Difference between revisions of "Ancient Pueblo Peoples" - New World Encyclopedia

From New World Encyclopedia
 
(83 intermediate revisions by 3 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
 +
{{Images OK}}{{Submitted}}{{Approved}}{{Copyedited}}
 
[[Category:Politics and social sciences]]
 
[[Category:Politics and social sciences]]
 
[[Category:Anthropology]]
 
[[Category:Anthropology]]
Line 4: Line 5:
 
{{redirect|Anasazi}}
 
{{redirect|Anasazi}}
 
[[Image:mesaverde cliffpalace 20030914.752.jpg|thumb|250px|Cliff Palace, [[Mesa Verde National Park]]]]
 
[[Image:mesaverde cliffpalace 20030914.752.jpg|thumb|250px|Cliff Palace, [[Mesa Verde National Park]]]]
 +
 +
'''Ancient Pueblo People''' or '''Ancestral Pueblo peoples''' were an ancient [[Native Americans in the United States|Native American]] culture centered on the present-day [[Four Corners]] area of the [[United States]], comprising southern [[Utah]], northern [[Arizona]], northwest [[New Mexico]], and southern [[Colorado]]. They are one of four major [[prehistory|prehistoric]] traditions from the American Southwest. This cultural group has often been referred to in [[archaeology]] as the ''Anasazi'', although the term is not preferred by contemporary [[Pueblo people]]s who are believed to be their descendants. The name ''[[pueblo]]'' derives from the Spanish word meaning "village," which the Spanish explorers called the communities of [[apartment]]-like dwellings they encountered in the early seventeenth century. 
 +
 +
The origin and exact size and location of this group of people is not clear; nor is the reason for their sudden abandonment of their communities in the twelfth century. The modern Pueblo people generally claim them as their ancestors. However, this is still a matter of speculation, albeit supported by available archaeological evidence.
 +
{{toc}}
 +
While many details of this culture's origin, lifestyle, and apparent collapse are unclear, the record of their history stands in the incredible architecture found in numerous sites in the Southwestern states. Thousands of ancient stone structures including [[cliff dwelling]]s, [[kiva]]s, "great houses," granaries, and much more remind us of the [[creativity|creative]] accomplishments of these people who lived so long ago.
 
[[Image:Canyon de Chelly1.jpg|thumb|250px|White House Ruins, [[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]]]]
 
[[Image:Canyon de Chelly1.jpg|thumb|250px|White House Ruins, [[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]]]]
'''Ancient Pueblo People''' or '''Ancestral Pueblo peoples''' were an ancient [[Native Americans in the United States|Native American]] culture centered on the present-day [[Four Corners]] area of the [[United States]], comprising southern [[Utah]], northern [[Arizona]], northwest [[New Mexico]], and southern [[Colorado]]. They lived in "houses" called pueblos in which they lifted up ladders during enemy attacks, providing the Pueblo peoples security. The cultural group has often been referred to in archaeology as the '''Anasazi''', although the term is not preferred by contemporary [[Pueblo people]]s.
+
==Names==
+
The name ''[[pueblo]]'' was given by the [[Spain|Spanish]] explorers who arrived in the Southwestern part of what is now the [[United States]] in the early sixteenth century to describe [[Native Americans in the United States|Native Americans]] communities that consisted of [[apartment]]-like structures. The word means "village" in the Spanish language. In general, modern [[Pueblo people]] claim the "Ancient Pueblo Peoples" as their ancestors.  
[[Archaeology|Archaeologists]] still debate when this distinct [[culture]] emerged. The current consensus, based on terminology defined by the [[Pecos Classification]], suggests their emergence around the 12th century B.C.E., during the archaeologically designated Basketmaker II Era. Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers postulated that the Ancient Puebloans are ancestors of the modern [[Pueblo people]]s. In general, modern Pueblo people claim these ancient people as their ancestors.
 
  
==Etymology==
+
This cultural group has often been referred to in [[archaeology]] as the ''Anasazi'', although the term is not preferred by contemporary Pueblo peoples. Archaeologist Linda Cordell discussed the word's etymology and use:
The name ''[[pueblo]]'' was given by Spanish, and means in the Spanish language "village." The name ''Anasazi'' is an [[Exonym_and_endonym|exonym]], given by the [[Navajo people]], who now reside in formerly Pueblo territory, and means "ancestral enemies."<ref name=r12/> The cultural group has often been referred to in archaeology as the '''Anasazi''', although the term is not preferred by contemporary [[Pueblo people]]s.<ref name=r12>Roberts 12</ref> The word ''Anasází'' is [[Navajo language|Navajo]] for "Ancient Ones" or "Ancient Enemy".<ref name="UNCO" /> Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers postulated that the Ancient Puebloans are ancestors of the modern [[Pueblo people]]s.<ref name="UNCO">[http://hewit.unco.edu/DOHIST/puebloan/begin.htm Hewit.unco.edu]</ref> In general, modern [[Pueblo people]] claim these ancient people as their ancestors.
+
<blockquote>The name "Anasazi" has come to mean "ancient people," although the word itself is Navajo, meaning "enemy ancestors." [The Navajo word is ''anaasází'' (''anaa-'' "enemy," ''sází'' "ancestor").] The term was first applied to ruins of the Mesa Verde by Richard Wetherill, a rancher and trader who, in 1888–1889, was the first Anglo-American to explore the sites in that area. Wetherill knew and worked with Navajos and understood what the word meant. The name was further sanctioned in archaeology when it was adopted by Alfred V. Kidder, the acknowledged dean of Southwestern Archaeology. Kidder felt that it was less cumbersome than a more technical term he might have used. Subsequently some archaeologists who would try to change the term have worried that because the Pueblos speak different languages, there are different words for "ancestor," and using one might be offensive to people speaking other languages.<ref>Linda S. Cordell, ''Ancient Pueblo Peoples'' (Washington DC: Smithsonian Books, 1994, ISBN 978-0895990389), 18-19.</ref></blockquote>
  
