
Mao and the Chinese Cultural Revolutionists were able to seize rights of speech away from those who normally controlled media.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/>
 
Mao was quoted in an article within ''Peoples Daily'' newspaper in his idea of “Revolutionary Big-Character Posters are ‘Magic Mirrors’ That Show Up All Monsters.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/> A result of the Cultural Revolution, and the use of mass media surrounding Mao’s initiation of the revolution, was a spiraling use of media which identified educational systems as counter-revolutionary and advocate of bourgeois thought.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 121-124"/>
 
 
 
===Mao’s use of art===
 
Under Mao’s influence the various forms of Chinese arts became a venue for mass media. Along with his use of Character Posters, Mao attempted, with moderate success, to synthesise realism with folk art in an attempt to realign art with the mass origins of the Chinese people.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148">Karl, Rebecca (2010). ‘’Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World'', p. 147-148. Duke University Press, United States.</ref> By The 1970s many artists had been sent out of urbanised areas and into rural locations of China in order to facilitate the “rediscovery” of Chinese origins.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/> Such art forms as opera were changed; they adopted the lyrics of revolutionary lyrics to pre-existing melodies.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/> Ballet, although not of authentic Chinese culture, was changed in order to encompass revolutionary gestures and movements in defamiliarised forms.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/>
 
Mao’s concentration in using art as a form of media is reflective of his initial efforts to establish a cultural base in the early 1950s. His belief that revolution was, in its own manner, a form of art is evident throughout many of his actions. Mao was quoted to have said to the French writer [[André Malraux]], that revolution is “a drama of passion; we did not win the people over by appealing to reason, but by developing hope, trust, and fraternity.”<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/>
 
Mao knew, possibly more than most leaders at the time, the true impact that art could have on a revolution and the ability to have revolution saturated in the art. It is evident that to Mao “revolution was art; art was revolution,” and art as a form of mass media is possibly one of the most effective and long lasting impressions that can be left on a people, and was left on the Chinese people.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/>
 
The effect, intended or not, of Mao’s use of art as a form of mass media was one of the most effective forms of propaganda. The messages infiltrated the people's consciousness and emotional states, evoking a physical and emotional participation in revolutionary thought and activity.<ref name="Karl, Rebecca 2010 p. 147-148"/>
 
  
 
==Legacy==
 
==Legacy==
[[File:Tiananmen Mao.jpg|thumb|A large portrait of Mao by [[Zhang Zhenshi]] at [[Tiananmen]]]]
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[[File:Tiananmen Mao.jpg|thumb|300px|A large portrait of Mao by [[Zhang Zhenshi]] at [[Tiananmen]]]]
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A highly controversial figure, Mao is regarded as one of the most important individuals in modern world history. Supporters regard him as a great leader and credit him with numerous accomplishments including modernizing China and building it into a world power, promoting the status of women, improving education and health care, providing universal housing, and increasing life expectancy as China's population grew from around 550 to over 900 million during the period of his leadership.<ref name = "MoboGao" /><ref name=Ebrey>Patricia Buckley Ebrey, ''The Cambridge Illustrated History of China'' (Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0521124331).</ref> <ref>Patrick O'Brien, ''Concise Atlas of World History'' (Oxford University Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0195219210).</ref> Maoists furthermore promote his role as theorist, statesman, poet, and visionary: "Mao had an extraordinary mix of talents: he was visionary, statesman, political and military strategist of cunning intellect, a philosopher and poet."<ref name=Short/>
  
Mao remains a controversial figure and there is little agreement over his legacy both in China and abroad. Supporters generally credit him with and praise him for having unified China and for ending the previous decades of civil war. He is also credited for having improved the status of women in China and for improving literacy and education. His policies caused the deaths of tens of millions of people during his 27-year reign, more than any other Twentieth Century leader, however supporters point out that in spite of this, life expectancy improved during his reign. His supporters claim that he rapidly industrialised China; however, others have claimed that his policies, particularly the controversially named 'Great Leap Forward' and the Cultural Revolution, were impediments to industrialization and modernization. His supporters claim that his policies laid the groundwork for China's later rise to become an economic superpower, while others claim that his policies delayed economic development and that China's economy only underwent its rapid growth after Mao's policies had been widely abandoned. Mao's revolutionary tactics continue to be used by insurgents, and his political ideology continues to be embraced by many communist organizations around the world.
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In contrast, critics have characterized him as a [[dictator]] who oversaw systematic [[human rights]] abuses, and whose rule is estimated to have contributed to the deaths of 40–70 million people through starvation, [[forced labor]], and executions, ranking his tenure as the top incidence of [[democide]] in human history.<ref>Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, ''Worse Than War: Genocide, Eliminationism, and the Ongoing Assault on Humanity'' (PublicAffairs, 2009, ISBN 978-1586487690).</ref><ref name="Fenby"/> Mao has been called "one of the great tyrants of the twentieth century," and a dictator comparable to [[Adolf Hitler]] and [[Joseph Stalin]],<ref name=MacFarquhar/><ref name = "compare">Michael Lynch, ''Mao (Routledge Historical Biographies)'' (Routledge, 2004, ISBN 978-0415215787).</ref> with a death toll surpassing both.<ref name="Fenby">Jonathan Fenby, ''Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 to the Present'' (Ecco, 2008, ISBN 978-0061661167).</ref>
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[[File:Mao Zedong youth art sculpture 4.jpg|thumb|300px|Statue of young Mao in [[Changsha]], the capital of [[Hunan]]]]
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Mao was frequently likened to China's First Emperor [[Qin Shi Huang]], notorious for burying alive hundreds of scholars, and personally enjoyed the comparison.<ref name=MacFarquhar/> During a speech to party cadre in 1958, Mao said he had far outdone Qin Shi Huang in his policy against intellectuals: "He buried 460 scholars alive; we have buried forty-six thousand scholars alive&nbsp;... You [intellectuals] revile us for being Qin Shi Huangs. You are wrong. We have surpassed Qin Shi Huang a hundredfold."<ref>Kenneth Lieberthal, ''Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform'' (W. W. Norton & Company, 2003, ISBN 0393924920).</ref>
  
In mainland China, Mao is still revered by many supporters of the Communist Party and respected by the majority of the general population as the "[[List of national founders|Founding Father]] of modern China," credited for giving "the Chinese people dignity and self-respect."<ref name="Biography 2005">[[Biography (TV series)]] [http://www.imdb.com/video/hulu/vi3081083673/ Mao Tse Tung: China's Peasant Emperor] [[A&E Network]] 2005, ASIN B000AABKXG {{time needed|date=January 2013}}</ref> Mobo Gao in his 2008 book ''The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution'', credits Mao for raising the average life expectancy from 35 in 1949 to 63 by 1975, bringing "unity and stability to a country that had been plagued by civil wars and foreign invasions," and laying the foundation for China to "become the equal of the great global powers".<ref name = "MoboGao" /> Gao also lauds Mao for carrying out massive [[land reform]], promoting the status of women, improving popular literacy, and positively "transform(ing) Chinese society beyond recognition."<ref name = "MoboGao">{{Harvnb|Gao|2008|p=81}}</ref>
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As a result of such tactics, critics have pointed out that:
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<blockquote>The People's Republic of China under Mao exhibited the oppressive tendencies that were discernible in all the major absolutist regimes of the twentieth century. There are obvious parallels between Mao's China, [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics|Soviet Russia]]. Each of these regimes witnessed deliberately ordered mass 'cleansing' and extermination.<ref name = "compare" /></blockquote>
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[[File:MaoStatueinLijang.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Statue of Mao in [[Lijiang, Yunnan|Lijiang]]]]
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Others, such as [[Philip Short]], reject such comparisons in ''Mao: A Life'', arguing that whereas the deaths caused by Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia were largely systematic and deliberate, the overwhelming majority of the deaths under Mao were unintended consequences of [[famine]].<ref name=Short/> Instead, Short compared Mao with nineteenth-century Chinese reformers who challenged China's traditional beliefs in the era of China's clashes with Western colonial powers. Short argues:
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<blockquote>Mao's tragedy and his grandeur were that he remained to the end in thrall to his own revolutionary dreams&nbsp;... He freed China from the straitjacket of its Confucian past, but the bright Red future he promised turned out to be a sterile purgatory.<ref name=Short/></blockquote>
  
However, Mao has many Chinese critics, both those who live inside and outside China. Opposition to Mao is subject to restriction and censorship in mainland China, but is especially strong elsewhere, where he is often reviled as a brutish ideologue. In the West, his name is generally associated with tyranny and his economic theories are widely discredited—though to some political activists he remains a symbol against [[capitalism]], [[imperialism]] and western influence. Even in China, key pillars of his economic theory have been largely dismantled by market reformers like [[Deng Xiaoping]] and [[Zhao Ziyang]], who succeeded him as leaders of the Communist Party.
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Mao's English interpreter [[Sidney Rittenberg]] wrote in his memoir ''The Man Who Stayed Behind'' that whilst Mao "was a great leader in history," he was also "a great criminal because, not that he wanted to, not that he intended to, but in fact, his wild fantasies led to the deaths of tens of millions of people."<ref name="Reut09" /> [[Li Rui (Communist Party of China)|Li Rui]], Mao's personal secretary, goes further and claims he was dismissive of the suffering and death caused by his policies: "Mao's way of thinking and governing was terrifying. He put no value on human life. The deaths of others meant nothing to him."<ref>Jonathan Watts, [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/jun/02/china.jonathanwatts China must confront dark past, says Mao confidant] ''The Guardian'' (June 2, 2005). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>
[[File:Mao Zedong youth art sculpture 4.jpg|thumb|180px|Statue of young Mao in [[Changsha]], the capital of [[Hunan]]]]
 
  
Though the [[Chinese Communist Party]], which Mao led to power, has rejected in practice the economic fundamentals of much of Mao's ideology, it retains for itself many of the powers established under Mao's reign: it controls the Chinese army, police, courts and media and does not permit multi-party elections at the national or local level, except in Hong Kong. Thus it is difficult to gauge the true extent of support for the Chinese Communist Party and Mao's legacy within mainland China. For its part, the Chinese government continues to officially regard Mao as a national hero. In 2008, China opened the Mao Zedong Square to visitors in his hometown of central Hunan Province to mark the 115th anniversary of his birth.<ref>{{cite news|url = http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-12/25/content_7341714.htm |title= Chairman Mao square opened on his 115th birth anniversary |work= [[China Daily]] |date= 2008-12-25 |accessdate= 2013-01-02 }}; {{cite news|title = Mao Zedong still draws crowds on 113th birth anniversary |url= http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200612/27/eng20061227_336033.html |date= 2006-12-27 |accessdate= 2013-01-02 |work= [[People's Daily]] }}</ref>
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[[File:Mausoleo de Mao Zedong-Tianang Mei-Pekin-China8452.JPG|thumb|400px|Sculptures in front of the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong, Beijing]]
  
There continue to be disagreements on Mao's legacy. Former Party official Su Shachi, has opined that "he was a great historical criminal, but he was also a great force for good."<ref name="Biography 2005"/> In a similar vein, journalist Liu Bin Yan has described Mao as "both monster and a genius."<ref name="Biography 2005"/> Some historians argue that Mao Zedong was "one of the great tyrants of the twentieth century," and a dictator comparable to [[Adolf Hitler]] and [[Joseph Stalin]],<ref name = "tyrant">{{Harvnb|MacFarquhar|2006|p=471}}: "''Together with Joseph Stalin and Adolf Hitler, Mao appears destined to go down in history as one of the great tyrants of the twentieth century''"</ref><ref name = "compare">Michael Lynch. ''Mao (Routledge Historical Biographies).'' [[Routledge]], 2004. p. 230</ref> with a death toll surpassing both.<ref name="deathtoll"/><ref name="Fenby">{{cite book | authorlink = Jonathan Fenby | last = Fenby | first = J | title = Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 to the Present | publisher = [[Ecco Press]] | year = 2008 | isbn = 0-06-166116-3 | page = 351 | quote = Mao's responsibility for the extinction of anywhere from 40 to 70 million lives brands him as a mass killer greater than Hitler or Stalin, his indifference to the suffering and the loss of humans breathtaking }}</ref> In ''[[The Black Book of Communism]]'', Jean Louis Margolin writes that "Mao Zedong was so powerful that he was often known as the Red Emperor&nbsp;... the violence he erected into a whole system far exceeds any national tradition of violence that we might find in China."<ref>[[Stéphane Courtois]], Jean-Louis Margolin, et al. ''[[The Black Book of Communism]]: Crimes, Terror, Repression''. [[Harvard University Press]], 1999. ISBN 0-674-07608-7 p.&nbsp;465–466</ref>  Mao was frequently likened to China's First Emperor [[Qin Shi Huang]], notorious for [[Burning of books and burying of scholars|burying alive hundreds of scholars]], and personally enjoyed the comparison.<ref>MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, 2006, p. [http://books.google.ca/books?id=mCKPmUzKeZUC&pg=PA428 428].</ref> During a speech to party cadre in 1958, Mao said he had far outdone Qin Shi Huang in his policy against intellectuals: "He buried 460 scholars alive; we have buried forty-six thousand scholars alive&nbsp;... You [intellectuals] revile us for being Qin Shi Huangs. You are wrong. We have surpassed Qin Shi Huang a hundredfold."<ref>''Mao Zedong sixiang wan sui!'' (1969), p. 195. Referenced in ''Governing China: From Revolution to Reform (Second Edition)'' by Kenneth Lieberthal. W.W. Norton & Co., 2003. ISBN 0-393-92492-0 p. 71.</ref> As a result of such tactics, critics have pointed out that:
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In their 832-page biography, ''Mao: The Unknown Story'', [[Jung Chang]] and [[Jon Halliday]] take a very critical view of Mao's life and influence. For example, they note that Mao was well aware that his policies would be responsible for the deaths of millions; While discussing labor-intensive projects such as waterworks and making steel, Mao said to his inner circle in November 1958: "Working like this, with all these projects, half of China may well have to die. If not half, one-third, or one-tenth—50 million—die."<ref name="ChangHalliday" />
{{quote|The People's Republic of China under Mao exhibited the oppressive tendencies that were discernible in all the major absolutist regimes of the twentieth century. There are obvious parallels between Mao's China, [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics|Soviet Russia]]. Each of these regimes witnessed deliberately ordered mass 'cleansing' and extermination.<ref name = "compare" />}}
 
  
Others, such as [[Philip Short]], reject such comparisons in ''Mao: A Life'', arguing that whereas the deaths caused by Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia were largely systematic and deliberate, the overwhelming majority of the deaths under Mao were unintended consequences of famine.<ref name="short">{{Harvnb|Short|2001|p=632}}</ref> Short noted that landlord class were not exterminated as a people due to Mao's belief in redemption through thought reform.<ref name="short"/> He instead compared Mao with 19th-century Chinese reformers who challenged China's traditional beliefs in the era of China's clashes with Western colonial powers. Short argues, "Mao's tragedy and his grandeur were that he remained to the end in thrall to his own revolutionary dreams&nbsp;... He freed China from the straitjacket of its Confucian past, but the bright Red future he promised turned out to be a sterile purgatory.<ref name="short"/>
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[[Jasper Becker]] and Frank Dikötter offer a similarly abysmal appraisal:  
 +
<blockquote>[A]rchive material gathered by Dikötter&nbsp;... confirms that far from being ignorant or misled about the famine, the Chinese leadership were kept informed about it all the time. And he exposes the extent of the violence used against the peasants."<ref>Jasper Becker, [https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/systematic-genocide/ Systematic genocide] ''The Spectator'' (September 25, 2010). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref></blockquote>
  
Mao's English interpreter [[Sidney Rittenberg]] wrote in his memoir ''The Man Who Stayed Behind'' that whilst Mao "was a great leader in history," he was also "a great criminal because, not that he wanted to, not that he intended to, but in fact, his wild fantasies led to the deaths of tens of millions of people."<ref name="Reut09" /> [[Li Rui (Communist Party of China)|Li Rui]], Mao's personal secretary, goes further and claims he was dismissive of the suffering and death caused by his policies: "Mao's way of thinking and governing was terrifying. He put no value on human life. The deaths of others meant nothing to him."<ref>Jonathan Watts. "[http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2005/jun/02/china.jonathanwatts China must confront dark past, says Mao confidant]" ''[[The Guardian]]'', June 2, 2005</ref>  
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Mao also gave the impression that he might even welcome a [[nuclear war]], although historians dispute the sincerity of his words, some claiming him to be "was deadly serious,"<ref>Robert Service, ''Comrades!: A History of World Communism'' (Harvard University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0674025301).</ref> while others say "He was bluffing&nbsp;... the sabre-rattling was to show that he, not Khrushchev, was the more determined revolutionary."<ref name=Dikotter/>
  