 +
David Roberts, explained his reason for using the term "Anasazi" over a term using "Puebloan," noting that the latter term "derives from the language of an oppressor who treated the indigenes of the Southwest far more brutally than the Navajo ever did."<ref>David D. Roberts, ''In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest'' (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996, ISBN 978-0684810782).</ref>
  
=== Anasazi as a cultural label ===
+
Some modern Pueblo peoples object to the use of the term ''Anasazi'', although there is still controversy among them on a native alternative. The [[Hopi]] use the term ''Hisatsinom'' meaning the "ancient people"; another alternative is the Tewa language ''Se'da'', meaning the "ancient ones."<ref>L. Michael Smith, [http://www.ausbcomp.com/redman/hisatsinom.htm Anasazi Hisatsinom: Sky Scraper Builders], 1998. Retrieved June 20, 2011.</ref>
The term "Anasazi" was established in archaeological terminology through the Pecos Classification system in 1927. Archaeologist Linda Cordell discussed the word's etymology and use:
+
 
{{bquote|The name "Anasazi" has come to mean "ancient people," although the word itself is [[Navajo language|Navajo]], meaning "enemy ancestors." [The Navajo word is ''anaasází'' (<''anaa-'' "enemy," ''sází'' "ancestor").] The term was first applied to ruins of the Mesa Verde by [[Richard Wetherill]], a rancher and trader who, in 1888–1889, was the first Anglo-American to explore the sites in that area. Wetherill knew and worked with Navajos and understood what the word meant. The name was further sanctioned in archaeology when it was adopted by Alfred V. Kidder, the acknowledged dean of Southwestern Archaeology. Kidder felt that it was less cumbersome than a more technical term he might have used. Subsequently some archaeologists who would try to change the term have worried that because the Pueblos speak different languages, there are different words for "ancestor," and using one might be offensive to people speaking other languages.<ref>Cordell, pp. 18-19</ref>}}
+
==History==
 +
[[Image:Anasazi-en.svg|thumb|right|250px|Anasazi territory shown in light brown]]
 +
The Ancient Pueblo Peoples (Anasazi) were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. The others are the [[Mogollon culture|Mogollon]], [[Hohokam]], and [[Patayan]]. [[Archaeologist]]s use these cultural units to define material culture similarities and differences identified in [[prehistory|prehistoric]] socio-cultural units. Since the names and divisions are classification devices based on theoretical perspectives, analytical methods, and data available at the time of analysis and publication they are subject to change. Therefore, it should not be assumed that these archaeological divisions or culture units necessarily correspond to a particular language group or to a socio-political entity such as a [[tribe]].  
  
Some modern Pueblo peoples object to the use of the term ''Anasazi'', although there is still controversy among them on a native alternative. Some modern descendants of this culture often choose to use the term "pueblo peoples." The modern Hopi use the word "''Hisatsinom''" in preference to Anasazi.<ref>[http://www.kidport.com/RefLib/SocialStudies/NativeAmericans/Pueblo.htm Pueblo culture], scroll down</ref>
+
These prehistoric groups were not separated by clear-cut boundaries. Prehistoric people traded, worshiped, collaborated, and fought with other nearby groups. In the Southwest, mountain ranges, rivers and, most obviously, the [[Grand Canyon]] were significant barriers for human communities, likely reducing the frequency of contact with other groups.
  
David Roberts, in his book "In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest," explained his reason for using the term "Anasazi" over a term using "Puebloan," noting that the latter term "derives from the [[Spanish language|language]] of an oppressor who treated the indigenes of the Southwest far more brutally than the Navajo ever did."
+
The Ancient Pueblo Peoples occupied the area known as the "[[Four Corners]]," a region consisting of the southwestern corner of [[Colorado]], northwestern corner of [[New Mexico]], northeastern corner of [[Arizona]], and southeastern corner of [[Utah]]. Their homeland centers on the [[Colorado Plateau]], but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern [[Nevada]] on the west. Areas of southern Nevada, Utah and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the [[Colorado River|Colorado]] and [[Little Colorado River|Little Colorado rivers]] in Arizona and the [[Rio Puerco (Rio Grande)|Rio Puerco]] and [[Rio Grande]] in New Mexico. However, structures and other evidence of Ancient Pueblo culture has been found extending east onto the American [[Great Plains]], in areas near the [[Cimarron River (Arkansas River)|Cimarron]] and [[Pecos river]]s and in the [[Galisteo Basin]].
  
==History==
+
===Origins===
 +
[[Image:Image-sipapu.JPG|thumb|right|250px|The ''sipapu'' is the small round hole in the floor of the kiva ruin. The larger round hole in the floor is a fire pit. Observe that the air intake (little rectangular door in the wall), the stones that block air from the air intake, the fire pit and the ''sipapu'' are all in a line; this aspect of the design was intentional. Photo taken at Long House, [[Mesa Verde National Park]].]]
 +
Modern [[Pueblo Indians|Pueblo]] oral traditions hold that the Ancient Pueblo People originated to the north of their current settlements, from ''Shibapu'' (''[[sipapu]]'' a [[Hopi]] word), where they emerged from the [[underworld]].
  
[[Image:Anasazi-en.svg|thumb|right|250px|Anasazi territory shown in light brown]]
+
According to Hopi mythology, the ancient ancestors [[Hopi#Entrance into the Fourth World|first emerged]] through a hollow reed (or bamboo) that grew into the sky, and it emerged in the Fourth World at the ''sipapu''. The people then climbed up the reed into this world where they were guided through several migrations until they reached their homeland.
The Ancient Pueblo were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. The others are the [[Mogollon culture|Mogollon]], [[Hohokam]] and [[Patayan]]. In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancient Pueblo occupied the northeast quadrant of the area.<ref>[http://www.cpluhna.nau.edu/People/anasazi.htm The Anasazi or "Ancient Pueblo"] from CP-LUHNA</ref> The Ancient Pueblo homeland centers on the [[Colorado Plateau]], but extends from central [[New Mexico]] on the east to southern [[Nevada]] on the west. Areas of southern Nevada, [[Utah]] and [[Colorado]] form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the [[Colorado River|Colorado]] and [[Little Colorado River|Little Colorado rivers]] in [[Arizona]] and the [[Rio Puerco (Rio Grande)|Rio Puerco]] and [[Rio Grande]] in New Mexico. However, structures and other evidence of Ancient Pueblo culture has been found extending east onto the American [[Great Plains]], in areas near the [[Cimarron River (Arkansas River)|Cimarron]] and [[Pecos river]]s and in the [[Galisteo Basin]].
 
  
[[Terrain]] and resources within this massive region vary greatly. The [[plateau]] regions are generally high, with elevations ranging from 4500 to {{convert|8500|ft|m}}. Extensive horizontal [[mesa]]s are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of [[juniper]]s, [[Pinyon pine|pinon]], [[ponderosa pines]], and yellow pines, each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep walled canyons, and sculpted windows and bridges out of the [[sandstone]] landscape. In areas where erosionally resistant strata (sedimentary rock layers) such as sandstone or [[limestone]] overlie more easily eroded strata such as shale, rock overhangs formed. These overhangs were favored sites for shelters and building sites. All areas of the Ancient Pueblo homeland suffered from periods of drought and wind and water erosion. Summer rains could be undependable and often arrived in destructive thunderstorms. While the amount of winter snowfall varied greatly, the Ancient Pueblo depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both wild and cultivated, in the spring. Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancient Pueblo used as water sources. Snow also fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as the Chinle, Animas, Jemez and Taos rivers. The larger rivers were less important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more easily diverted or controlled for irrigation.
+
[[Kiva]]s used by the Ancient Pueblo Peoples and modern-day [[Pueblo people|Puebloans]] have a small hole or indentation in the floor, symbolizing the ''sipapu''.
  
 
===Pecos Classification===
 
===Pecos Classification===
The '''Pecos Classification''' is a division of all known [[Ancient Pueblo Peoples]] [[culture]] into [[chronology|chronological]] phases, based on changes in [[architecture]], [[art]], [[pottery]], and [[Artifact (archaeology)|cultural remains]]. The original classification dates back to a 1927 [[Pecos conference|archæological conference]] held in [[Pecos, New Mexico]] organized by American archaeologist [[Alfred V. Kidder]].
+
The '''Pecos Classification''' is a division of all known Ancient Pueblo Peoples [[culture]]s into [[chronology|chronological]] phases, based on changes in [[architecture]], [[art]], [[pottery]], and [[Artifact (archaeology)|cultural remains]]. The original classification dates back to a 1927 [[Pecos conference|archæological conference]] held in [[Pecos, New Mexico]] organized by American archaeologist [[Alfred V. Kidder]]. This original Pecos Classification contained eight stages of Southwestern prehistory but did not specify dates.  
 
 
The original Pecos Classification contained eight stages of Southwestern prehistory but did not specify dates.  
 
  
 
# Basketmaker I, or Early Basketmaker
 
# Basketmaker I, or Early Basketmaker
Line 42: Line 50:
 
# Pueblo V, or Historic
 
# Pueblo V, or Historic
  
 +
Although the original has been significantly debated and sometimes modified over the years, the split into [[Basket]]maker and Pueblo eras still serves as a basis for discussing the culture of the Ancient Puebloans. The following phases are generally accepted:
  
Although the original has been significantly debated and sometimes modified over the years, the split into [[Basket]]maker and Pueblo eras still serves as a basis for discussing the culture of the [[Ancient Pueblo Peoples|Ancient Puebloans]] of the [[Four Corners]] area.
+
;Archaic Era - 8th millennium B.C.E. to 12th century B.C.E.
 +
(The original classification postulated a '''Basketmaker I Era''' which was subsequently discredited due to lack of physical evidence, and rolled into the '''Archaic Era''').
  