[[File:Mausoleo de Mao Zedong-Tianang Mei-Pekin-China8452.JPG|thumb|250px|Sculptures in front of the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong, Beijing]]
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<blockquote>"Let us imagine how many people would die if war breaks out. There are 2.7 billion people in the world, and a third could be lost. If it is a little higher, it could be half&nbsp;... I say that if the worst came to the worst and one-half dies, there will still be one-half left, but imperialism would be razed to the ground and the whole world would become socialist. After a few years there would be 2.7 billion people again."<ref name=Dikotter/></blockquote>
  
In their 832-page biography, ''[[Mao: The Unknown Story]]'', [[Jung Chang]] and [[Jon Halliday]] take a very critical view of Mao's life and influence. For example, they note that Mao was well aware that his policies would be responsible for the deaths of millions; While discussing labour-intensive projects such as waterworks and making steel, Mao said to his inner circle in November 1958: "Working like this, with all these projects, half of China may well have to die. If not half, one-third, or one-tenth—50 million—die."<ref>{{Harvnb|Chang|Halliday|2005|p=458}} [Chang's source (p.725): *Mao CCRM, vol. 13, pp. 203–4 (E: MacFarquhar et al., pp. 494–5)].</ref>  
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Mao's revolutionary tactics continue to be used by insurgents, and his political ideology continues to be embraced by many communist organizations around the world. The ideology of Maoism has influenced many communists, mainly in the [[Third World]], including revolutionary movements such as [[Cambodia]]'s [[Khmer Rouge]], [[Peru]]'s [[Shining Path]], and the [[Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)|Nepalese revolutionary movement]].<ref>Robert J. Alexander, ''International Maoism in the Developing World'' (Praeger, 1999, ISBN 978-0275961497).</ref>  
  
Thomas Bernstein of [[Columbia University]] argues that this quotation is taken out of context, claiming:
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Mao's supporters claim that he rapidly [[industrialization|industrialized]] China. Mobo Gao, in his 2008 book ''The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution'', credits Mao for bringing "unity and stability to a country that had been plagued by civil wars and foreign invasions," and laying the foundation for China to "become the equal of the great global powers".<ref name = "MoboGao">Mobo Gao, ''The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution'' (London: Pluto Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0745327808).</ref> However, others have claimed that his policies, particularly the controversially named '[[Great Leap Forward]]' and the [[Cultural Revolution]], were impediments to industrialization and modernization. His supporters claim that his policies laid the groundwork for China's later rise to become an economic superpower, while others claim that his policies delayed economic development and that China's economy only underwent its rapid growth after Mao's policies had been widely abandoned.
<blockquote>The Chinese original, however, is not quite as shocking. In the speech, Mao talks about massive earthmoving irrigation projects and numerous big industrial ones, all requiring huge numbers of people. If the projects, he said, are all undertaken simultaneously "half of China's population unquestionably will die; and if it's not half, it'll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million people." Mao then pointed to the example of Guangxi provincial Party secretary, Chén Mànyuǎn (陈漫远) who had been dismissed in 1957 for failing to prevent famine in the previous year, adding: "If with a death toll of 50 million you didn't lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; whether I should lose my head would also be in question. Anhui wants to do so much, which is quite all right, but make it a principle to have no deaths."<ref>{{cite journal|doi= 10.1017/S0305741006000221 |last= Bernstein |first= Thomas III |title= Mao Zedong and the Famine of 1959–1960: A Study in Wilfulness |journal= [[The China Quarterly]] |volume= 186 |year= 2006 |month= July |pages= 421–445 }}</ref>
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[[File:Mao mausoleum queue.jpg|550px|thumb|center|A line to enter Mao Zedong Mausoleum]]
</blockquote>
 
  
Chang and Halliday take literally Mao's penchant for talking about mass death in highly irresponsible, provocative, callous and reckless ways, exemplified by his famous remark that in a nuclear war, half of China's population would perish but the rest would survive and rebuild. In 1958, when ruminating about the dialectics of life and death, he thought that deaths were beneficial, for without them, there could be no renewal.{{citation needed|date=August 2012}} Imagine, he asked, what a disaster it would be if Confucius were still alive.{{citation needed|date=August 2012}} "When people die there ought to be celebrations."{{citation needed|date=August 2012}} In December 1958 he remarked that "destruction (''mièwáng'' 灭亡, also extinction) [of people] has advantages. One can make fertiliser. You say you can't, but actually you can, but you must be spiritually prepared."{{citation needed|date=August 2012}} The authors note that these kinds of remarks could well have justified the indifference of lower-level cadres to peasants deaths.{{citation needed|date=August 2012}}
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In mainland China, Mao is still revered by many supporters of the Communist Party and respected by the majority of the general population. For its part, the Chinese government continues to officially regard Mao as a national hero. In 2008, China opened the Mao Zedong Square to visitors in his hometown of central Hunan Province to mark the 115th anniversary of his birth.<ref>[http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-12/25/content_7341714.htm Chairman Mao square opened on his 115th birth anniversary] ''China Daily'' (December 25, 2008). Retrieved June 12, 2023. </ref>
  
[[Jasper Becker]] and Frank Dikötter offer a similarly abysmal appraisal as [[Jung Chang|Chang]]<nowiki/> and Holliday. Becker notes, "archive material gathered by Dikötter&nbsp;... confirms that far from being ignorant or misled about the famine, the Chinese leadership were kept informed about it all the time. And he exposes the extent of the violence used against the peasants":<ref>[[Jasper Becker]]. [http://www.spectator.co.uk/books/6296363/part_2/systematic-genocide-.thtml ''Systematic genocide'']. [[The Spectator]], September 25, 2010.</ref>
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However, Mao has many Chinese critics, both those who live inside and outside China. Opposition to Mao is subject to restriction and censorship in mainland China, but is especially strong elsewhere, where he is often reviled as a brutish ideologue. In the West, his name is generally associated with tyranny and his economic theories are widely discredited—though to some political activists he remains a symbol against [[capitalism]], [[imperialism]], and western influence. Even in China, key pillars of his economic theory have been largely dismantled by market reformers like [[Deng Xiaoping]] and [[Zhao Ziyang]], who succeeded him as leaders of the Communist Party.
  
<blockquote><poem>Mass killings are not usually associated with Mao and the Great Leap Forward, and China continues to benefit from a more favourable comparison with Cambodia or the Soviet Union. But as fresh and abundant archival evidence shows, coercion, terror and systematic violence were the foundation of the Great Leap, and between 1958 to 1962, by a rough approximation, some 6 to 8 per cent of those who died were tortured to death or summarily killed—amounting to at least 3 million victims.
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Mao continues to have a presence in China and around the world in popular culture, where his face adorns everything from t-shirts to coffee cups. Mao's granddaughter, Kong Dongmei, defended the phenomenon, stating that "it shows his influence, that he exists in people's consciousness and has influenced several generations of Chinese people's way of life. Just like [[Che Guevara]]'s image, his has become a symbol of revolutionary culture."<ref name="Reut09">Maxim Duncan, [hhttps://www.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-42756920090928 Granddaughter Keeps Mao's Memory Alive in Bookshop] ''Reuters'' (September 28, 2009). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>
 
 
Countless others were deliberately deprived of food and consequently starved to death. Many more vanished because they were too old, weak or sick to work—and hence unable to earn their keep. People were killed selectively because they had the wrong class background, because they dragged their feet, because they spoke out or simply because they were not liked, for whatever reason, by the man who wielded the ladle in the canteen.</poem></blockquote>
 
 
 
Dikötter argues that CPC leaders "glorified violence and were inured to massive loss of life. And all of them shared an ideology in which the end justified the means. In 1962, having lost millions of people in his province, Li Jingquan compared the Great Leap Forward to the [[Long March]] in which only one in ten had made it to the end: 'We are not weak, we are stronger, we have kept the backbone.'"<ref name="Dikotter299">{{Harvnb|Dikötter|2010|p=299}}</ref>
 
 
 
Regarding the large-scale irrigation projects, Dikötter stresses that, in spite of Mao being in a good position to see the human cost, they continued unabated for several years, and ultimately claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of exhausted villagers. He also notes that "In a chilling precursor of Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, villagers in Qingshui and Gansu called these projects the 'killing fields'."<ref name="Dikotter33">{{Harvnb|Dikötter|2010|p=33}}</ref>
 
 
 
[[File:Nixon Mao 1972-02-29.png|thumb|uprtigh|Mao greets United States President [[Richard Nixon]] during his [[1972 Nixon visit to China|visit to China in 1972]]]]
 
 
 
The United States placed a trade embargo on the People's Republic as a result of its involvement in the [[Korean War]], lasting until [[Richard Nixon]] decided that developing relations with the PRC would be useful in dealing with the Soviet Union.
 
 
 
The television series [[Biography (TV series)|Biography]] stated: "[Mao] turned China from a feudal backwater into one of the most powerful countries in the World&nbsp;... The Chinese system he overthrew was backward and corrupt; few would argue the fact that he dragged China into the 20th century. But at a cost in human lives that is staggering."<ref name="Biography 2005"/>
 
 
 
Mao's military writings continue to have a large amount of influence both among those who seek to create an insurgency and those who seek to crush one, especially in manners of guerrilla warfare, at which Mao is popularly regarded as a genius.{{Citation needed|date=June 2010}} As an example, the [[Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)|Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)]] followed Mao's examples of guerrilla warfare to considerable political and military success even in the 21st century.{{Citation needed|date=April 2010}} Mao's major contribution to the military science is his theory of [[People's War]], with not only guerrilla warfare but more importantly, [[Mobile Warfare]] methodologies. Mao had successfully applied Mobile Warfare in the Korean War, and was able to encircle, push back and then halt the UN forces in Korea, despite the clear superiority of UN firepower.{{Citation needed|date=June 2010}} Mao also gave the impression that he might even welcome a [[nuclear war]].<ref>"[http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/1226.html Mao Tse-Tung: Father of Chinese Revolution]." ''The New York Times''. September 10, 1976</ref> Soviet historians have written that Mao believed his country could survive a nuclear war, even if it lost 300 million people.<ref>"[http://articles.latimes.com/1988-02-23/news/mn-44747_1_nuclear-weapons Mao Reportedly Sought to A-Bomb U.S. Troops]." ''Los Angeles Times''. February 23, 1988.</ref>
 
 
 
[[File:MaoStatueinLijang.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Statue of Mao in [[Lijiang, Yunnan|Lijiang]]]]
 
<blockquote>"Let us imagine how many people would die if war breaks out. There are 2.7 billion people in the world, and a third could be lost. If it is a little higher, it could be half&nbsp;... I say that if the worst came to the worst and one-half dies, there will still be one-half left, but imperialism would be razed to the ground and the whole world would become socialist. After a few years there would be 2.7 billion people again"<ref name="Dikotter13">{{Harvnb|Dikötter|2010|p=13}}</ref></blockquote>
 
 
 
But historians dispute the sincerity of Mao's words. [[Robert Service (historian)|Robert Service]] says that Mao "was deadly serious,"<ref>[[Robert Service (historian)|Robert Service]]. [http://books.google.com/books?id=Frgm5QodnFoC&lpg=PP1&dq=editions%3AFrgm5QodnFoC&pg=PA321#v=onepage&q&f=false ''Comrades!: A History of World Communism.''] [[Harvard University Press]], 2007. p. 321. ISBN 0-674-02530-X</ref> while Frank Dikötter claims that "He was bluffing&nbsp;... the sabre-rattling was to show that he, not Khrushchev, was the more determined revolutionary."<ref name="Dikotter13"/>
 
 
 
Mao's poems and writings are frequently cited by both Chinese and non-Chinese. The official Chinese translation of President [[Barack Obama]]'s inauguration speech used a famous line from one of Mao's poems.<ref>
 
{{cite web
 
  |url=http://chinapressusa.com/newscenter/2009-01/22/content_186098.htm
 
  |work=People's Daily
 
  |title=奥巴马就职演说 引毛泽东诗词
 
  |date=January 22, 2009
 
  |accessdate=July 15, 2009
 
}} {{Dead link|date=October 2010|bot=H3llBot}}</ref> [[John McCain]] misattributed a campaign quote to Mao several times during his 2008 presidential election bid, saying "Remember the words of Chairman Mao: 'It's always darkest before it's totally black.'"
 
 
 
The ideology of Maoism has influenced many communists, mainly in the [[Third World]], including revolutionary movements such as [[Cambodia]]'s [[Khmer Rouge]],<ref>Robert Jackson Alexander. ''International Maoism in the developing world.'' Praeger, 1999. p 200.; {{cite book |last=Jackson |first=Karl D |title=Cambodia, 1975–1978: Rendezvous with Death |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=0-691-02541-X |url=http://books.google.com/?id=h27D3EYGwzgC&pg=PA219&dq=Radical+Left-wing+Chinese+Communist+Underpinnings+of+Cambodian+Communism |page=219 |date=March 17, 1992}}</ref> [[Peru]]'s [[Shining Path]], and the [[Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)|Nepalese revolutionary movement]]. Under the influence of Mao's agrarian socialism and  [[Cultural Revolution]], Cambodia's [[Pol Pot]] conceived of his disastrous [[Year Zero (political notion)|Year Zero]] policies which purged the nation of its teachers, artists and intellectuals and emptied its cities, resulting in the [[Cambodian Genocide]].<ref>[[Biography (TV series)]]: Pol Pot; [[A&E Network]], 2003.</ref>
 
 
 
The [[Revolutionary Communist Party, USA]] also claims Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its ideology, as do other Communist Parties around the world which are part of the [[Revolutionary Internationalist Movement]]. China itself has moved sharply away from Maoism since Mao's death, and most people outside of China who describe themselves as Maoist regard the Deng Xiaoping reforms to be a betrayal of Maoism, in line with Mao's view of "[[Capitalist roader]]s" within the Communist Party.{{Citation needed|date=April 2010}}
 
 
 
As the Chinese government instituted free market economic reforms starting in the late 1970s and as later Chinese leaders took power, less recognition was given to the status of Mao. This accompanied a decline in state recognition of Mao in later years in contrast to previous years when the state organised numerous events and seminars commemorating Mao's 100th birthday. Nevertheless, the Chinese government has never officially repudiated the tactics of Mao. Deng Xiaoping, who was opposed to the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, has to a certain extent rejected Mao's legacy, famously saying that Mao was "70% right and 30% wrong."
 
 
 
In the mid-1990s, Mao Zedong's picture began to appear on all new [[renminbi]] (人民幣) currency from the People's Republic of China. This was officially instituted as an anti-counterfeiting measure as Mao's face is widely recognised in contrast to the generic figures that appear in older currency. On March 13, 2006, a story in the ''[[People's Daily]]'' reported that a proposal had been made to print the portraits of [[Sun Yat-sen]] and Deng Xiaoping.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://english.people.com.cn/200603/13/eng20060313_250192.html|work=People's Daily|title=Portraits of Sun Yat-sen, Deng Xiaoping proposed adding to RMB notes|date=March 13, 2006|accessdate=August 23, 2008}}</ref>
 
 
 
In 2006, the government in Shanghai issued a new set of high school history textbooks which omit Mao, with the exception of a single mention in a section on etiquette. Students in Shanghai now only learn about Mao in junior high school.<ref>{{cite news|last=Kahn|first=Joseph|title=Where's Mao? Chinese Revise History Books|work=The New York Times|date=September 2, 2006|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/01/world/asia/01china.html?ex=1314763200&en=abf86c087b22be74&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss|accessdate=February 28, 2007}}</ref>
 
 
 
===Public image===
 
Mao gave contradicting statements on the subject of [[Cult of personality|personality cults]]. In 1955, as a response to the [[Khrushchev Report]] that criticised [[Joseph Stalin]], Mao stated that personality cults are "poisonous ideological survivals of the old society," and reaffirmed China's commitment to [[collective leadership]].<ref>{{Cite book|title=Mao Zedong: A Political and Intellectual Portrait|first=Maurice|last=Meisner|publisher=Polity|year=2007|page=133}}</ref> But at the 1958 Party congress in Chengdu, Mao expressed support for the personality cults of people whom he labelled as genuinely worthy figures; not those that expressed "blind worship".<ref>{{cite web | url = http://library.thinkquest.org/26469/cultural-revolution/cult.html |title= Cult of Mao | publisher = library.thinkquest.org | accessdate= August 23, 2008 |quote= This remark of Mao seems to have elements of truth but it is false. He confuses the worship of truth with a personality cult, despite there being an essential difference between them. But this remark played a role in helping to promote the personality cult that gradually arose in the CCP.}}</ref>
 
 
 