;Archaic Era
+
The pre-Anasazi culture that moved into the modern-day [[Southwestern United States]] after the big game hunters departed is called ''Archaic''. Little evidence for extensive habitation before 8000 B.C.E. exists. From evidence near [[Navajo Mountain]], they were [[nomad|nomadic people]], [[hunter-gatherer]]s traveling in small bands. They gathered wild foods when in [[season]], and hunted with stone-tipped [[spear]]s, [[atlatl]]s, and [[Dart (missile)|dart]]s. Game included [[rabbit]]s, [[deer]], [[antelope]], and [[bighorn sheep]]. A trend toward a sedentary lifestyle, with small scale cultivation, began around 1000 B.C.E.
8th millennium B.C.E. to 12th century B.C.E.
 
  
The pre-Anasazi culture that moved into the modern-day [[Southwestern United States]] after the big game hunters departed are called ''Archaic''. Little evidence for extensive habitation before 8000 B.C.E. exists. From evidence near [[Navajo Mountain]], they were [[nomad|nomadic people]], [[hunter-gatherer]]s traveling in small bands. They gathered wild foods when in [[season]], and hunted with stone-tipped spears, [[atlatl]]s, and [[Dart (missile)|dart]]s. Game included [[rabbit]]s, [[deer]], [[antelope]], and [[bighorn sheep]].
+
;Early Basketmaker II Era - 1200 B.C.E. to 50 C.E.
  
''(The original classification postulated a '''Basketmaker I Era''' which was subsequently discredited due to lack of physical evidence, and rolled into the '''Archaic Era''')''
+
Early Anasazi camped in the open or lived in [[cave]]s seasonally. During this period, they began to cultivate gardens of [[maize]] ([[flint corn]] in particular) and [[squash (vegetable)|squash]], but no [[bean]]s. They used ''manos'' and ''[[metate]]s'' to grind corn, made [[basket]]s, but had no [[pottery]].
  
Called [[Oshara Tradition]]. Trend toward Sedentary lifestyle, with small scale cultivation beginning 1000 B.C.E.
+
;Late Basketmaker II Era - 50 to 500
  
;Early Basketmaker II Era
+
Primitive storage bins, [[cist]]s, and shallow [[pithouse]]s were constructed. At this stage, evidence suggests that the beginning of a [[religion|religious]] and decision-making structure had already developed. [[Shaman]]istic cults existed and [[petroglyph]]s and other [[rock art]] seem to indicate a ceremonial structure as well.  
1200 B.C.E. to 50 C.E..
 
  
Early Anasazi camped in the open or lived in [[cave]]s seasonally. During this period, they began to cultivate gardens of [[maize]] ([[flint corn]] in particular) and [[squash (vegetable)|squash]], but no [[beans]]. They used ''manos'' and ''[[metate]]s'' to grind corn, made [[basket]]s, but had no [[pottery]].
+
;Basketmaker III Era - 500 to 750
  
;Late Basketmaker II Era
+
Deep [[pit-house]]s were developed, along with some above-ground rooms. The [[Bow (weapon)|bow]] and [[arrow]] replaced the atlatl and spear. Cultivation of [[bean]]s, available due to trade from [[central America]], and edible due to cooking in [[pottery]] vessels, developed. Wild [[amaranth]] and [[pinyon pine]] were also staples. People of this era may have domesticated [[Turkey (bird)|turkeys]]. Prototype [[Kiva]]s were large, round, and subterranean.
50 to 500
 
  
Primitive storage bins, [[cist]]s, and shallow [[pithouse]]s were constructed. At this stage, evidence suggests that the beginning of a [[religion|religious]] and decision-making structure had already developed. [[Shaman]]istic cults existed and [[petroglyph]]s and other rock art seem to indicate a ceremonial structure as well. Groups appear to be increasingly linked into larger-scale decision-making bodies.
+
;Pueblo I Era - 750 to 900
  
;Basketmaker III Era
+
Increasing populations, growing village size, social integration, and more complicated and complex agricultural systems typified this era. Year round occupation in [[pueblo]]s begans; [[reservoir]]s and [[canal]]s were used. Large villages and great [[kiva]]s appeared, though pit-houses still remained in use. Above-ground construction is of [[jacal]] or crude [[masonry]]. Plain gray [[bisque]] [[pottery]] predominated, though some red bisque and pottery decorated in black and white appeared.
500 to 750
 
  
Deep pithouses were developed, along with some above-ground rooms. The [[Bow (weapon)|bow]] and [[arrow]] replaces the atlatl and spear. Plain [[bisque]] and some painted [[black-on-white]] pottery is made. Cultivation begins of beans, available due to trade from [[central America]], and edible due to cooking in pottery vessels. Wild [[amaranth]] and [[pinyon pine]] were also staples. People of this era may have domesticated [[Turkey (bird)|turkeys]].
+
;Pueblo II Era - 900 to 1150
  