In 1962, Mao proposed the Socialist Education Movement (SEM) in an attempt to educate the peasants to resist the "temptations" of feudalism and the sprouts of capitalism that he saw re-emerging in the countryside from Liu's economic reforms{{Citation needed|date=May 2011}}. Large quantities of politicised art were produced and circulated&nbsp;—with Mao at the center. Numerous posters, [[Chairman Mao badge|badges]] and musical compositions referenced Mao in the phrase "Chairman Mao is the red sun in our hearts" ({{lang|zh|毛主席是我们心中的红太阳}}, ''Máo Zhǔxí Shì Wǒmen Xīnzhōng De Hóng Tàiyáng'')<ref name="WangMaoBadgesChapter5">[http://www.britishmuseum.org/pdf/2%20-%20Part%202%20-%20Mao%20badges%20with%20low%20res%20image%20of%20poster.pdf Chapter 5: "Mao Badges – Visual Imagery and Inscriptions"] in: Helen Wang: ''Chairman Mao badges: symbols and Slogans of the Cultural Revolution'' (British Museum Research Publication 169). The Trustees of the British Museum, 2008. ISBN 978-0-86159-169-5.</ref> and a "Savior of the people" ({{lang|zh|人民的大救星}}, ''Rénmín De Dà Jiùxīng'').<ref name="WangMaoBadgesChapter5" /><ref>In "The East is Red" ({{lang|zh|东方红}}), an anthem that was popular during the Cultural Revolution. See lyrics and English translation at [http://www.chinapoet.net/bbs/thread-61611-1-1.html ChinaPoet.net] or [http://bbs.sogou.com/f?s=%CE%A1%CE%A1%C0%A5%C2%D8&t=TP$TmyfqIOaxV6GBAAAA&page=1#flB8 Sogou.net]. Retrieved August 24, 2009.</ref>
 
 
 
In October 1966, Mao's ''[[Quotations from Chairman Mao|Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung]]'', which was known as the ''Little Red Book'' was published. Party members were encouraged to carry a copy with them and possession was almost mandatory as a criterion for membership. Over the years, Mao's image became displayed almost everywhere, present in homes, offices and shops. His quotations were [[Emphasis (typography)|typographically emphasised]] by putting them in boldface or red type in even the most obscure writings. Music from the period emphasised Mao's stature, as did children's rhymes. The phrase "Long Live Chairman Mao for [[ten thousand years]]" was commonly heard during the era.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lu|first=Xing|title=Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: the impact on Chinese thought, Culture, and Communication|year=2004|publisher=Univ of South Carolina Press|isbn=1-57003-543-1|page=65|url=http://books.google.com/?id=GO5HrrJC_aMC&pg=PA65&lpg=PA65&dq=Long+Live+Chairman+Mao+for+ten+thousand+years#v=onepage&q=Long%20Live%20Chairman%20Mao%20for%20ten%20thousand%20years&f=false}}</ref>
 
 
 
[[File:Mao mausoleum queue.jpg|550px|thumb|center|A line to enter Mao Zedong Mausoleum]]
 
 
 
Mao also has a presence in China and around the world in popular culture, where his face adorns everything from t-shirts to coffee cups. Mao's granddaughter, Kong Dongmei, defended the phenomenon, stating that "it shows his influence, that he exists in people's consciousness and has influenced several generations of Chinese people's way of life. Just like [[Che Guevara in popular culture|Che Guevara's image]], his has become a symbol of revolutionary culture."<ref name="Reut09">[http://in.reuters.com/article/entertainmentNews/idINIndia-42756920090928?sp=true Granddaughter Keeps Mao's Memory Alive in Bookshop] by Maxim Duncan, [[Reuters]], September 28, 2009</ref> Since 1950, over 40 million people have visited Mao's birthplace in [[Shaoshan]], Hunan.<ref name="ShaoShan">[http://www.shaoshan.gov.cn/Article/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=14617 {{lang|zh|韶山升起永远不落的红太阳}}]</ref>
 
  
 
==Writings and calligraphy==
 
==Writings and calligraphy==
[[File:Baidi Mao.jpg|thumb|right|180px|Mao's [[calligraphy]]: A bronze plaque of a poem by [[Li Bai]]. ({{zh|c=白帝城毛泽东手书李白诗铜匾 }}]]
+
[[File:Baidi Mao.jpg|thumb|right|400px|Mao's [[calligraphy]]: A bronze plaque of a poem by [[Li Bai]]. ({{zh|c=白帝城毛泽东手书李白诗铜匾 }}]]
  
Mao was a prolific writer of political and philosophical literature.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://chineseposters.net/themes/mao-thought.php |title=Mao Zedong Thought – Part 1 |accessdate=April 30, 2011}}</ref> He is the attributed author of ''[[Quotations from Chairman Mao|Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung]]'', known in the West as the "Little Red Book" and in Cultural Revolution China as the "Red Treasure Book" (红宝书): this is a collection of short extracts from his speeches and articles, edited by [[Lin Biao]] and ordered topically. Mao wrote several other philosophical treatises, both before and after he assumed power. These include:
+
Mao was a prolific writer of political and philosophical literature.<ref>[https://chineseposters.net/themes/mao-thought Mao Zedong Thought – Part 1] ''Chinese Posters''. Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref> He is the attributed author of ''[[Quotations from Chairman Mao|Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung]]'', known in the West as the "Little Red Book" and in Cultural Revolution China as the "Red Treasure Book" (红宝书): this is a collection of short extracts from his speeches and articles, edited by [[Lin Biao]] and ordered topically. Mao wrote several other philosophical treatises, both before and after he assumed power. These include:
 
* ''[[On Guerrilla Warfare]]'' (《游击战》); 1937
 
* ''[[On Guerrilla Warfare]]'' (《游击战》); 1937
 
* ''[[On Practice]]'' (《实践论》); 1937
 
* ''[[On Practice]]'' (《实践论》); 1937
Line 458: Line 329:
 
* ''On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People'' (《正确处理人民内部矛盾问题》); 1957
 
* ''On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People'' (《正确处理人民内部矛盾问题》); 1957
  
[[File:Qinyuanchun Changsha.JPG|thumb|175px|Mao's calligraphy of his poem "Qingyuanchun Changsha"]]
+
Some of Mao's most well-known poems are: ''[[Changsha (poem)|Changsha]]'' (1925), ''The Double Ninth'' (1929), ''Loushan Pass'' (1935), ''The Long March'' (1935), ''Snow'' (1936), ''The PLA Captures Nanjing'' (1949), ''Reply to Li Shuyi'' (1957), and ''Ode to the Plum Blossom'' (1961).
Mao was also a skilled [[Chinese calligrapher]] with a highly personal style. In China, Mao was considered a master calligrapher during his lifetime.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.asiawind.com/art/callig/modern.htm#Contemporary%20Chinese%20Calligraphy |title=100 years<!- Bot generated title -> |accessdate=August 23, 2008}}</ref> His calligraphy can be seen today throughout mainland China.<ref>{{cite book |last=Yen |first=Yuehping |title=Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society |publisher=Routledge |year=2005 |url=http://books.google.com/books?visbn=0415317533 |page=2}}</ref> His work gave rise to a new form of Chinese calligraphy called "Mao-style" or ''Maoti'', which has gained increasing popularity since his death. There currently exist various competitions specializing in Mao-style calligraphy.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://art.people.com.cn/GB/41132/41137/4802132.html|work=People|title=首届毛体书法邀请赛精品纷呈|date=September 11, 2006|language=Chinese}}</ref>
 
  
Some of Mao's most well-known poems are: ''[[Changsha (poem)|Changsha]]'' (1925), ''The Double Ninth'' (1929), ''Loushan Pass'' (1935), ''The Long March'' (1935), ''Snow'' (1936), ''The PLA Captures Nanjing'' (1949), ''Reply to Li Shuyi'' (1957), and ''Ode to the Plum Blossom'' (1961).
+
Mao was also a skilled [[Chinese calligrapher]] with a highly personal style.  His calligraphy can be seen today throughout mainland China.<ref>Yuehping Yen, ''Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society'' (Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0415646369). </ref> His work gave rise to a new form of Chinese calligraphy called "Mao-style" or ''Maoti'', which has gained increasing popularity since his death.
  
 
==Portrayal in film and television==
 
==Portrayal in film and television==
Mao has been portrayed in film and television numerous times. Some notable actors include: Han Shi, the first actor ever to have portrayed Mao, in a 1978 drama ''Dielianhua'' and later again in a 1980 film ''Cross the Dadu River'';<ref>{{cite web|title=Being Mao Zedong|url=http://www.china.org.cn/arts/2011-07/04/content_22917108.htm|work=Global Times|accessdate=15 March 2013|date=4 July 2011}}</ref> [[Gu Yue]], who had portrayed Mao 84 times on screen throughout his 27-year career and had won the Best Actor title at the [[Hundred Flowers Awards]] in 1990 and 1993;<ref>{{cite web|title=Famous actor playing Mao Zedong dies|url=http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200507/05/eng20050705_194191.html|work=People's Daily|accessdate=15 March 2013|date=5 July 2005}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Actor famous for playing Mao Zedong dies of miocardial infarction|url=http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200507/05/eng20050705_194076.html|work=People's Daily|accessdate=15 March 2013|date=5 July 2005}}</ref> [[Liu Ye (actor)|Liu Ye]], who played a young Mao in ''[[The Founding of a Party]]'' (2011);<ref>{{cite web|last=Liu|first=Wei|title=The reel Mao|url=http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2011-06/03/content_12636667.htm|publisher=China Daily European Weekly|accessdate=15 March 2013|date=3 June 2011}}</ref> [[Tang Guoqiang]], who has frequently portrayed Mao in more recent times, in the films ''The Long March'' (1996) and ''[[The Founding of a Republic]]'' (2009), and the television series ''[[Huang Yanpei (TV series)|Huang Yanpei]]'' (2010), among others.<ref>{{cite web|last=Xiong|first=Qu|title=Actors expect prosperity of Chinese culture|url=http://english.cntv.cn/program/cultureexpress/20111126/104783.shtml|publisher=CCTV News|accessdate=15 March 2013|date=26 November 2011}}</ref>
+
Mao has been portrayed in film and television numerous times. Some notable actors include:  
 +
*Han Shi, the first actor ever to have portrayed Mao, in a 1978 drama ''Dielianhua'' and later again in a 1980 film ''Cross the Dadu River'';<ref>[http://www.china.org.cn/arts/2011-07/04/content_22917108.htm Being Mao Zedong] ''Global Times'' (July 4, 2011). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>  
 +
*[[Gu Yue]], who portrayed Mao 84 times on screen throughout his 27-year career and won the Best Actor title at the [[Hundred Flowers Awards]] in 1990 and 1993;<ref>[http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2005-07/05/content_457297.htm Gu Yue Dead at 68] ''China Daily'' (July 5, 2005). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>  
 +
*[[Liu Ye (actor)|Liu Ye]], who played a young Mao in ''[[The Founding of a Party]]'' (2011);<ref>Wei Liu, [http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2011-06/03/content_12636667.htm The reel Mao] ''China Daily European Weekly'' (June 3, 2011). Retrieved June 12, 2023.</ref>  
 +
*[[Tang Guoqiang]], who portrayed Mao in more recent times, in the films ''The Long March'' (1996) and ''[[The Founding of a Republic]]'' (2009), and the television series ''[[Huang Yanpei (TV series)|Huang Yanpei]]'' (2010), among others.
  
 
==Genealogy==
 
==Genealogy==
Line 485: Line 359:
  
 
;Wives
 
;Wives
[[File:Mao Jiang Qing and daughter Li Na.jpg|thumb|200px|Mao with [[Jiang Qing]] and daughter [[Li Na (daughter of Mao Zedong)|Li Na]], 1940s]]
+
[[File:Mao Jiang Qing and daughter Li Na.jpg|thumb|400px|Mao with [[Jiang Qing]] and daughter [[Li Na (daughter of Mao Zedong)|Li Na]], 1940s]]
  
 
Mao Zedong had four wives who gave birth to a total of ten children:
 
Mao Zedong had four wives who gave birth to a total of ten children:
Line 495: Line 369:
  
 
;Children
 
;Children
Mao Zedong had a total of ten children,<ref name=Spence>{{Harvnb|Spence|1999}}</ref> including:
+
Mao Zedong had a total of ten children,<ref name=Spence/> including:
 
* [[Mao Anying]] (毛岸英, 1922–1950): son to Yang, married to Liú Sīqí (刘思齐), who was born Liú Sōnglín (刘松林), [[killed in action]] during the [[Korean War]]
 
* [[Mao Anying]] (毛岸英, 1922–1950): son to Yang, married to Liú Sīqí (刘思齐), who was born Liú Sōnglín (刘松林), [[killed in action]] during the [[Korean War]]
 
* [[Mao Anqing]] (毛岸青, 1923–2007): son to Yang, married to [[Shao Hua]] (邵华), grandson [[Mao Xinyu]] (毛新宇), great-grandson Mao Dongdong
 
* [[Mao Anqing]] (毛岸青, 1923–2007): son to Yang, married to [[Shao Hua]] (邵华), grandson [[Mao Xinyu]] (毛新宇), great-grandson Mao Dongdong
Line 503: Line 377:
 
* [[Li Na (Daughter of Mao Zedong)|Li Na]] (李讷, Pinyin: Lĭ Nà, b. 1940): daughter to Jiang (whose birth given name was Li, a name also used by Mao while evading the KMT), married to Wáng Jǐngqīng (王景清), son Wáng Xiàozhī (王效芝)
 
* [[Li Na (Daughter of Mao Zedong)|Li Na]] (李讷, Pinyin: Lĭ Nà, b. 1940): daughter to Jiang (whose birth given name was Li, a name also used by Mao while evading the KMT), married to Wáng Jǐngqīng (王景清), son Wáng Xiàozhī (王效芝)
  
Mao's first and second daughters were left to local villagers because it was too dangerous to raise them while fighting the [[Kuomintang]] and later the Japanese. Their youngest daughter (born in early 1938 in Moscow after Mao separated) and one other child (born 1933) died in infancy. Two English researchers who retraced the entire Long March route in 2002–2003<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/en/doc/2003-11/23/content_283948.htm|title= Stepping into history|work=China Daily|date=November 23, 2003|accessdate=August 23, 2008}}</ref> located a woman whom they believe might well be one of the missing children abandoned by Mao to peasants in 1935. Ed Jocelyn and Andrew McEwen hope a member of the Mao family will respond to requests for a DNA test.<ref>''The Long March'', by Ed Jocelyn and Andrew McEwen. Constable 2006</ref>
+
Mao's first and second daughters were left to local villagers because it was too dangerous to raise them while fighting the [[Kuomintang]] and later the Japanese. Their youngest daughter (born in early 1938 in Moscow after Mao separated) and one other child (born 1933) died in infancy.
  