Prototype Kivas were large, round, and subterranean.
+
This was the "Golden Age" of the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. By 1050, [[Chaco Canyon]] (in present-day [[New Mexico]]) was a major regional center of 1,500–5,000 people. It was surrounded by standardized planned towns, or ''great houses'', built from the wood of over 200,000 trees. [[Road]]s {{convert|30|ft|m}} wide, flanked by [[berm]]s, radiate from Chaco in various directions. Small blocks of above-ground masonry rooms and a [[kiva]] made up a typical pueblo. Great kivas grew to {{convert|50|-|70|ft}} in diameter. [[Pottery]] consisted of corrugated gray bisque and decorated black-on-white in addition to some decorated red and orange vessels. Shells and [[turquoise]] were imported. More intense [[agriculture]] was characteristic, with [[terrace (agriculture)|terracing]] and [[irrigation]] common. During the twelfth century, populations began to grow after a decline at the end of the Pueblo II era.  
  
;Pueblo I Era
+
;Pueblo III Era - 1150 to 1300
750 to 900
 
  
Increasing populations, growing village size, social integration, and more complicated and complex agricultural systems typified this era. Year round occupation in pueblos begins; [[reservoir (water)|reservoirs]] and [[canal]]s are used. Large villages and great [[kiva]]s appear, though pithouses still remain in use. Above-ground construction is of [[jacal]] or crude [[masonry]]. Plain gray [[bisque]] predominates, though some red bisque and pottery decorated in black and white appears.
+
[[town|Settlements]] consist of large [[pueblo]]s, [[cliff dwelling]]s, towers, and [[turkey]] pens. Most villages in the Four Corners area were abandoned by 1300. The distinction between [[Hohokam]] and Ancient Pueblo became blurred.
  
;Pueblo II Era
+
;Pueblo IV Era - 1300 to 1600
900 to 1150
 
  
By 1050, [[Chaco Canyon]] (in present-day [[New Mexico]]) was a major regional center of 1,500–5,000 people. It is surrounded by standardized planned towns, or ''great houses'', built from the wood of over  200,000 trees. Thirty-foot-wide ({{convert|30|ft|m|disp=output only}}) [[road]]s, flanked by [[berm]]s, radiate from Chaco in various directions. Small blocks of above-ground masonry rooms and a kiva make up a typical [[pueblo]]. Great kivas grow to {{convert|50|-|70|ft}} in diameter. Pottery consists of corrugated gray bisque and decorated black-on-white in addition to some decorated red and orange vessels. Shells and [[turquoise]] are imported.
+
Typically, large pueblos are centered around a [[plaza]]. Socially, a period of more [[conflict]] than cooperation. [[Kachina]]s appeared. Plain [[pottery]] supplanted corrugated. Red, orange and yellow pottery was on the rise as black-on-white declined. [[Cotton]] was introduced and grown as a commodity.
  
During the 12th century, populations began to grow after a decline at the end of the Pueblo II era. More intense [[agriculture]] was characteristic, with [[terrace (agriculture)|terracing]] and [[irrigation]] common.
+
The Puebloans were joined by other cultures. As early as the fifteenth century, the [[Navajo]] were in the process of migrating into the region from the north as the [[Spain|Spanish]] first came from the south in the 1540s.
  
;Pueblo III Era
+
;Pueblo V Era - 1600 to present
1150 to 1350
 
  
[[town|Settlements]] consist of large pueblos, cliff dwellings, towers and turkey pens. Most villages in the Four Corners area are abandoned by 1300. The distinction between [[Hohokam]] and pueblo becomes blurred.
+
The history of the modern [[Pueblo Peoples]] dates from approximately 1600, the time of the Spanish colonial occupation of their homelands.
 
 
;Pueblo IV Era
 
1350 to 1600
 
 
 
Typically, large pueblos are centered around a [[plaza]]. Socially, a period of more conflict than cooperation. [[Kachina]]s appear. Plain pottery supplants corrugated. Red, orange and yellow pottery is on the rise as black-on-white declines. [[Cotton]] is introduced and grown as a commodity.
 
 
 
The Puebloans are joined by other cultures. As early as the 15th century, the Navajo were in the process of migrating into the region from the north as the [[Spanish colonization of the Americas|Spanish]] first came from the south in the 1540s.
 
 
 
;Pueblo V Era
 
1600 to present
 
 
 
The Spanish dominate and take over sites such as the [[Acoma Pueblo]]. Their arrival sends Pueblo subcultures underground.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
===Origins===
 
The period from 700-1130 C.E. saw a rapid increase in population due to consistent and regular rainfall patterns. Studies of skeletal remains show that this growth was due to increased fertility rather than decreased mortality. However, this tenfold increase in population over the course of a few generations could not be achieved by increased birthrate alone; likely it also involved migrations of peoples from surrounding areas. Innovations such as pottery, food storage, and agriculture enabled this rapid growth. Over several decades, the Ancient Pueblo culture spread across the landscape. Ancient Pueblo culture has been divided into three main areas or branches, based on geographical location: [[Chaco Canyon]] (northwest New Mexico), [[Kayenta]] (northeast Arizona), and Northern San Juan (or [[Mesa Verde]]) (southwest Colorado).
 