 
==Notes==
 
==Notes==
Line 509: Line 383:
  
 
==References==
 
==References==
 +
* Alexander, Robert J. ''International Maoism in the Developing World''. Praeger, 1999. ISBN 978-0275961497
 +
* Barme, Geremie. ''Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader''. Routledge, 1996, ISBN 978-1563246791
 +
* Barnouin, Barbara, and Changgen Yu. ''Zhou Enlai: A Political Life''. The Chinese University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-9629962807
 +
* Becker, Jasper. ''Hungry Ghosts''. Free Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0684834573
 +
* Burkitt, Laurie, Andrew Scobell, and Larry M. Wortzel (eds.). ''The lessons of history: The Chinese people's Liberation Army at 75''. Strategic Studies Institute, 2003. ISBN 978-1584871262
 
* Carter, Peter. ''Mao''. Oxford University Press, 1976. ISBN 978-0192731401
 
* Carter, Peter. ''Mao''. Oxford University Press, 1976. ISBN 978-0192731401
* {{cite book|last1= Chang |first1= Jung |last2= Halliday |first2= Jon |authorlink1= Jung Chang |authorlink2= Jon Halliday |title=Mao: The Unknown Story |year=2005 |publisher=Jonathan Cape |location=London |isbn=978-0-224-07126-0 |ref= harv }}
+
* Chang, Jung, and Jon Halliday. ''Mao: The Unknown Story''. Jonathan Cape, 2003. ISBN 978-0224071260
* {{cite book|author=Davin, Delia|title=Mao: A Very Short Introduction|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=GfShg2lD8Y4C|year=2013|publisher=Oxford UP|isbn=9780191654039}}
+
* Cheek, Timothy. ''Mao Zedong and China's Revolutions: A Brief History with Documents''. Bedford/St. Martin's, 2002. ISBN 978-0312256265
* {{cite book|last= Dikötter |first= Frank |authorlink= Frank Dikötter |title=Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958–62 |year= 2010 |publisher= Walker & Company |location= London |isbn= 0-8027-7768-6 |ref= harv }}
+
* Chirot, Daniel. ''Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age''. Princeton University Press, 1996. {{ASIN|B00FDVNJGS}}
* {{cite book |last=Feigon |first=Lee |authorlink=Lee Feigon |title=Mao: A Reinterpretation |year=2002 |isbn=978-1-56663-458-8 |publisher=Ivan R. Dee |location=Chicago |ref=harv}}
+
* DeBorja, Q.M., and Xu L. Dong (eds). ''Manufacturing History: Sex, Lies and Random House's Memoirs of Mao's Physician''. NY: China Study Group, 1996. {{ASIN|B000MGVPCO}}
*{{cite book|last= Gao |first= Mobo |title= The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution |year= 2008 |publisher= Pluto Press |location= London |isbn= 978-0-7453-2780-8 |ref= harv }}
+
* Dikötter, Frank. ''Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962''. Walker Books, 2010. ISBN 978-0802777683
* {{cite book |last=Hollingworth |first=Clare |authorlink=Clare Hollingworth |title=Mao and the Men Against Him |year=1985 |publisher=Jonathan Cape |location=London |isbn=978-0224017602}}
+
* Ebrey, Patricia Buckly. ''The Cambridge Illustrated History of China''. Cambridge University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0521124331
* {{cite book |title=The Private Life of Chairman Mao: The Memoirs of Mao's Personal Physician |last=Li |first=Zhisui |authorlink=Li Zhisui |year= 1994 |publisher=Random House |location=London |isbn=978-0679764434}}
+
* Fairbank, John, and Merle Goldman. ''China: A New History''. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0674018280
*{{cite book|last1= MacFarquhar |first1= Roderick |authorlink1= Roderick MacFarquhar |last2= Schoenhals |first2= Michael |title=Mao's Last Revolution |year= 2006 |publisher=Harvard University Press |location=Cambridge, Massachusetts |isbn=978-0674027480}}
+
* Feigon, Lee. ''Mao: A Reinterpretation''. Ivan R. Dee, 2002. ISBN 978-1566634588
* {{cite book|last1= Pantsov |first1= Alexander V. |last2= Levine |first2= Steven I. |title=Mao: The Real Story |year=2012 |publisher= Simon & Schuster |location=New York and London |isbn=978-1-4516-5447-9 |ref= harv }}
+
* Fenby, Jonathan. ''Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 to the Present''. Ecco, 2008. ISBN 978-0061661167
*{{cite book|last= Schaik |first= Sam |title= Tibet A History |year= 2011 |publisher= Yale University Press Publications |location= New Haven |isbn= 978-0-300-15404-7 |ref= harv }}
+
* Gao, Mobo. ''The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution''. London: Pluto Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0745327808
*{{cite book|last= Schram |first= Stuart |authorlink= Stuart R. Schram |title= Mao Tse-Tung |year= 1966 |publisher= Simon & Schuster |location= London |isbn= 978-0-14-020840-5 |ref= harv }}
+
* Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah. ''Worse Than War: Genocide, Eliminationism, and the Ongoing Assault on Humanity''. PublicAffairs, 2009. ISBN 978-1586487690
*{{cite book|last= Short |first= Philip |authorlink= Philip Short |title= Mao: A Life |url= http://books.google.com/books?id=4y6mACbLWGsC |year= 2001 |publisher= [[Owl Books]] |isbn= 978-0-8050-6638-8 |ref= harv}}
+
* Hollingworth, Clare. ''Mao and the Men Against Him''. Jonathan Cape, Pub., 1985. ISBN 978-0224017602
* {{cite book|last=Terrill |first=Ross |authorlink= Ross Terrill |title=Mao: A Biography |year=1980 |publisher=Simon and Schuster |location= |isbn= |ref=harv}}, which is superseded by Ross Terrill. ''Mao: A Biography.'' (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-8047-2921-2 (pbk. alk. paper).
+
* Karl, Rebecca E. ''Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World: A Concise History''. Duke University Press Books, 2010. ISBN 978-0822347958
*{{cite book|last= Becker |first= Jasper |authorlink= Jasper Becker |title= Hungry Ghosts: Mao's Secret Famine |url= http://books.google.com/books?id=iC4g0gXBmIkC |year= 1998 |publisher= Holt Paperbacks |location= |isbn= 0-8050-5668-8 |ref=harv}}
+
* Li Zhi-Sui. ''The Private Life of Chairman Mao''. RandomHouse, 1996. ISBN 978-0679764434
*{{cite book|last= Valentino |first= Benjamin A. |title= Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century |url= http://books.google.com/books?id=LQfeXVU_EvgC |year= 2004 |publisher= [[Cornell University Press]] |isbn= 0-8014-3965-5 |ref=harv}}
+
* Lieberthal, Kenneth. ''Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform''. W. W. Norton & Company, 2003. ISBN 0393924920
*{{cite book|last= Chirot |first= Daniel |title= Modern tyrants: the power and prevalence of evil in our age |url= http://books.google.com/books?id=e-kVgozyE8gC |year= 1996 |publisher= [[Princeton University Press]] |isbn= 0-691-02777-3 |ref=harv}}
+
* Lu, Xing. ''Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Impact on Chinese Thought, Culture, and Communication''. University of South Carolina Press, 2004. ISBN 978-1570035432
*{{cite book|last= Spence |first= Jonathan |authorlink= Jonathan Spence |title= Mao Zedong |url= |archiveurl= |archivedate= |accessdate= |series= Penguin Lives |year= 1999 |publisher= [[Viking Press]] |location= New York |isbn= 978-0-670-88669-2 |oclc= 41641238 |doi= |id= |bibcode= |laysummary= http://www.nytimes.com/books/00/02/06/reviews/000206.06burnst.html |laydate= February 6, 2000 |ref= harv }}
+
* Lynch, Michael. ''Mao (Routledge Historical Biographies)''. Routledge, 2004. ISBN 978-0415215787
*{{cite journal|last1= Kuisong |first1= Yang |year= 2008 |month= March |title= Reconsidering the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries |journal= [[The China Quarterly]] |issue= 193 |pages= 102–121 |format= PDF |url= http://journals.cambridge.org/production/action/cjoGetFulltext?fulltextid=1809180 |ref = harv }}
+
* MacFarquhar, Roderick, and John K. Fairbank (eds.). ''The Cambridge History of China''. Cambridge University Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0521243360
{{refend}}
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* MacFarquhar, Roderick, and Michael Schoenhals. ''Mao's Last Revolution''. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0674023321
*Schoppa, R. Keith. ''Twentieth Century China: A History in Documents''. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004.
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* Macy, Beth. ''Factory Man: How One Furniture Maker Battled Offshoring, Stayed Local - and Helped Save an American Town''. Little, Brown and Company, 2014. ISBN 978-0316231435
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* Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic''.  Free Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0684856353
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* Meisner, Maurice. ''Mao Zedong: A Political and Intellectual Portrait''. Polity, 2007. ISBN 978-0745631073
 +
* Mosher, Stephen W. ''China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality''. Basic Books, 1992. ISBN 978-0465098132
 +
* O'Brien, Patrick. ''Concise Atlas of World History''. Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 978-0195219210
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* Panné, Jean-Louis, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek, Jean-Louis Margolin, Nicolas Werth, and Stéphane Courtois. ''The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression''. Harvard University Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0674076082
 +
* Pantsov, Alexander V., and Steven I. Levine. ''Mao: The Real Story''. Simon & Schuster, 2012. ISBN 978-1451654479
 +
* Perkins, Dorothy (ed.). ''Encyclopedia of China: History and Culture''. Routledge 1998. ISBN 978-1579581107
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* Perry, Elizabeth J. ''Anyuan: Mining China's Revolutionary Tradition''. University of California Press, 2012. ISBN 978-0520271906
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* Schaik, Sam van. ''Tibet: A History''. Yale University Press, 2011. ISBN 978-0300154047
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* Schram, Stuart R. ''Mao Tse-tung''. Penguin Books, 1967. ISBN 978-0140208405
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* Service, Robert. ''Comrades!: A History of World Communism''. Harvard University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0674025301
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* Shalom, Stephen Rosskamm. ''Deaths in China Due to Communism''. Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1984. ISBN 978-0939252114
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* Short, Philip. ''Mao: A Life''.  Henry Holt and Co., 2000. ISBN 978-0805031157
 +
* Siao Yu (Xiao Yu). ''Mao Tse-Tung and I Were Beggars.'' Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1959. ISBN 978-0815600152
 +
* Spence, Jonathan. ''Mao Zedong: A Life''. Penguin Books, 2006. ISBN 978-0143037729
 +
* Terrill, Ross. ''Mao: A Biography''. Stanford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0804729215
 +
* Valentino, Benjamin A. ''Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century''. Cornell University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0801439650
 +
* Wang, Helen. ''Chairman Mao Badges: Symbols and Slogans of the Cultural Revolution'' British Museum Press, 2008. ISBN 0861591690
 +
* Yen, Yuehping. ''Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society''. Routledge, 2014. ISBN 978-0415646369
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
 +
All links retrieved May 18, 2023.
  
;General
+
*[http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/1999/china.50/inside.china/profiles/mao.tsetung/ Flawed icon of China's resurgence Mao Tse-tung (1893-1976)] ''CNN''
*[http://www.asiasource.org/society/mao.cfm Asia Source biography]
+
*[http://art-bin.com/art/omaotoc.html Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung]
*[http://www.chinesemao.com/ ChineseMao.com: Extensive resources about Mao Zedong]
+
*[https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/index.htm Mao Zedong Reference Archive] ''Marxists.org''
*[http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/1999/china.50/inside.china/profiles/mao.tsetung/ CNN profile]
+
*[https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/jun/02/china.jonathanwatts China must confront dark past, says Mao confidant] ''The Guardian''
*[http://www.etext.org/Politics/MIM/classics/mao/index.html Collected Works of Mao at the Maoist Internationalist Movement]
+
*[https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/jan/18/comment.china Mao was cruel – but also laid the ground for today's China] ''The Guardian''
*[http://art-bin.com/art/omaotoc.html Mao quotations]
+
*[https://tipolog.livejournal.com/67396.html Comrade Mao - 44 Chinese posters of the 1950s - 70s]
*[http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/index.htm Mao Zedong Reference Archive at marxists.org]
+
*[https://monthlyreview.org/2004/09/01/on-the-role-of-mao-zedong/ On the Role of Mao Zedong] ''Live Journal''
*[http://www.oxfordreference.com/pages/samplep02 Oxford Companion to World Politics: Mao Zedong]
+
*[https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/the-chinese-cultural-revolution-remembering-mao-s-victims-a-483023.html Remembering Mao's Victims] ''Spiegel International''
*[http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/COLDmao.htm Spartacus Educational biography]
+
*[https://www.nybooks.com/online/2010/12/20/finding-facts-about-maos-victims/ Finding the Facts About Mao's Victims] ''The New York Review''
*[http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/66095/4468893.html Bio of Mao at the official Communist Party of China web site]
+
*[https://www.huffpost.com/entry/remembering-chinas-great_b_303107 Remembering China's Great Helmsman] ''Huff Post''
  
;Commentary
 
*[http://chairmanmaozedong.org Discusses the life, military influence and writings of Chairman Mao ZeDong.]
 
*[http://www.monthlyreview.org/0906amin.htm What Maoism Has Contributed]
 
*[http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2005/jun/02/china.jonathanwatts China must confront dark past, says Mao confidant]
 
*[http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/jan/18/comment.china Mao was cruel – but also laid the ground for today's China]
 
*[http://tipolog.livejournal.com/67396.html Comrade Mao - 44 Chinese posters of the 1950s - 70s]
 
*[http://www.monthlyreview.org/0904hinton.htm On the Role of Mao Zedong]
 
*[http://artchina.free.fr/items/creasite.php?params=Mao%20Zedong_CATEGORY_0 Propaganda paintings showing Mao as the great leader of China]
 
*[http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,483023,00.html Remembering Mao's Victims]
 
*[http://www.biography.com/video.do?name=politicalfigures&bcpid=1740037438&bclid=1774292646&bctid=1731352871 Mao Tse Tung: Leader, Killer, Icon]
 
*[http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/16/opinion/16iht-eddikotter16.html Mao's Great Leap to Famine]
 
*[http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2010/dec/20/finding-facts-about-maos-victims/ Finding the Facts About Mao's Victims]
 
*[http://www.huffingtonpost.com/eric-margolis/remembering-chinas-great_b_303107.html Remembering China's Great Helmsman]
 
*[http://monthlyreview.org/commentary/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?]
 
  
 
{{S-start}}
 
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Latest revision as of 15:44, 12 June 2023

This is a Chinese name; the family name is Mao.
Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong

Official portrait, 1959


1st Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
Preceded by Himself (as Central Politburo Chairman)
Succeeded by Hua Guofeng
Preceded by Zhang Wentian
(as Central Committee General Secretary)
Succeeded by Himself (as Central Committee Chairman)

1st Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission

1st Chairman of the National Committee of the CPPCC
Preceded by Position created
Succeeded by Zhou Enlai

1st Chairman of the People's Republic of China
In office
September 27, 1954 – April 27, 1959
Deputy Zhu De
Preceded by Position created
Succeeded by Liu Shaoqi

Born December 26 1893(1893-12-26)
Shaoshan, Hunan
Died September 9 1976 (aged 82)
Beijing
Political party Communist Party of China
Spouse Luo Yixiu (1907–1910)
Yang Kaihui (1920–1930)
He Zizhen (1930–1937)
Jiang Qing (1939–1976)
Children 10
Occupation Revolutionary, statesman
Religion None (atheist)
Signature Mao Zedong's signature

Mao Zedong, also transliterated as Mao Tse-tung, and commonly referred to as Chairman Mao (December 26, 1893 - September 9, 1976), was a Chinese communist revolutionary and a founding father of the People's Republic of China, which he governed as Chairman of the Communist Party of China from its establishment in 1949 until his death. His Marxist-Leninist theories, military strategies, and political policies are collectively known as Maoism.

Born the son of a wealthy farmer in Shaoshan, Hunan, Mao adopted a Chinese nationalist and anti-imperialist outlook in early life. He converted to Marxism-Leninism and became a founding member of the Communist Party of China (CPC), of which he became the head during the Long March. On October 1, 1949 Mao proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic of China. In the following years he solidified his control through land reforms, through a psychological victory in the Korean War, and through campaigns against landlords, people he termed "counterrevolutionaries," and other perceived enemies of the state. In 1957 he launched a campaign known as the Great Leap Forward that aimed to rapidly transform China's economy from an agrarian economy to an industrial one. This campaign, however, exacerbated agrarian problems leading to one the deadliest famines in history. In 1966, he initiated the Cultural Revolution, a program to weed out supposed counter-revolutionary elements in Chinese society. In 1972, he welcomed American president Richard Nixon in Beijing, signaling a policy of opening China.

Mao Zedong
Simplified Chinese: 毛泽东
Traditional Chinese: 毛澤東
Hanyu Pinyin: Máo Zédōng
Zhongwen.png This article contains Chinese text.
Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Chinese characters.

A highly controversial figure, Mao is regarded as one of the most important individuals in modern world history. Supporters regard him as a great leader and credit him with numerous accomplishments including modernizing China and building it into a world power, promoting the status of women, improving education and health care, providing universal housing, and increasing life expectancy as China's population grew from around 550 to over 900 million during the period of his leadership. In contrast, critics, including many historians, have characterized him as a dictator who oversaw systematic human rights abuses, and whose rule is estimated to have contributed to the deaths of 40–70 million people through starvation, forced labor, and executions, ranking his tenure as the top incidence of democide in human history.

Early life

Mao's childhood home in Shaoshan, in 2010, by which time it had become a tourist destination.