 
 
Modern Pueblo oral traditions hold that the Pueblo originated to the north of their current settlements, from [[sipapu|Shibapu]], where they emerged from the underworld. For unknown ages they were led by war chiefs guided by the Spirits across North America. They settled first in the Ancient Pueblo areas for a few hundred years, then migrated to their current location.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}}
 
  
 
===Migration from the homeland===
 
===Migration from the homeland===
 
[[Image:Dark Canyon Ruin.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Ancestral Puebloan ruins in [[Dark Canyon Wilderness]], Utah]]
 
[[Image:Dark Canyon Ruin.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Ancestral Puebloan ruins in [[Dark Canyon Wilderness]], Utah]]
It is not entirely clear why the Ancestral Puebloans migrated from their established homes in the 12th and 13th centuries. Factors examined and discussed include global or regional climate change (''cf.'' [[Little Ice Age]]), prolonged periods of drought, cyclical periods of topsoil erosion, environmental degradation, de-forestation, hostility from new arrivals, religious or cultural change, and even influence from Mesoamerican cultures. Many of these possibilities are supported by archaeological evidence.  
+
It is not entirely clear why the Ancestral Puebloans [[human migration|migrated]] from their established homes in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Possible factors include global or regional climate change, prolonged periods of [[drought]], cyclical periods of topsoil erosion, environmental degradation, de-forestation, hostility from new arrivals, religious or cultural change, and even influence from [[Mesoamerica]]n cultures. Many of these possibilities are supported by archaeological evidence.  
  
Current opinion holds that the Ancestral Puebloans responded to pressure from [[Numic]]-speaking peoples moving onto the Colorado Plateau, as well as climate change that resulted in [[agriculture|agricultural]] failures. The archaeological record indicates that it was not unusual for ancient Pueblo peoples to adapt to climatic change by changing residences and locations.<ref>The first to surmise this was John W. Powell, ''Canyons of the Colorado'', 1895, Flood & Vincent.</ref> Early Pueblo I sites may have housed up to 600 individuals in a few separate but closely spaced settlement clusters. However, they were generally occupied for a mere 30 years or less. Archaeologist [[Timothy A. Kohler]] excavated large Pueblo I sites near [[Dolores, Colorado]], and discovered that they were established during periods of above-average rainfall. This would allow crops to be grown without benefit of irrigation. At the same time, nearby areas experiencing significantly drier patterns were abandoned.
+
The archaeological record indicates that it was not unusual for ancient Pueblo peoples to adapt to climate change by changing residences and locations.<ref>The first to surmise this was [[John Wesley Powell]], ''Canyons of the Colorado'' (Flood & Vincent, 1985).</ref> Early Pueblo I sites may have housed up to 600 individuals in a few separate but closely spaced settlement clusters. However, they were generally occupied for a mere 30 years or less. Archaeologist [[Timothy A. Kohler]] excavated large Pueblo I sites near [[Dolores, Colorado]], and discovered that they were established during periods of above-average rainfall. This would allow crops to be grown without benefit of [[irrigation]]. At the same time, nearby areas experiencing significantly drier patterns were abandoned.
  
The ancient Pueblos attained a cultural "Golden Age" between about 900 and 1130. During this time, generally classed as Pueblo II, the climate was relatively warm and rainfall mostly adequate. Communities grew larger and were inhabited for longer periods of time. Highly specific local traditions in architecture and pottery emerged, and trade over long distances appears to have been common. [[Domesticated turkey]]s appear.{{Citation needed|date=September 2008}}
+
The ancient Pueblos attained a cultural "Golden Age" between about 900 and 1130. During this time, generally classed as Pueblo II, the climate was relatively warm and rainfall mostly adequate. After approximately 1150, North America experienced significant climatic change in the form of a 300-year drought called the [[Great Drought]].  
  
After approximately 1150, North America experienced significant climatic change in the form of a 300-year drought called the [[Great Drought]]. This also led to the collapse of the [[Tiwanaku]] civilization around [[Lake Titicaca]] in present-day Bolivia.<ref>[http://www.americanscientist.org/template/AssetDetail/assetid/50746;jsessionid=aaa5LVF0  "Mountains of Evidence"], in ''[[American Scientist]]''</ref>  The contemporary [[Mississippian culture]] also collapsed during this period. Confirming evidence is found in excavations of the western regions of the [[Mississippi Valley]] between 1150 and 1350, which show long-lasting patterns of warmer, wetter winters and cooler, drier summers. In this later period, the Pueblo II became more self-contained, decreasing trade and interaction with more distant communities. Southwest farmers developed irrigation techniques appropriate to seasonal rainfall, including soil and water control features such as check dams and terraces. The population of the region continued to be mobile, abandoning settlements and fields under adverse conditions. Along with the change in precipitation patterns, there was a drop in water table levels due to a different cycle unrelated to rainfall. This forced the abandonment of settlements in the more arid or over-farmed locations.{{Citation needed|date=September 2008}}
+
Stress on the environment may have been reflected in the social structure, leading to conflict and [[war]]fare. Evidence suggests there was also a profound change in [[religion]] in this period. Chacoan and other structures constructed originally along [[astronomy|astronomical]] alignments, and thought to have served important ceremonial purposes to the culture, were systematically dismantled. Doorways were sealed with rock and mortar. [[Kiva]] walls show marks from great fires set within them, which probably required removal of the massive roof—a task which would require significant effort. This evidence suggests that the religious structures were deliberately abandoned slowly over time.  
  
Evidence suggests a profound change in religion in this period. Chacoan and other structures constructed originally along astronomical alignments, and thought to have served important ceremonial purposes to the culture, were systematically dismantled. Doorways were sealed with rock and mortar. [[Kiva]] walls show marks from great fires set within them, which probably required removal of the massive roof - a task which would require significant effort. Habitations were abandoned, tribes split and divided and resettled far elsewhere. This evidence suggests that the religious structures were deliberately abandoned slowly over time. Puebloan tradition holds that the ancestors had achieved great spiritual power and control over natural forces, and used their power in ways that caused nature to change, and caused changes that were never meant to occur. Possibly, the dismantling of their religious structures was an effort to symbolically undo the changes they felt they caused due to their abuse of their spiritual power, and thus make amends with nature.
+
Changes in pottery composition, structure, and decoration are signals of social change in the archaeological record. This is particularly true as the peoples of the American Southwest began to leave their traditional homes and migrate south. According to archaeologists Patricia Crown and Steadman Upham, the appearance of the bright colors on Salada Polychromes in the fourteenth century may reflect religious or political alliances on a regional level. Late fourteenth and fifteenth century pottery from central [[Arizona]], widely traded in the region, has colors and designs which may derive from earlier ware by both Anasazi and [[Mogollon]] peoples.<ref> Cordell, 142-143.</ref>
  
Most modern Pueblo peoples (whether Keresans, [[Hopi]], or Tanoans) assert the ancient Pueblo did not "vanish," as is commonly portrayed in media presentations or popular books, but migrated to areas in the southwest with more favorable rainfall and dependable streams. They merged into the various Pueblo peoples whose descendants still live in Arizona and New Mexico. This perspective is not new. It was presented by early 20th century [[anthropologists]], including [[Frank Hamilton Cushing]], [[J. Walter Fewkes]] and [[Alfred V. Kidder]]. Many modern Pueblo tribes trace their lineage from settlements. For example, the [[San Ildefonso Pueblo|San Ildefonso Pueblo people]] believe that their ancestors lived in both the Mesa Verde and the Bandelier areas. Evidence also suggests that a profound change took place in the Anasazi area and areas inhabited by their cultural neighbors, the [[Mogollon culture|Mogollon]]. The contemporary historian [[James W. Loewen]] agrees with the oral traditions in his book, ''Lies Across America: What Our Historic Markers and Monuments Get Wrong'' (1999), but there is not a consensus within the professional academic community.
+
Thus it appears that a number of factors came together to cause the Ancient Puebloans to abandon their their magnificent stone villages at Mesa Verde and elsewhere on the Colorado Plateau and make the move to Hopi mesas in northeastern Arizona, to the Zuni lands in western New Mexico, and to dozens of adobe villages in the watershed of the Rio Grande. Most probably these factors were both "push factors" (forcing them to leave) and "pull factors" (attracting them to new locations).<ref>George Johnson, [http://www.cpluhna.nau.edu/People/anasazi_collapse.htm "Social Strife May Have Exiled Ancient Indians"], ''The New York Times'' (August 20, 1996). Retrieved June 23, 2011.</ref>
 
 
 
 
Stress on the environment may have been reflected in the social structure, leading to conflict and warfare. Near [[Kayenta, Arizona]], Jonathan Haas of the Field Museum in Chicago has been studying a group of Ancient Pueblo villages that relocated from the canyons to the high mesa tops during the late 13th century. The only reason Haas can see for a move so far from water and arable land is defense against enemies. He asserts that isolated communities relied on raiding for food and supplies, and that internal conflict and warfare became common in the 13th century. This conflict may have been aggravated by the influx of less settled peoples, Numic-speakers such as the [[Ute Tribe|Ute]]s, [[Shoshone]]s and [[Paiute people]], who may have originated in what is today [[California]]. Others suggest that more developed villages, such as that at [[Chaco Canyon]] overstressed their environment, resulting in widespread deforestation and eventually the fall of their civilization through warfare over depleted resources.  
 
 
 
A 1997 excavation at [[Cowboy Wash]] near [[Dolores, Colorado]], found remains of at least twenty-four human skeletons that showed evidence of violence and dismemberment, with strong indications of [[cannibalism]]. This modest community appears to have been abandoned during the same time period.<ref>LeBlanc p.174</ref> Other excavations within the Ancient Pueblo culture area produce varying numbers of unburied, and in some cases dismembered, bodies.<ref>[[Tim White (anthropologist)|Tim White]], ''Prehistoric cannibalism at Mancos 5MTUMR-2346'', Princeton, 1992, ISBN 0-691-09467-5</ref> This evidence of warfare, conflict, and cannibalism is hotly debated by some scholars and interest groups. Suggested alternatives include: a community under the pressure of starvation or extreme social stress, dismemberment and cannibalism as religious ritual or in response to religious conflict, the influx of outsiders seeking to drive out a settled agricultural community via calculated atrocity, or an invasion of a settled region by nomadic raiders who practiced cannibalism; such peoples have existed in other times and places, e.g. the [[Androphagi]] of Europe.
 