Mao was born on December 26, 1893 in Shaoshan village, Shaoshan, Hunan. His father, Mao Yichang, was an impoverished peasant who had become one of the wealthiest farmers in Shaoshan. Zedong described his father as a stern disciplinarian, who would beat him and his three siblings, the boys Zemin and Zetan, and an adopted girl, Zejian.[1] Yichang's wife, Wen Qimei, was a devout Buddhist who tried to temper her husband's strict attitude. Zedong too became a Buddhist, but abandoned this faith in his mid-teenage years.[2]

At the age of eight, Mao was sent to Shaoshan Primary School where he learned the value systems of Confucianism. He later admitted that he did not enjoy the classical Chinese texts preaching Confucian morals, instead favoring popular novels like Romance of the Three Kingdoms and Water Margin.[3]

Mao finished primary education at the age of 13 and his father had him married to the 17-year-old Luo Yixiu, uniting their land-owning families. Mao refused to recognize her as his wife, becoming a fierce critic of arranged marriage and temporarily moving away. Luo was locally disgraced and died in 1910.[4] Aged 16, Mao moved to a higher primary school in nearby Dongshan, where he was bullied for his peasant background.[1]

Working on his father's farm, Mao read voraciously, developing a "political consciousness" from Zheng Guanying's booklet which lamented the deterioration of Chinese power and argued for the adoption of representative democracy. Mao was inspired by the military prowess and nationalistic fervor of George Washington and Napoleon Bonaparte.[3] His political views were shaped by Gelaohui-led protests which erupted following a famine in the Hunanese capital Changsha. Mao supported the protester's demands, but the armed forces suppressed the dissenters and executed their leaders.[1] The famine spread to Shaoshan, where starving peasants seized his father's grain. Disapproving of their actions as morally wrong, Mao nevertheless claimed sympathy for their situation.[2]

After moving to Changsha, Mao enrolled and dropped out of a police academy, a soap-production school, a law school, an economics school, and the government-run Changsha Middle School. Studying independently, he spent much time in Changsha's library, reading core works of classical liberalism such as Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations and Montesquieu's The Spirit of the Laws, as well as the works of western scientists and philosophers such as Darwin, Mill, Rousseau, and Spencer.[2] Viewing himself as an intellectual, he admitted years later that at this time he thought himself better than working people.[3]

Mao decided to become a teacher and enrolled at the Fourth Normal School of Changsha, which soon merged with the First Normal School of Changsha, widely seen as the best school in Hunan. Professor Yang Changji befriended Mao and urged him to read a radical newspaper, New Youth (Xin qingnian), the creation of his friend Chen Duxiu, a dean at Peking University. Mao published his first article in New Youth in April 1917, instructing readers to increase their physical strength to serve the revolution. He joined the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi (Chuan-shan Hsüeh-she), a revolutionary group founded by Changsha literati who wished to emulate the philosopher Wang Fuzhi.[2]

Seeing no use in his son's intellectual pursuits, Mao's father had cut off his allowance, forcing him to move into a hostel for the destitute.[5] In his first school year, Mao befriended an older student, Xiao Yu; together they went on a walking tour of Hunan, begging and writing literary couplets to obtain food.[6] In 1915 Mao was elected secretary of the Students Society. Forging an Association for Student Self-Government, he led protests against school rules. In spring 1917, he was elected to command the students' volunteer army, set up to defend the school from marauding soldiers. Increasingly interested in the techniques of war, he took a keen interest in World War I, and also began to develop a sense of solidarity with workers.[3] Mao undertook feats of physical endurance with Xiao Yu and Cai Hesen, and with other young revolutionaries they formed the Renovation of the People Study Society in April 1918 to debate Chen Duxiu's ideas. The Society gained 70–80 members, many of whom would later join the Communist Party. Mao graduated in June 1919, ranked third in the year.[1]

Mao moved to Beijing and, paid a low wage, lived in a cramped room with seven other Hunanese students. He believed that Beijing's beauty offered "vivid and living compensation."[3] His time in Beijing ended in the spring of 1919, when he traveled to Shanghai with friends departing for France, before returning to Shaoshan, where his mother was terminally ill; she died in October 1919, with her husband dying in January 1920.[3]

Early revolutionary activity

Mao adopted a Chinese nationalist and anti-imperialist outlook in early life, particularly influenced by the events of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 and May Fourth Movement of 1919. He converted to Marxism-Leninism while working at Peking University and became a founding member of the Communist Party of China (CPC).

The Xinhai Revolution

Mao in 1913.

The Xinhai Revolution of 1911 overthrew China's last imperial dynasty (the Qing dynasty), and established the Republic of China (ROC). In Changsha there was widespread animosity towards Emperor Puyi's absolute monarchy, with many advocating republicanism. The republicans' figurehead was Sun Yat-sen, an American-educated Christian who led the Tongmenghui society.[5] Mao was influenced by Sun's newspaper, The People's Independence (Minli bao), and called for Sun to become president in a school essay.[1] As a symbol of rebellion against the Manchu monarch, Mao and a friend cut off their queue pigtails, a sign of subservience to the emperor.[2]

Mao joined the rebel army as a private soldier, but was not involved in fighting. When the revolution was over in 1912, he resigned from the army after six months of being a soldier.[3] Around this time, Mao discovered socialism from a newspaper article; proceeding to read pamphlets by Jiang Kanghu, the student founder of the Chinese Socialist Party, Mao remained interested yet unconvinced by the idea.[1]

Beijing: Student rebellions

Following the success of the October Revolution in the Russian Empire, in which Marxists took power, Mao came under the theoretical influence of Karl Marx (left) and Lenin (right). Following the success of the October Revolution in the Russian Empire, in which Marxists took power, Mao came under the theoretical influence of Karl Marx (left) and Lenin (right).
Following the success of the October Revolution in the Russian Empire, in which Marxists took power, Mao came under the theoretical influence of Karl Marx (left) and Lenin (right).

Mao moved to Beijing where his mentor Yang Changji had taken a job at Peking University. Yang thought Mao exceptionally "intelligent and handsome," securing him a job as assistant to the university librarian Li Dazhao, an early Chinese communist.[4] Li authored a series of New Youth articles on the October Revolution in Russia, during which the communist Bolshevik Party under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin had seized power. Becoming "more and more radical," Mao was influenced by Peter Kropotkin's anarchism but joined Li's Study Group and "developed rapidly toward Marxism" during the winter of 1919.[1]

In May 1919, the May Fourth Movement erupted in Beijing, with Chinese patriots rallying against the Japanese and Duan's Beiyang Government. Duan's troops were sent in to crush the protests, but unrest spread throughout China. Mao began organizing protests against the pro-Duan Governor of Hunan Province, Zhang Jinghui, popularly known as "Zhang the Venomous" due to his criminal activities. He co-founded the Hunanese Student Association with He Shuheng and Deng Zhongxia, organizing a student strike for June and in July 1919 began production of a weekly radical magazine, Xiang River Review (Xiangjiang pinglun). Using vernacular language that would be understandable to the majority of China's populace, he advocated the need for a "Great Union of the Popular Masses." His ideas at that time were not Marxist, but heavily influenced by Kropotkin's concept of mutual aid.[3]

Students in Beijing rallied during the May Fourth Movement.

Zhang banned the Student Association, but Mao continued publishing after assuming editorship of liberal magazine New Hunan (Xin Hunan) and offering articles in popular local newspaper Justice (Ta Kung Po). Several of these articles advocated feminist views, calling for the liberation of women in Chinese society. In this, Mao was influenced by his forced arranged marriage.[1] In December 1919, Mao helped organize a general strike in Hunan, securing some concessions, but Mao and other student leaders felt threatened by Zhang, and Mao returned to Beijing, visiting the terminally ill Yang Changji. Mao found that his articles had achieved a level of fame among the revolutionary movement, and set about soliciting support in overthrowing Zhang. Coming across newly translated Marxist literature by Thomas Kirkup, Karl Kautsky, and Marx and Engels—notably The Communist Manifesto—he came increasingly under their influence, but was still eclectic in his views.[3]

Mao visited Tianjin, Jinan, and Qufu, before moving to Shanghai, where he met Chen Duxiu. He noted that Chen's adoption of Marxism "deeply impressed me at what was probably a critical period in my life."[3] In Shanghai, Mao met his old teacher, Yi Peiji, a revolutionary and member of the Kuomintang (KMT), or Chinese Nationalist Party, which was gaining increasing support and influence. Yi introduced Mao to General Tan Yankai, a senior KMT member who held the loyalty of troops stationed along the Hunanese border with Guangdong. Tan was plotting to overthrow Zhang, and Mao aided him by organizing the Changsha students. In June 1920, Tan led his troops into Changsha, while Zhang fled. In the subsequent reorganization of the provincial administration, Mao was appointed headmaster of the junior section of the First Normal School. With a secure income, he married Yang Kaihui in the winter of 1920.[1]

Founding the Communist Party of China

Location of the first Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in July 1921, in Xintiandi, former French Concession, Shanghai.

In 1921 Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao founded the Communist Party of China as a study society and informal network. Mao set up a Changsha branch and opened a bookstore for the purpose of propagating revolutionary literature throughout Hunan.

By 1921, small Marxist groups existed in Shanghai, Beijing, Changsha, Wuhan, Canton, and Jinan, and it was decided to hold a central meeting, which began in Shanghai on July 23, 1921. This first session of the National Congress of the Communist Party of China was attended by 13 delegates, Mao included, and met in a girls' school that was closed for the summer. After the authorities sent a police spy to the congress, the delegates moved to a boat on South Lake near Chiahsing to escape detection.

Now party secretary for Hunan, Mao was stationed in Changsha, from which he went on a Communist recruitment drive. In August 1921, he founded the Self-Study University, through which readers could gain access to revolutionary literature, housed in the premises of the Society for the Study of Wang Fuzhi. Taking part in the Chinese National YMCA mass education movement to fight illiteracy, he opened a Changsha branch, though replaced the usual textbooks with revolutionary tracts in order to spread Marxism among the students. He continued organizing the labor movement to strike against the administration of Hunan Governor Zhao Hengti. In July 1922, the Second Congress of the Communist Party took place in Shanghai. Adopting Lenin's advice, the delegates agreed to an alliance with the "bourgeois democrats" of the KMT for the good of the "national revolution." Communist Party members joined the KMT, hoping to push its politics leftward. Mao enthusiastically agreed with this decision, arguing for an alliance across China's socio-economic classes.

Collaboration with the Kuomintang

Mao the revolutionary in 1927.

At the Third Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai in June 1923, the delegates reaffirmed their commitment to working with the KMT against the Beiyang government and imperialists. Supporting this position, Mao was elected to the Party Committee, taking up residence in Shanghai. Attending the First KMT Congress, held in Guangzhou in early 1924, Mao was elected an alternate member of the KMT Central Executive Committee, and put forward four resolutions to decentralize power to urban and rural bureaus. His enthusiastic support for the KMT earned him the suspicion of some communists.[1] In late 1924, Mao returned to Shaoshan to recuperate from an illness. Discovering that the peasantry were increasingly restless due to the upheaval of the past decade (some had seized land from wealthy landowners to found communes) he became convinced of the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. As a result, Mao was appointed to run the KMT's Peasant Movement Training Institute, also becoming Director of its Propaganda Department and editing its Political Weekly (Zhengzhi zhoubao) newsletter.[4]

Through the Peasant Movement Training Institute, Mao took an active role in organizing the revolutionary Hunanese peasants and preparing them for militant activity, taking them through military training exercises and getting them to study various left-wing texts. In the winter of 1925, Mao fled to Canton after his revolutionary activities attracted the attention of Zhao's regional authorities.

When KMT party leader Sun Yat-sen died in May 1925, he was succeeded by a rightist, Chiang Kai-shek, who initiated moves to marginalize the position of the communists. Mao nevertheless supported Chiang's decision to overthrow the Beiyang government and their foreign imperialist allies using the National Revolutionary Army, who embarked on the Northern Expedition in 1926. In the wake of this expedition, peasants rose up, appropriating the land of the wealthy landowners, many of whom were killed. Such uprisings angered senior KMT figures, who were themselves landowners, emphasizing the growing class and ideological divide within the revolutionary movement.

In March 1927, Mao appeared at the Third Plenum of the KMT Central Executive Committee in Wuhan, which sought to strip General Chiang of his power by appointing Wang Jingwei leader. There, Mao played an active role in the discussions regarding the peasant issue, defending a set of "Regulations for the Repression of Local Bullies and Bad Gentry," which advocated the death penalty or life imprisonment for anyone found guilty of counter-revolutionary activity, arguing that in a revolutionary situation, "peaceful methods cannot suffice."[4] In April 1927, Mao was appointed to the KMT's five-member Central Land Committee, urging peasants to refuse to pay rent. Mao led another group to put together a "Draft Resolution on the Land Question," which called for the confiscation of land belonging to "local bullies and bad gentry, corrupt officials, militarists and all counter-revolutionary elements in the villages." [1]

Civil War

Main article: Chinese Civil War

In 1927 Mao's Autumn Harvest Uprising showed the potential revolutionary power of the peasants. At the same time, the KMT's military leader Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek mounted an anti-communist purge, setting off the Chinese Civil War.

The Nanchang and Autumn Harvest Uprisings

The CPC continued supporting the Wuhan KMT government, a position Mao initially supported, but he had changed his mind by the time of the CPC's Fifth Congress, deciding to stake all hope on the peasant militia.[5] The question was rendered moot when the Wuhan government expelled all communists from the KMT. The CPC founded the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army of China, better known as the "Red Army," to battle Chiang. A battalion led by General Zhu De was ordered to take the city of Nanchang on August 1, 1927 in what became known as the Nanchang Uprising; initially successful, they were forced into retreat after five days, marching south to Shantou, and from there being driven into the wilderness of Fujian.

Appointed commander-in-chief of the Red Army, Mao led four regiments against Changsha in the Autumn Harvest Uprising, hoping to spark peasant uprisings across Hunan. On the eve of the attack, Mao composed a poem—the earliest of his to survive—titled "Changsha." Mao's plan was to attack the KMT-held city from three directions on September 9, but the Fourth Regiment deserted to the KMT cause, attacking the Third Regiment. Mao's army made it to Changsha, but could not take it; by September 15 he accepted defeat, with 1,000 survivors marching east to the Jinggang Mountains of Jiangxi.[4]

The CPC Central Committee expelled Mao from their rank and from the Hunan Provincial Committee, punishment for his "military opportunism," for his focus on rural activity, and for being too lenient with "bad gentry." Setting up base in Jinggangshan City, an area of the Jinggang Mountains, Mao united five villages as a self-governing state, supporting the confiscation of land from rich landlords, who were "re-educated" and sometimes executed. He ensured that no massacres took place in the region, pursuing a more lenient approach than that advocated by the Central Committee.[1] Proclaiming that "Even the lame, the deaf and the blind could all come in useful for the revolutionary struggle," he boosted the army's numbers, incorporating two groups of bandits into his army, building a force of around 1,800 troops. He laid down rules for his soldiers: prompt obedience to orders, all confiscations were to be turned over to the government, and nothing was to be confiscated from poorer peasants. In doing so, he molded his men into a disciplined, efficient fighting force.[5]

In spring 1928, the Central Committee ordered Mao's troops to southern Hunan, hoping to spark peasant uprisings. Mao was skeptical, but complied. Reaching Hunan, they were attacked by the KMT and fled after heavy losses. Meanwhile, KMT troops had invaded Jinggangshan, leaving them without a base. Wandering the countryside, Mao's forces came across a CPC regiment led by General Zhu De and Lin Biao; they united and retook Jinggangshan after prolonged guerrilla war against the KMT. Joined by a defecting KMT regiment and Peng Dehuai's Fifth Red Army, the mountainous area was unable to grow enough crops to feed everyone, leading to food shortages throughout the winter.[4]

Jiangxi Soviet Republic of China

Mao with his third wife, He Zizhen.

In January 1929, Mao and Zhu evacuated the base and took their armies south, to the area around Tonggu and Xinfeng in Jiangxi, which they consolidated as a new base. Together having 2,000 men, with a further 800 provided by Peng, the evacuation led to a drop in morale, and many troops became disobedient and began thieving; this worried Li Lisan and the Central Committee. Li believed that only the urban proletariat could lead a successful revolution, and saw little need for Mao's peasant guerrillas. Mao refused to disband his army or abandon his base. Officials in Moscow desired greater control over the CPC, removing Li from power by calling him to Russia for an inquest into his errors and replacing him with Soviet-educated Chinese communists, known as the "28 Bolsheviks," two of whom, Bo Gu and Zhang Wentian, took control of the Central Committee. Mao disagreed with the new leadership, believing they grasped little of the Chinese situation, and soon emerged as their key rival.[1]

In February 1930, Mao created the Southwest Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government in the region under his control. In November his wife and sister were captured and beheaded by KMT general He Jian. Mao then married He Zizhen, an 18-year-old revolutionary who bore him five children over the following nine years.[4] Members of the Jiangxi Soviet accused him of being too moderate, and hence anti-revolutionary. In December, they tried to overthrow Mao, resulting in the Futian incident; putting down the rebels, Mao's loyalists tortured many and executed between 2,000 and 3,000 dissenters.[1] Seeing it as a secure area, the CPC Central Committee moved to Jiangxi, which in November was proclaimed to be the Soviet Republic of China, an independent Communist-governed state. Although proclaimed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Mao's power was diminished, with control of the Red Army being allocated to Zhou Enlai; Mao meanwhile recovered from tuberculosis.[5]

Mao in 1931.

Attempting to defeat the Communists, the KMT armies adopted a policy of encirclement and annihilation; outnumbered, Mao responded with guerrilla tactics, but Zhou and the new leadership replaced this approach with a policy of open confrontation and conventional warfare. In doing so the Red Army successfully defeated the first and second encirclements. Angered at his armies' failure, Chiang Kai-shek personally arrived to lead the operation; also facing setbacks, he retreated to deal with the further Japanese incursions into China. Victorious, the Red Army expanded its area of control, eventually encompassing a population of 3 million. Viewing the Communists as a greater threat than the Japanese, Chiang returned to Jiangxi, initiating the fifth encirclement campaign, involving the construction of a concrete and barbed wire "wall of fire" around the state, accompanied by aerial bombardment, to which Zhou's tactics proved ineffective. Trapped inside, morale among the Red Army dropped as food and medicine became scarce, and the leadership decided to evacuate.[4]

The Long March

Main article: Long March

On October 14, 1934, the Red Army broke through the KMT line on the Jiangxi Soviet's south-west corner at Xinfeng with 85,000 soldiers and 15,000 party cadres and embarked on the "Long March." In order to make the escape, many of the wounded and the ill as well as women and children, including Mao's two young children born to He Zizhen who accompanied Mao on the march, were left behind. They took Zunyi in January 1935 where they held a conference. Mao was elected to a position of leadership, becoming Chairman of the Politburo and de facto leader of both Party and Red Army, in part because his candidacy was supported by Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin. Insisting that they operate as a guerrilla force, Mao laid out a destination: the Shenshi Soviet in Shaanxi, Northern China, from where the Communists could focus on fighting the Japanese.

Mao led his troops to Loushan Pass, where they faced armed opposition but successfully crossed the river. Chiang flew into the area to lead his armies against Mao, but the Communists out-maneuvered him and crossed the Jinsha River. Faced with the more difficult task of crossing the Tatu River, they managed it by fighting a battle over the Luding Bridge in May, taking Luding. Marching through the mountain ranges around Ma'anshan, in Moukung, Western Szechuan they encountered the 50,000-strong CPC Fourth Front Army of Zhang Guotao, together proceeding to Maoerhkai and then Gansu. However, Zhang and Mao disagreed over what to do; the latter wished to proceed to Shaanxi, while Zhang wanted to flee east to Tibet or Sikkim, far from the KMT threat. It was agreed that they would go their separate ways, with Zhu De joining Zhang. Mao's forces proceeded north, through hundreds of miles of Grasslands, an area of quagmire where they were attacked by Manchu tribesman and where many soldiers succumbed to famine and disease. Finally reaching Shaanxi, they fought off both the KMT and an Islamic cavalry militia before crossing over the Min Mountains and Mount Liupan and reaching the Shenshi Soviet; only 7-8,000 had survived.[4]

While costly, the Long March gave the Communist Party of China (CPC) the isolation it needed, allowing its army to recuperate and rebuild in the north of China. The Chinese communists developed their ideology, their methods of indoctrination and their guerrilla tactics. The determination and dedication of the surviving participants of the Long March was vital in helping the CPC to gain a positive reputation among the peasants.

The Long March cemented Mao's status as the dominant figure in the party. In November 1935, he was named chairman of the Military Commission. From this point onward, Mao was the Communist Party's undisputed leader, even though he would not become party chairman until 1943.[7]

It should be noted that many of the events as later described by Mao and which now form the official story of the Communist Party of China, as told above, are regarded as lies by some historians. During the decade spent researching the book, Mao: The Unknown Story, for instance, Jung Chang found evidence that there was no battle at Luding and that the CCP crossed the bridge unopposed.[8]

Alliance with the Kuomintang

In an effort to defeat the Japanese, Mao (left) agreed to collaborate with Chiang (right).

Arriving at the Yan'an Soviet during October 1935, Mao's troops settled in Pao An. Remaining there till spring 1936, they developed links with local communities, redistributed and farmed the land, offered medical treatment and began literacy programs.[4] Mao now commanded 15,000 soldiers, boosted by the arrival of He Long's men from Hunan and the armies of Zhu Den and Zhang Guotao, returning from Tibet. In February 1936 they established the North West Anti-Japanese Red Army University in Yan'an, through which they trained increasing numbers of new recruits. In January 1937 they began the "anti-Japanese expedition," sending groups of guerrilla fighters into Japanese-controlled territory to undertake sporadic attacks, while in May 1937, a Communist Conference was held in Yan'an to discuss the situation. Western reporters also arrived in the "Border Region" (as the Soviet had been renamed); most notable were Edgar Snow, who used his experiences as a basis for Red Star Over China, and Agnes Smedley, whose accounts brought international attention to Mao's cause.[1]

On the Long March, Mao's wife He Zizen had been injured from a shrapnel wound to the head, and so traveled to Moscow for medical treatment; Mao proceeded to divorce her and marry an actress, Jiang Qing. Mao moved into a cave-house and spent much of his time reading, tending his garden and theorizing.[5] He came to believe that the Red Army alone was unable to defeat the Japanese, and that a Communist-led "government of national defense" should be formed with the KMT and other "bourgeois nationalist" elements to achieve this goal. Although despising Chiang Kai-shek as a "traitor to the nation", on May 5 he telegrammed the Military Council of the Nanking National Government proposing a military alliance, a course of action advocated by Stalin.[1] Although Chiang intended to ignore Mao's message and continue the civil war, he was arrested by one of his own generals, Zhang Xueliang, in Xi'an, leading to the Xi'an Incident; Zhang forced Chiang to discuss the issue with the Communists, resulting in the formation of a United Front with concessions on both sides on December 25, 1937.[4]

Mao in 1938, writing On Protracted War.

In August 1938, the Red Army formed the New Fourth Army and the Eighth Route Army, which were nominally under the command of Chiang's National Revolutionary Army. In August 1940, the Red Army initiated the Hundred Regiments Campaign, in which 400,000 troops attacked the Japanese simultaneously in five provinces; a military success, it resulted in the death of 20,000 Japanese, the disruption of railways and the loss of a coal mine. From his base in Yan'an, Mao authored several texts for his troops, including Philosophy of Revolution, which offered an introduction to the Marxist theory of knowledge, Protracted Warfare, which dealt with guerrilla and mobile military tactics, and New Democracy, which laid forward ideas for China's future.

Resuming civil war

Mao with his fourth wife, Jiang Qing, called "Madame Mao," 1946

After the end of World War II, the U.S. continued their military assistance to Chiang Kai-shek and his KMT government forces against the People's Liberation Army (PLA) led by Mao in the civil war for control of China. In 1948, under direct orders from Mao, the People's Liberation Army starved out the Kuomintang forces occupying the city of Changchun. At least 160,000 civilians are believed to have perished during the siege, which lasted from June until October. On January 21, 1949, Kuomintang forces suffered great losses in battles against Mao's forces. In the early morning of December 10, 1949, PLA troops laid siege to Chengdu, the last KMT-held city in mainland China, and Chiang Kai-shek evacuated from the mainland to Formos (now Taiwan).[9]

Leadership of China

On October 1, 1949 Mao proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic of China, a one-party socialist state controlled by the Communist Party. In the following years Mao solidified his control through land reforms, through a psychological victory in the Korean War, and through campaigns against landlords, people he termed "counterrevolutionaries," and other perceived enemies of the state. Mao took up residence in Zhongnanhai, a compound next to the Forbidden City in Beijing, and there he ordered the construction of an indoor swimming pool and other buildings.

Mao Zedong declares the founding of the modern People's Republic of China, October 1, 1949

Korea and Tibet

After Mao won the Chinese civil war in 1949, his goal became the unification of the “five races” under the big family, China.[10]

In October 1950, Mao made the decision to send the Chinese People's Volunteer Army into Korea and fight against the United Nations forces led by the U.S. Historical records showed that Mao directed minute details of the campaigns in the Korean War.[11]

Aware of Mao’s vision, the Tibetan government in Lhasa (Tibet) sent a representative, Ngapo Ngawang Jigme to Chamdo, Kham, a strategically high valued town near the border. Ngapo had orders to hold the position while reinforcements was coming from the Lhasa and fight off the Chinese.[10] On October 16, 1950, news came that the PLA was advancing towards Chamdo and had also taken another strategic town named, Riwoche, which could block the route to Lhasa. With new orders, Ngapo and his men retreated to a monastery where the PLA finally surrounded and captured them, though they were treated with respect. Ngapo wrote to Lhasa suggesting a peaceful surrender or “liberation” instead of war. During the negotiation, the Chinese negotiator was clear: “It is up to you to choose whether Tibet would be liberated peacefully or by force. It is only a matter of sending a telegram to the PLA group to recommence their march to Lhasa."[10] Ngapo accepted Mao’s “Seventeen-Point Agreement,” which constituted Tibet as part of China, in return for which Tibet would be granted autonomy.In the face of discouraging lack of support from the rest of the world, the Dalai Lama on August 1951, sent a telegram to Mao accepting the Seventeen-Point Agreement.[10]

Early Campaigns

China had been through a series of land reforms before the establishment of the People's Republic of China. In 1946, land and other property of landlords were expropriated and redistributed so that each household in a rural village would have a comparable holding. Significant numbers of landlords and well-to-do peasants were beaten to death at mass meetings organized by the Communist Party as land was taken from them and given to poorer peasants.[12] Shortly after the founding of the PRC, Mao laid down new guidelines, insisting that the people themselves should become involved in the killing of landlords who had oppressed them.[12] Mao thought that peasants who killed landlords with their bare hands would become permanently linked to the revolutionary process in a way that passive spectators could not be.

Along with land reform, there was also the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries.[13] This involved public executions targeting mainly former Kuomintang officials, businessmen accused of "disturbing" the market, former employees of Western companies and intellectuals whose loyalty was suspect.[14] The U.S. State department in 1976 estimated that there may have been a million killed in the land reform, and 800,000 killed in the counterrevolutionary campaign.[15]

Mao himself claimed that a total of 700,000 people were killed in attacks on "counter-revolutionaries" during the years 1950–1952.[16] Mao obtained this number from a report submitted by Xu Zirong, Deputy Public Security Minister, which stated 712,000 counterrevolutionaries were executed, 1,290,000 were imprisoned, and another 1,200,000 were "subjected to control."[13] However, because there was a policy to select "at least one landlord, and usually several, in virtually every village for public execution,"[17] the number of deaths range between 2 million [18] and 5 million.[14] In addition, at least 1.5 million people, perhaps as many as 4 to 6 million, were sent to "reform through labor" camps where many perished.[19] Mao played a personal role in organizing the mass repressions and established a system of execution quotas, which were often exceeded.[13]

Starting in 1951, Mao initiated two successive movements in an effort to rid urban areas of corruption by targeting wealthy capitalists and political opponents, known as the three-anti/five-anti campaigns. While the three-anti campaign was a focused purge of government, industrial and party officials, the five-anti campaign set its sights slightly broader, targeting capitalist elements in general.[20] A climate of raw terror developed as workers denounced their bosses, spouses turned on their spouses, and children informed on their parents; the victims were often humiliated at struggle sessions, a method designed to intimidate and terrify people to the maximum. Mao insisted that minor offenders be criticized and reformed or sent to labor camps, "while the worst among them should be shot." These campaigns took several hundred thousand additional lives, the vast majority via suicide.[12]

Mao at Joseph Stalin's 70th birthday celebration in Moscow, December 1949

First Five-Year Plan

After consolidating his power Mao launched the First Five-Year Plan (1953–1958) which plan aimed to end Chinese dependence on agriculture in order to become a world power. With the Soviet Union's assistance, new industrial plants were built and agricultural production eventually fell to a point where industry was beginning to produce enough capital that China no longer needed the USSR's support.

Programs pursued during this time include the Hundred Flowers Campaign, in which Mao indicated his supposed willingness to consider different opinions about how China should be governed. Given the freedom to express themselves, liberal and intellectual Chinese began opposing the Communist Party and questioning its leadership. On June 8, 1957, Mao published an editorial in the Chinese Communist Party’s The People’s Daily. Mao declared that “poisonous weeds” had grown among the “fragrant flowers” within the one hundred blooming flowers of people’s criticism. Mao subsequently used the newspapers to identify individuals responsible for certain criticisms as right-wingers and counter-revolutionaries who abused the invitation given to the people to use their voice.[21] The ramifications for intellectuals who participated in criticism spanned from being harassed, labeled as rightists, or worse, counter revolutionists. Some intellectuals were subject to house arrest and forced to write confessions and self criticisms of their crimes, and others were banned from living within urban residencies and or sent for re-education. A few were executed or harassed to death.[21]

Authors such as Jung Chang have alleged that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was merely a ruse to root out "dangerous" thinking.[8]

Great Leap Forward

The success of the First-Five Year Plan encouraged Mao to instigate the Second Five-Year Plan, known as the Great Leap Forward, in January 1958. This plan was intended as an alternative model to the Soviet model for economic growth, which focused on heavy industry, advocated by others in the party. Under Mao's economic program the relatively small agricultural collectives which had been formed to date were rapidly merged into far larger people's communes, and many of the peasants were ordered to work on massive infrastructure projects and on the production of iron and steel. Some private food production was banned; livestock and farm implements were brought under collective ownership.

Mao and other party leaders ordered the new communes to implement a variety of unproven and unscientific new agricultural techniques. The diversion of labor to steel production and infrastructure projects compounded by natural disasters, such as droughts and floods, combined with these projects led to an approximately 15 percent drop in grain production in 1959 followed by a further 10 percent decline in 1960 and no recovery in 1961.[16]

In the beginning, commune members were able to eat for free at the commune canteens. This changed when food production slowed to a halt.

In an effort to win favor with their superiors and avoid being purged, each layer in the party hierarchy exaggerated the amount of grain produced under them. Based upon the fabricated success, party cadres were ordered to requisition a disproportionately high amount of the true harvest for state use, primarily in the cities and urban areas but also for export. The net result left rural peasants with little food for themselves and many millions starved to death in what is known as the Great Chinese Famine. This famine was a cause of the death of some tens of millions Chinese peasants between 1959 and 1962.[22] Further, many children who became emaciated and malnourished during years of hardship and struggle for survival died shortly after the Great Leap Forward came to an end in 1962.[16]

The extent of Mao's knowledge of the severity of the situation has been disputed. Some believe that he may have been unaware of the extent of the famine, partly due to a reluctance to criticize his policies and decisions and the willingness of his staff to exaggerate or provide false reports regarding food production. According to his physician, Li Zhi-Sui, upon learning of the extent of the starvation, Mao vowed to stop eating meat, an action followed by his staff.[23] Others have disputed the reliability of the figures commonly cited, the qualitative evidence of a "massive death toll," and Mao's complicity in those deaths which occurred.[24]

However, Hong Kong-based historian Frank Dikötter, who conducted extensive archival research on the Great Leap Forward in local and regional Chinese government archives, challenged the notion that Mao did not know about the famine until it was too late:

The idea that the state mistakenly took too much grain from the countryside because it assumed that the harvest was much larger than it was is largely a myth—at most partially true for the autumn of 1958 only. In most cases the party knew very well that it was starving its own people to death. At a secret meeting in the Jinjiang Hotel in Shanghai dated March 25, 1959, Mao specifically ordered the party to procure up to one third of all the grain, much more than had ever been the case. At the meeting he announced that "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill."[22]

Also, in Hungry Ghosts, Jasper Becker notes that Mao was dismissive of reports he received of food shortages in the countryside and refused to change course, believing that peasants were lying and that rightists and kulaks were hoarding grain. He refused to open state granaries, and instead launched a series of "anti-grain concealment" drives that resulted in numerous purges and suicides.[25] Other violent campaigns followed in which party leaders went from village to village in search of hidden food reserves, and not only grain, as Mao issued quotas for pigs, chickens, ducks and eggs. Many peasants accused of hiding food were tortured and beaten to death.[25]

The Great Leap Forward was a failure in other ways. Although the steel quotas were officially reached, almost all of the supposed steel made in the countryside was iron, as it had been made from assorted scrap metal in home-made furnaces with no reliable source of fuel such as coal. This meant that proper smelting conditions could not be achieved. According to a teacher in rural Shanghai:

We took all the furniture, pots, and pans we had in our house, and all our neighbors did likewise. We put everything in a big fire and melted down all the metal.[26]

The Great Leap Forward caused Mao to lose esteem among many of the top party cadres and was eventually forced to abandon the policy in 1962, while losing some political power to moderate leaders, perhaps most notably Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping in the process. However, Mao, supported by national propaganda, claimed that he was only partly to blame. As a result, he was able to remain Chairman of the Communist Party, with the Presidency transferred to Liu Shaoqi.

Cultural Revolution

Main article: Cultural Revolution

The Cultural Revolution was initiated by Mao in 1966 to reassert his leadership after the disasters of the Great Leap Forward which led to a loss of power to reformist rivals such as Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. State Chairman and General Secretary, respectively, they favored the idea that Mao should be removed from actual power but maintain his ceremonial and symbolic role, with the party upholding all of his positive contributions to the revolution. They attempted to marginalize Mao by taking control of economic policy and asserting themselves politically. Mao responded to Liu and Deng's movements by launching the Cultural Revolution in 1966.

Between 1966 and 1968, Mao's principal lieutenants, Defense Minister Lin Biao and Mao's wife Jiang Qing, organized a mass youth militia called the Red Guards to overthrow Mao's enemies. In the chaos and violence that ensued, much of China's artistic legacy was destroyed, millions were persecuted, some of whom lost their lives. Chaos reigned in much of the nation, and millions were persecuted, including a famous philosopher, Chen Yuen. During the Cultural Revolution, the schools in China were closed and young intellectuals living in cities were ordered to the countryside to be "re-educated" by the peasants, where they performed hard manual labor and other work.

Millions of lives were ruined during this period, as the Cultural Revolution pierced into every part of Chinese life, depicted by such Chinese films as To Live, The Blue Kite and Farewell My Concubine. It is estimated that hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, perished in the violence of the Cultural Revolution.[27]

When Mao was informed of such losses, particularly that people had been driven to suicide, he is alleged to have commented: "People who try to commit suicide —don't attempt to save them! . . . China is such a populous nation, it is not as if we cannot do without a few people."[28] The authorities allowed the Red Guards to abuse and kill opponents of the regime. Said Xie Fuzhi, national police chief: "Don't say it is wrong of them to beat up bad persons: if in anger they beat someone to death, then so be it." As a result, in August and September 1966, there were 1,772 people murdered in Beijing alone.[28]

This period is often looked at in official circles in China and in the West as a great stagnation or even of reversal for China. While many—an estimated 100 million—did suffer,[29] some scholars, such as Lee Feigon and Mobo Gao, claim there were many great advances, and in some sectors the Chinese economy continued to outperform the west. China exploded its first H-Bomb (1967), launched the Dong Fang Hong satellite (January 30, 1970), commissioned its first nuclear submarines and made various advances in science and technology. Healthcare was free, and living standards in the countryside continued to improve.[30][4]

Mao with Henry Kissinger and Zhou Enlai; Beijing, 1972.

In 1969, Mao declared the Cultural Revolution to be over, although the official history of the People's Republic of China marks the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 with Mao's death. In 1972, Mao welcomed American President Richard Nixon in Beijing, signaling a policy of opening China, which was furthered under the rule of Deng Xiaoping (1978–1992).

It was during this period that Mao chose Lin Biao, who seemed to echo all of Mao's ideas, to become his successor. Lin was later officially named as Mao's successor. By 1971, however, a divide between the two men became apparent. Official history in China states that Lin was planning a military coup or an assassination attempt on Mao. Lin Biao died in a plane crash over the air space of Mongolia, presumably on his way to flee China, probably anticipating his arrest. The CPC declared that Lin was planning to depose Mao, and posthumously expelled Lin from the party. At this time, Mao lost trust in many of the top CPC figures.

Public image

Mao gave contradicting statements on the subject of personality cults. In 1955, as a response to the Khrushchev Report that criticised Joseph Stalin, Mao stated that personality cults are "poisonous ideological survivals of the old society," and reaffirmed China's commitment to collective leadership.[31] But at the 1958 Party congress in Chengdu, Mao expressed support for the personality cults of people whom he labelled as genuinely worthy figures: "Worshipping Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is correct because truth is held in their hands."[32]

In 1962, Mao proposed the Socialist Education Movement (SEM) to educate the peasants . Large quantities of politicized art were produced and circulated —with Mao at the center. Numerous posters, badges and musical compositions referenced Mao in the phrase "Chairman Mao is the red sun in our hearts" (毛主席是我们心中的红太阳, Máo Zhǔxí Shì Wǒmen Xīnzhōng De Hóng Tàiyáng) and a "Savior of the people" (人民的大救星, Rénmín De Dà Jiùxīng).[33]

In October 1966, Mao's Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, which was known as the Little Red Book was published. Party members were encouraged to carry a copy with them and possession was almost mandatory as a criterion for membership. Over the years, Mao's image became displayed almost everywhere, present in homes, offices and shops. His quotations were typographically emphasized by putting them in boldface or red type in even the most obscure writings. Music from the period emphasized Mao's stature, as did children's rhymes. The phrase "Long Live Chairman Mao for ten thousand years" was commonly heard during the era.[34]

Use of the media

Mao Zedong’s use of mass media was integral to his success. Almost immediately following the establishment of the Chinese Communist party Mao embarked on literacy campaigns, educational programs, and cultural projects throughout the entirety of China. Mandarin was proclaimed as the national spoken language and linguists were subsequently dispatched to solidify a simplified written Chinese language.[21]

Mao went to great lengths in order to ensure that his beliefs and words could find their way into the hands and minds of all Chinese people. The books Selected Works of Chairman Mao Zedong[35] or Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-Tung[36] were published by Foreign Languages Press, Peking and distributed on an almost inconceivably large scale.[37] There were entire stockpiles of the four-volume Selected works of Mao Zedong in a variety of forms. Massive amounts of the Chinese State publishing budget was used up in producing Mao-period publications in the late 1970s. By the end of the ten-year-long Cultural Revolution it was noted by the national book store, Xinhua, that more than forty billion volumes of Mao’s works were printed and distributed; equivalent to about 15 copies of each of Mao’s books for every child, woman, and man in China.[37]

In 1979, internal estimates ranged that during the Cultural Revolution 2.2 billion portraits of the Chairman Mao Zedong had been produced. Such a number, in relation to the Chinese population at the time, is enough to provide three portraits of Mao to every single person in China.[37] Although character posters were not a new technique in China, the Cultural Revolution displayed a surge in rising form of mass media. The posters that were used by Mao, the Chinese Communist Party, and citizens proved to be a very effective tool.[21]

Under Mao’s influence the various forms of Chinese arts became a venue for mass media. Along with his use of Character Posters, Mao attempted, with moderate success, to synthesize realism with folk art in an attempt to realign art with the mass origins of the Chinese people. By the 1970s many artists had been sent out of urbanized areas and into rural locations of China in order to facilitate the “rediscovery” of Chinese origins. Such art forms as opera were changed; they adapted revolutionary lyrics to pre-existing melodies. Ballet, although not of authentic Chinese culture, was changed in order to encompass revolutionary gestures and movements.[21]

It is evident that to Mao “revolution was art; art was revolution.” The effect, intended or not, of Mao’s use of art as a form of mass media was one of the most effective forms of propaganda.[21]

Personal life

Having grown up in Hunan, Mao spoke Mandarin with a marked Hunanese accent. Ross Terrill noted Mao was a "son of the soil ... rural and unsophisticated" in origins,[2] while Clare Hollingworth asserted he was proud of his "peasant ways and manners," having a strong Hunanese accent and providing "earthy" comments on sexual matters.[38] Lee Feigon noted that Mao's "earthiness" meant that he remained connected to "everyday Chinese life."[4]

Mao's private life was very secretive at the time of his rule. However, after Mao's death, his personal physician Li Zhisui published The Private Life of Chairman Mao, a memoir which mentions some aspects of Mao's private life.[23] Li's book is regarded as controversial, especially by those sympathetic to Mao.[39] According to Li, Mao never brushed his teeth, preferring to rinse out his mouth with tea and chew the leaves. By the time of his death, his gums were severely infected and his teeth were coated with green film, with several of them coming loose. Rather than bathe, he had a servant rub him down with a hot towel. Li Zhisui described him as conducting business either in bed or by the side of the pool, preferring not to wear formal clothes unless absolutely necessary.[23]

Biographer Peter Carter noted that throughout his life, Mao had the ability to gain people's trust, and that as such he gathered around him "an extraordinarily wide range of friends" in his early years. He described Mao as having "an attractive personality" who could for much of the time be a "moderate and balanced man," but noted that he could also be ruthless, and showed no mercy to his opponents.[5] This description was echoed by Sinologist Stuart Schram, who emphasized Mao's ruthlessness, but who also noted that he showed no sign of taking pleasure in torture or killing in the revolutionary cause.[1] Lee Feigon considered Mao "draconian and authoritarian" when threatened, but opined that he was not the "kind of villain that his mentor Stalin was."[4] Alexander Pantsov and Steven I. Levine claimed that Mao was a "man of complex moods," who "tried his best to bring about prosperity and gain international respect" for China, being "neither a saint nor a demon." They noted that in early life, he strove to be "a strong, wilful, and purposeful hero, not bound by any moral chains," and that he "passionately desired fame and power."[3]

Death and aftermath

In the last years of his life, Mao was faced with declining health due to either Parkinson's disease or, according to his physician, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis,[23] as well as lung ailments due to smoking and heart trouble. Some also attributed Mao's decline in health to the betrayal of Lin Biao. Mao's last public appearance was on May 27, 1976, where he met the visiting Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto during the latter's one-day visit to Beijing.

Mao suffered two major heart attacks in 1976, one in March and another in July, before a third struck on September 5, rendering him an invalid. Mao Zedong died nearly four days later just after midnight on September 9, 1976, at age 82.

His body lay in state at the Great Hall of the People. There was a three-minute silence observed during this service. His body was later placed into the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong in Beijing.

As anticipated after Mao's death, there was a power struggle for control of China. On one side was the left wing led by the Gang of Four, who wanted to continue the policy of revolutionary mass mobilization. On the other side was the right wing opposing these policies. Among the latter group, the right wing restorationists, led by Chairman Hua Guofeng, advocated a return to central planning along the Soviet model, whereas the right wing reformers, led by Deng Xiaoping, wanted to overhaul the Chinese economy based on market-oriented policies and to de-emphasize the role of Maoist ideology in determining economic and political policy. Eventually, the reformers won control of the government. Deng Xiaoping, with clear seniority over Hua Guofeng, defeated Hua in a bloodless power struggle a few years later.

Legacy

A large portrait of Mao by Zhang Zhenshi at Tiananmen

A highly controversial figure, Mao is regarded as one of the most important individuals in modern world history. Supporters regard him as a great leader and credit him with numerous accomplishments including modernizing China and building it into a world power, promoting the status of women, improving education and health care, providing universal housing, and increasing life expectancy as China's population grew from around 550 to over 900 million during the period of his leadership.[30][40] [41] Maoists furthermore promote his role as theorist, statesman, poet, and visionary: "Mao had an extraordinary mix of talents: he was visionary, statesman, political and military strategist of cunning intellect, a philosopher and poet."[12]

In contrast, critics have characterized him as a dictator who oversaw systematic human rights abuses, and whose rule is estimated to have contributed to the deaths of 40–70 million people through starvation, forced labor, and executions, ranking his tenure as the top incidence of democide in human history.[42][43] Mao has been called "one of the great tyrants of the twentieth century," and a dictator comparable to Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin,[28][44] with a death toll surpassing both.[43]

Statue of young Mao in Changsha, the capital of Hunan

Mao was frequently likened to China's First Emperor Qin Shi Huang, notorious for burying alive hundreds of scholars, and personally enjoyed the comparison.[28] During a speech to party cadre in 1958, Mao said he had far outdone Qin Shi Huang in his policy against intellectuals: "He buried 460 scholars alive; we have buried forty-six thousand scholars alive ... You [intellectuals] revile us for being Qin Shi Huangs. You are wrong. We have surpassed Qin Shi Huang a hundredfold."[45]

As a result of such tactics, critics have pointed out that:

The People's Republic of China under Mao exhibited the oppressive tendencies that were discernible in all the major absolutist regimes of the twentieth century. There are obvious parallels between Mao's China, Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. Each of these regimes witnessed deliberately ordered mass 'cleansing' and extermination.[44]

Statue of Mao in Lijiang

Others, such as Philip Short, reject such comparisons in Mao: A Life, arguing that whereas the deaths caused by Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia were largely systematic and deliberate, the overwhelming majority of the deaths under Mao were unintended consequences of famine.[12] Instead, Short compared Mao with nineteenth-century Chinese reformers who challenged China's traditional beliefs in the era of China's clashes with Western colonial powers. Short argues:

Mao's tragedy and his grandeur were that he remained to the end in thrall to his own revolutionary dreams ... He freed China from the straitjacket of its Confucian past, but the bright Red future he promised turned out to be a sterile purgatory.[12]

Mao's English interpreter Sidney Rittenberg wrote in his memoir The Man Who Stayed Behind that whilst Mao "was a great leader in history," he was also "a great criminal because, not that he wanted to, not that he intended to, but in fact, his wild fantasies led to the deaths of tens of millions of people."[46] Li Rui, Mao's personal secretary, goes further and claims he was dismissive of the suffering and death caused by his policies: "Mao's way of thinking and governing was terrifying. He put no value on human life. The deaths of others meant nothing to him."[47]

Sculptures in front of the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong, Beijing

In their 832-page biography, Mao: The Unknown Story, Jung Chang and Jon Halliday take a very critical view of Mao's life and influence. For example, they note that Mao was well aware that his policies would be responsible for the deaths of millions; While discussing labor-intensive projects such as waterworks and making steel, Mao said to his inner circle in November 1958: "Working like this, with all these projects, half of China may well have to die. If not half, one-third, or one-tenth—50 million—die."[8]

Jasper Becker and Frank Dikötter offer a similarly abysmal appraisal:

[A]rchive material gathered by Dikötter ... confirms that far from being ignorant or misled about the famine, the Chinese leadership were kept informed about it all the time. And he exposes the extent of the violence used against the peasants."[48]

Mao also gave the impression that he might even welcome a nuclear war, although historians dispute the sincerity of his words, some claiming him to be "was deadly serious,"[49] while others say "He was bluffing ... the sabre-rattling was to show that he, not Khrushchev, was the more determined revolutionary."[22]

"Let us imagine how many people would die if war breaks out. There are 2.7 billion people in the world, and a third could be lost. If it is a little higher, it could be half ... I say that if the worst came to the worst and one-half dies, there will still be one-half left, but imperialism would be razed to the ground and the whole world would become socialist. After a few years there would be 2.7 billion people again."[22]

Mao's revolutionary tactics continue to be used by insurgents, and his political ideology continues to be embraced by many communist organizations around the world. The ideology of Maoism has influenced many communists, mainly in the Third World, including revolutionary movements such as Cambodia's Khmer Rouge, Peru's Shining Path, and the Nepalese revolutionary movement.[50]

Mao's supporters claim that he rapidly industrialized China. Mobo Gao, in his 2008 book The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution, credits Mao for bringing "unity and stability to a country that had been plagued by civil wars and foreign invasions," and laying the foundation for China to "become the equal of the great global powers".[30] However, others have claimed that his policies, particularly the controversially named 'Great Leap Forward' and the Cultural Revolution, were impediments to industrialization and modernization. His supporters claim that his policies laid the groundwork for China's later rise to become an economic superpower, while others claim that his policies delayed economic development and that China's economy only underwent its rapid growth after Mao's policies had been widely abandoned.

A line to enter Mao Zedong Mausoleum

In mainland China, Mao is still revered by many supporters of the Communist Party and respected by the majority of the general population. For its part, the Chinese government continues to officially regard Mao as a national hero. In 2008, China opened the Mao Zedong Square to visitors in his hometown of central Hunan Province to mark the 115th anniversary of his birth.[51]

However, Mao has many Chinese critics, both those who live inside and outside China. Opposition to Mao is subject to restriction and censorship in mainland China, but is especially strong elsewhere, where he is often reviled as a brutish ideologue. In the West, his name is generally associated with tyranny and his economic theories are widely discredited—though to some political activists he remains a symbol against capitalism, imperialism, and western influence. Even in China, key pillars of his economic theory have been largely dismantled by market reformers like Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang, who succeeded him as leaders of the Communist Party.

Mao continues to have a presence in China and around the world in popular culture, where his face adorns everything from t-shirts to coffee cups. Mao's granddaughter, Kong Dongmei, defended the phenomenon, stating that "it shows his influence, that he exists in people's consciousness and has influenced several generations of Chinese people's way of life. Just like Che Guevara's image, his has become a symbol of revolutionary culture."[46]

Writings and calligraphy

Mao's calligraphy: A bronze plaque of a poem by Li Bai. (Chinese: 白帝城毛泽东手书李白诗铜匾

Mao was a prolific writer of political and philosophical literature.[52] He is the attributed author of Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, known in the West as the "Little Red Book" and in Cultural Revolution China as the "Red Treasure Book" (红宝书): this is a collection of short extracts from his speeches and articles, edited by Lin Biao and ordered topically. Mao wrote several other philosophical treatises, both before and after he assumed power. These include:

  • On Guerrilla Warfare (《游击战》); 1937
  • On Practice (《实践论》); 1937
  • On Contradiction (《矛盾论》); 1937
  • On Protracted War (《论持久战》); 1938
  • In Memory of Norman Bethune (《纪念白求恩》); 1939
  • On New Democracy (《新民主主义论》); 1940
  • Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art (《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》); 1942
  • Serve the People (《为人民服务》); 1944
  • The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains (《愚公移山》); 1945
  • On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People (《正确处理人民内部矛盾问题》); 1957

Some of Mao's most well-known poems are: Changsha (1925), The Double Ninth (1929), Loushan Pass (1935), The Long March (1935), Snow (1936), The PLA Captures Nanjing (1949), Reply to Li Shuyi (1957), and Ode to the Plum Blossom (1961).

Mao was also a skilled Chinese calligrapher with a highly personal style. His calligraphy can be seen today throughout mainland China.[53] His work gave rise to a new form of Chinese calligraphy called "Mao-style" or Maoti, which has gained increasing popularity since his death.

Portrayal in film and television

Mao has been portrayed in film and television numerous times. Some notable actors include:

  • Han Shi, the first actor ever to have portrayed Mao, in a 1978 drama Dielianhua and later again in a 1980 film Cross the Dadu River;[54]
  • Gu Yue, who portrayed Mao 84 times on screen throughout his 27-year career and won the Best Actor title at the Hundred Flowers Awards in 1990 and 1993;[55]
  • Liu Ye, who played a young Mao in The Founding of a Party (2011);[56]
  • Tang Guoqiang, who portrayed Mao in more recent times, in the films The Long March (1996) and The Founding of a Republic (2009), and the television series Huang Yanpei (2010), among others.

Genealogy

Ancestors
  • Máo Yíchāng (毛贻昌, born Xiangtan October 15, 1870, died Shaoshan January 23, 1920), father, courtesy name Máo Shùnshēng (毛顺生) or also known as Mao Jen-sheng
  • Wén Qīmèi(文七妹, born Xiangxiang 1867, died October 5, 1919), mother. She was illiterate and a devout Buddhist. She was a descendant of Wen Tianxiang.
  • Máo Ēnpǔ (毛恩普, born May 22, 1846, died November 23, 1904), paternal grandfather
  • Luó Shì (罗氏), paternal grandmother
  • Máo Zǔrén (毛祖人), paternal great-grandfather
Siblings

Mao had several siblings. His parents altogether had five sons and two daughters plus one adopted daughter. Two of the sons and both daughters died young, leaving the three brothers Mao Zedong, Mao Zemin, and Mao Zetan, and the adopted daughter Mao Zejian. Note that the character (泽) appears in all of the siblings' given names. This is a common Chinese naming convention.

  • Mao Zemin (毛泽民, 1895–1943), younger brother, executed by a warlord
  • Mao Zetan (毛泽覃, 1905–1935), younger brother, executed by the KMT
  • Mao Zejian (毛泽建, 1905–1929), adopted sister, executed by the KMT

Zemin's son, Mao Yuanxin, was raised by Mao Zedong's family. He became Mao Zedong's liaison with the Politburo in 1975.

Wives
Mao with Jiang Qing and daughter Li Na, 1940s

Mao Zedong had four wives who gave birth to a total of ten children:

  1. Luo Yixiu (罗一秀, October 20, 1889 – 1910) of Shaoshan: married 1907 to 1910
  2. Yang Kaihui (杨开慧, 1901–1930) of Changsha: married 1921 to 1927, executed by the KMT in 1930; mother to Mao Anying, Mao Anqing, and Mao Anlong
  3. He Zizhen (贺子珍, 1910–1984) of Jiangxi: married May 1928 to 1939; mother to Mao Anhong, Li Min, and four other children
  4. Jiang Qing: (江青, 1914–1991), married 1939 to Mao's death; mother to Li Na
Children

Mao Zedong had a total of ten children,[16] including:

  • Mao Anying (毛岸英, 1922–1950): son to Yang, married to Liú Sīqí (刘思齐), who was born Liú Sōnglín (刘松林), killed in action during the Korean War
  • Mao Anqing (毛岸青, 1923–2007): son to Yang, married to Shao Hua (邵华), grandson Mao Xinyu (毛新宇), great-grandson Mao Dongdong
  • Mao Anlong (1927–1931): son to Yang, died during the Chinese Civil War
  • Mao Anhong (1932-1935?): son to He, left to Mao's younger brother Zetan and then to one of Zetan's guards when he went off to war, was never heard of again
  • Li Min (李敏, b. 1936): daughter to He, married to Kǒng Lìnghuá (孔令华), son Kǒng Jìníng (孔继宁), daughter Kǒng Dōngméi (孔冬梅)
  • Li Na (李讷, Pinyin: Lĭ Nà, b. 1940): daughter to Jiang (whose birth given name was Li, a name also used by Mao while evading the KMT), married to Wáng Jǐngqīng (王景清), son Wáng Xiàozhī (王效芝)

Mao's first and second daughters were left to local villagers because it was too dangerous to raise them while fighting the Kuomintang and later the Japanese. Their youngest daughter (born in early 1938 in Moscow after Mao separated) and one other child (born 1933) died in infancy.

Notes

  1. 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 Stuart R. Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Penguin Books, 1967, ISBN 978-0140208405).
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 Ross Terrill, Mao: A Biography (Stanford University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0804729215).
  3. 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 Alexander V. Pantsov and Steven I. Levine, Mao: The Real Story (Simon & Schuster, 2012, ISBN 978-1451654479).
  4. 4.00 4.01 4.02 4.03 4.04 4.05 4.06 4.07 4.08 4.09 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 Lee Feigon, Mao: A Reinterpretation (Ivan R. Dee, 2002, ISBN 978-1566634588).
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 Peter Carter, Mao (Oxford University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0192731401).
  6. Siao Yu (Xiao Yu), Mao Tse-Tung and I Were Beggars (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1959, ISBN 978-0815600152).
  7. Barbara Barnouin and Changgen Yu, Zhou Enlai: A Political Life (The Chinese University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-9629962807).
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao: The Unknown Story (Jonathan Cape, 2003, ISBN 978-0224071260).
  9. Dorothy Perkins (ed.), Encyclopedia of China: History and Culture (Routledge 1998, ISBN 978-1579581107).
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 Sam van Schaik, Tibet: A History (Yale University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0300154047).
  11. Laurie Burkitt, Andrew Scobell, and Larry M. Wortzel (eds.), The lessons of history: The Chinese people's Liberation Army at 75 (Strategic Studies Institute, 2003, ISBN 978-1584871262).
  12. 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 Philip Short, Mao: A Life (Henry Holt and Co., 2000, ISBN 978-0805031157).
  13. 13.0 13.1 13.2 Kuisong Yang, "Reconsidering the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries" The China Quarterly 193 (March 2008): 102-121. Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  14. 14.0 14.1 Steven W. Mosher, China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality (Basic Books, 1992, ISBN 978-0465098132).
  15. Stephen Rosskamm Shalom, Deaths in China Due to Communism (Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1984, ISBN 978-0939252114).
  16. 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 Jonathan Spence, Mao Zedong: A Life (Penguin Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0143037729).
  17. Roderick MacFarquhar and John K. Fairbank (eds.), The Cambridge History of China (Cambridge University Press, 1987, ISBN 978-0521243360).
  18. Maurice Meisner, Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic (Free Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0684856353).
  19. Benjamin A. Valentino, Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century (Cornell University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0801439650).
  20. John Fairbank and Merle Goldman, China: A New History (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0674018280).
  21. 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 21.5 Rebecca E. Karl, Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World: A Concise History (Duke University Press Books, 2010, ISBN 978-0822347958).
  22. 22.0 22.1 22.2 22.3 Frank Dikötter, Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962 (Walker Books, 2010, ISBN 978-0802777683).
  23. 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 Li Zhi-Sui, The Private Life of Chairman Mao (RandomHouse, 1996, ISBN 978-0679764434).
  24. Joseph Ball, Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward? Monthly Review (September 21, 2006). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  25. 25.0 25.1 Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts (Free Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0684834573).
  26. Beth Macy, Factory Man: How One Furniture Maker Battled Offshoring, Stayed Local - and Helped Save an American Town (Little, Brown and Company, 2014, ISBN 978-0316231435).
  27. Source List and Detailed Death Tolls for the Twentieth Century Hemoclysm Historical Atlas of the Twentieth Century. Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  28. 28.0 28.1 28.2 28.3 Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals, Mao's Last Revolution (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0674023321).
  29. Daniel Chirot, Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age (Princeton University Press, 1996).
  30. 30.0 30.1 30.2 Mobo Gao, The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution (London: Pluto Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0745327808).
  31. Maurice Meisner, Mao Zedong: A Political and Intellectual Portrait (Polity, 2007, ISBN 978-0745631073).
  32. Glenn Kucha and Jennifer Llewellyn, https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/cult-of-mao/ The Cult of Mao] Alpha History. Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  33. Helen Wang, Chapter 5: "Mao Badges – Visual Imagery and Inscriptions" Chairman Mao Badges: Symbols and Slogans of the Cultural Revolution (British Museum Press, 2008, ISBN 0861591690).
  34. Xing Lu, Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Impact on Chinese Thought, Culture, and Communication (University of South Carolina Press, 2004, ISBN 978-1570035432).
  35. Selected Works of Chairman Mao Zedong Marxists.org. Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  36. Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung (China Books & Periodicals; Reissue edition, 1990, ISBN 978-0835123884).
  37. 37.0 37.1 37.2 Geremie Barme, Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader (Routledge, 1996, ISBN 978-1563246791).
  38. Clare Hollingworth, Mao and the Men Against Him (Jonathan Cape, Pub., 1985, ISBN 978-0224017602).
  39. See for example, Q.M. DeBorja and Xu L. Dong (eds), Manufacturing History: Sex, Lies and Random House's Memoirs of Mao's Physician (NY: China Study Group, 1996).
  40. Patricia Buckley Ebrey, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China (Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0521124331).
  41. Patrick O'Brien, Concise Atlas of World History (Oxford University Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0195219210).
  42. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Worse Than War: Genocide, Eliminationism, and the Ongoing Assault on Humanity (PublicAffairs, 2009, ISBN 978-1586487690).
  43. 43.0 43.1 Jonathan Fenby, Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 to the Present (Ecco, 2008, ISBN 978-0061661167).
  44. 44.0 44.1 Michael Lynch, Mao (Routledge Historical Biographies) (Routledge, 2004, ISBN 978-0415215787).
  45. Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform (W. W. Norton & Company, 2003, ISBN 0393924920).
  46. 46.0 46.1 Maxim Duncan, [hhttps://www.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-42756920090928 Granddaughter Keeps Mao's Memory Alive in Bookshop] Reuters (September 28, 2009). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  47. Jonathan Watts, China must confront dark past, says Mao confidant The Guardian (June 2, 2005). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  48. Jasper Becker, Systematic genocide The Spectator (September 25, 2010). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  49. Robert Service, Comrades!: A History of World Communism (Harvard University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0674025301).
  50. Robert J. Alexander, International Maoism in the Developing World (Praeger, 1999, ISBN 978-0275961497).
  51. Chairman Mao square opened on his 115th birth anniversary China Daily (December 25, 2008). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  52. Mao Zedong Thought – Part 1 Chinese Posters. Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  53. Yuehping Yen, Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society (Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0415646369).
  54. Being Mao Zedong Global Times (July 4, 2011). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  55. Gu Yue Dead at 68 China Daily (July 5, 2005). Retrieved June 12, 2023.
  56. Wei Liu, The reel Mao China Daily European Weekly (June 3, 2011). Retrieved June 12, 2023.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Alexander, Robert J. International Maoism in the Developing World. Praeger, 1999. ISBN 978-0275961497
  • Barme, Geremie. Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader. Routledge, 1996, ISBN 978-1563246791
  • Barnouin, Barbara, and Changgen Yu. Zhou Enlai: A Political Life. The Chinese University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-9629962807
  • Becker, Jasper. Hungry Ghosts. Free Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0684834573
  • Burkitt, Laurie, Andrew Scobell, and Larry M. Wortzel (eds.). The lessons of history: The Chinese people's Liberation Army at 75. Strategic Studies Institute, 2003. ISBN 978-1584871262
  • Carter, Peter. Mao. Oxford University Press, 1976. ISBN 978-0192731401
  • Chang, Jung, and Jon Halliday. Mao: The Unknown Story. Jonathan Cape, 2003. ISBN 978-0224071260
  • Cheek, Timothy. Mao Zedong and China's Revolutions: A Brief History with Documents. Bedford/St. Martin's, 2002. ISBN 978-0312256265
  • Chirot, Daniel. Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age. Princeton University Press, 1996. ASIN B00FDVNJGS
  • DeBorja, Q.M., and Xu L. Dong (eds). Manufacturing History: Sex, Lies and Random House's Memoirs of Mao's Physician. NY: China Study Group, 1996. ASIN B000MGVPCO
  • Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962. Walker Books, 2010. ISBN 978-0802777683
  • Ebrey, Patricia Buckly. The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0521124331
  • Fairbank, John, and Merle Goldman. China: A New History. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0674018280
  • Feigon, Lee. Mao: A Reinterpretation. Ivan R. Dee, 2002. ISBN 978-1566634588
  • Fenby, Jonathan. Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 to the Present. Ecco, 2008. ISBN 978-0061661167
  • Gao, Mobo. The Battle for China's Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution. London: Pluto Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0745327808
  • Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah. Worse Than War: Genocide, Eliminationism, and the Ongoing Assault on Humanity. PublicAffairs, 2009. ISBN 978-1586487690
  • Hollingworth, Clare. Mao and the Men Against Him. Jonathan Cape, Pub., 1985. ISBN 978-0224017602
  • Karl, Rebecca E. Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World: A Concise History. Duke University Press Books, 2010. ISBN 978-0822347958
  • Li Zhi-Sui. The Private Life of Chairman Mao. RandomHouse, 1996. ISBN 978-0679764434
  • Lieberthal, Kenneth. Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform. W. W. Norton & Company, 2003. ISBN 0393924920
  • Lu, Xing. Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Impact on Chinese Thought, Culture, and Communication. University of South Carolina Press, 2004. ISBN 978-1570035432
  • Lynch, Michael. Mao (Routledge Historical Biographies). Routledge, 2004. ISBN 978-0415215787
  • MacFarquhar, Roderick, and John K. Fairbank (eds.). The Cambridge History of China. Cambridge University Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0521243360
  • MacFarquhar, Roderick, and Michael Schoenhals. Mao's Last Revolution. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0674023321
  • Macy, Beth. Factory Man: How One Furniture Maker Battled Offshoring, Stayed Local - and Helped Save an American Town. Little, Brown and Company, 2014. ISBN 978-0316231435
  • Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic. Free Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0684856353
  • Meisner, Maurice. Mao Zedong: A Political and Intellectual Portrait. Polity, 2007. ISBN 978-0745631073
  • Mosher, Stephen W. China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality. Basic Books, 1992. ISBN 978-0465098132
  • O'Brien, Patrick. Concise Atlas of World History. Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 978-0195219210
  • Panné, Jean-Louis, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek, Jean-Louis Margolin, Nicolas Werth, and Stéphane Courtois. The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0674076082
  • Pantsov, Alexander V., and Steven I. Levine. Mao: The Real Story. Simon & Schuster, 2012. ISBN 978-1451654479
  • Perkins, Dorothy (ed.). Encyclopedia of China: History and Culture. Routledge 1998. ISBN 978-1579581107
  • Perry, Elizabeth J. Anyuan: Mining China's Revolutionary Tradition. University of California Press, 2012. ISBN 978-0520271906
  • Schaik, Sam van. Tibet: A History. Yale University Press, 2011. ISBN 978-0300154047
  • Schram, Stuart R. Mao Tse-tung. Penguin Books, 1967. ISBN 978-0140208405
  • Service, Robert. Comrades!: A History of World Communism. Harvard University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0674025301
  • Shalom, Stephen Rosskamm. Deaths in China Due to Communism. Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1984. ISBN 978-0939252114
  • Short, Philip. Mao: A Life. Henry Holt and Co., 2000. ISBN 978-0805031157
  • Siao Yu (Xiao Yu). Mao Tse-Tung and I Were Beggars. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1959. ISBN 978-0815600152
  • Spence, Jonathan. Mao Zedong: A Life. Penguin Books, 2006. ISBN 978-0143037729
  • Terrill, Ross. Mao: A Biography. Stanford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0804729215
  • Valentino, Benjamin A. Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century. Cornell University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0801439650
  • Wang, Helen. Chairman Mao Badges: Symbols and Slogans of the Cultural Revolution British Museum Press, 2008. ISBN 0861591690
  • Yen, Yuehping. Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society. Routledge, 2014. ISBN 978-0415646369

External links

All links retrieved May 18, 2023.


Party Political Offices
Communist Party of China
Preceded by:
Zhu De
Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission
1936–1949
Succeeded by: Himself
Preceded by:
Zhang Wentian
Leader of the Communist Party of China
1943–1976
Succeeded by: Hua Guofeng
Post established Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
1945–1976
Preceded by:
Himself
Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission
1954–1976
Succeeded by: Hua Guofeng
Political offices
Chinese Soviet Republic
New Title Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic
1931–1937
Chinese Soviet Republic disbanded
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Chinese Soviet Republic
1931–1934
Succeeded by: Zhang Wentian
People's Republic of China
New Title Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
1949–1954
Succeeded by: Zhou Enlai
Chairman of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China
1949–1954
Succeeded by: Himself
Chairman of the People's Revolutionary Military Council of the Central People's Government
1949–1954
Succeeded by: Himself
Preceded by:
Himself
Chairman of the People's Republic of China
1954–1959
Succeeded by: Liu Shaoqi
Academic offices
Preceded by:
Deng Fa
President of the CPC Central Party School
1943–1947
Succeeded by: Liu Shaoqi

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