  
 
== Culture ==
 
== Culture ==
[[Image:Pueblo Bonito Aerial Chaco Canyon.jpg|thumb|250px|Pueblo Bonito, the largest of the Chacoan Great Houses, stands at the foot of [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park|Chaco Canyon's]] northern rim.]]
 
  
The Ancient Pueblo culture is perhaps best-known for the stone and [[adobe]] dwellings built along cliff walls, particularly during the [[Pecos Classification#Pueblo II Era|Pueblo II]] and [[Pecos Classification#Pueblo III Era|Pueblo III]] eras. Adobe structures are constructed with bricks created from sand, clay, and water, with some fibrous or organic material, shaped using frames and dried in the sun. The best-preserved examples of the stone and adobe dwellings are in [[National Parks]] (USA), such as Chaco Canyon or [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park]], [[Mesa Verde National Park]], [[Aztec Ruins National Monument]], [[Bandelier National Monument]], [[Hovenweep National Monument]], and [[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]]. These villages, called ''[[pueblos]]'' by Spanish settlers, were often only accessible by rope or through rock climbing. These astonishing building achievements had more modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on the pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods.
+
===Lifestyle===
 +
{{readout||left|250px|The ancestors of the [[Pueblo people]] built incredible cities, [[cliff dwelling]]s, along the walls of canyons as well as enormous "great houses" and roads along the valleys}}
 +
The Ancient Pueblo culture developed from the [[hunter-gatherer]] lifestyle to fully [[agriculture|agricultural]] during the Bastketmaker periods. As the name reflects, [[basket]] making was evident during these phases, and, as the lifestyle became increasingly sedentary, [[pottery]] developed. In these early times their homes were [[pit-house]]s or [[cave]]s; in the Bastketmaker III period they lived in semi-subterranean houses constructed in caves or on the top of [[mesa]]s.  
  
Ancestral Puebloans are also known for their pottery. In general, pottery was used for cooking or storage in the region was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. In the northern or "Anasazi" portion of the Ancestral Pueblo world, from about 500 to 1300 C.E., the most common decorated pottery had black painted designs on white or light gray backgrounds. Decoration is characterized by fine hatching, and contrasting colors are produced by the use of mineral-based paint on a chalky background. Some tall cylinders are considered ceremonial vessels, while narrow-necked jars may have been used for liquids. Ware in the southern portion of the region, particularly after 1150 C.E., is characterized by heavier black-line decoration and the use of carbon-based colorants.<ref>Cordell, pp. 98</ref> In northern New Mexico, the local "[[black on white]]" tradition, the [[Rio Grande white wares]], continued well after 1300 C.E.  
+
In the Pueblo phases, beginning in Pueblo I (750-950), they built houses above ground with [[kiva]]s, circular underground chambers, constructed for ceremonial purposes. The Ancient Pueblo culture is perhaps best-known for the stone and [[adobe]] [[cliff dwelling]]s built along cliff walls, particularly during the [[Pecos Classification#Pueblo II Era|Pueblo II]] and [[Pecos Classification#Pueblo III Era|Pueblo III]] eras. These villages were often only accessible by rope or through rock climbing.  
  
Changes in pottery composition, structure and decoration are signals of social change in the archaeological record. This is particularly true as the peoples of the American Southwest began to leave their traditional homes and migrate south. According to archaeologists Patricia Crown and Steadman Upham, the appearance of the bright colors on Salada Polychromes in the 14th century may reflect religious or political alliances on a regional level. Late 14th and 15th century pottery from central Arizona, widely traded in the region, has colors and designs which may derive from earlier ware by both Anasazi and Mogollon peoples. (Cordell, p.&nbsp;142-143)
+
By around 1300 C.E.. (beginning of Pueblo IV period) the Ancient Pueblo communities were abandoned, probably due to a convergence of factors, and the people moved south and east. They created new communities, using adobe to a greater extent, and their culture continued to flourish until the Spanish explorers arrived. It was the Spanish who called their communities ''[[pueblo]]s''.
  
The Ancestral Puebloans also created many [[petroglyphs]] and [[pictographs]].
+
===Art===
 +
[[Image:Chaco Anasazi canteen NPS.jpg|left|thumb|A canteen (pot) excavated from the ruins in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico]]
 +
[[Image:Fajadadiagram.JPG|thumb|200px|right|Diagram showing the location of the sun daggers on the [[Fajada Butte]] petroglyph on various days]]
 +
Ancestral Puebloans are known for their [[pottery]]. In general, pottery was used for cooking or storage and was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. From about 500 to 1300 C.E. in the northern part of the region, the most common decorated pottery had black painted designs on white or light gray backgrounds. Decoration was characterized by fine hatching, and contrasting colors were produced by the use of mineral-based paint on a chalky background. Tall cylinders are considered to have been ceremonial vessels, while narrow-necked jars may have been used for liquids. Ware in the southern portion of the region, particularly after 1150 C.E., was characterized by heavier black-line decoration and the use of carbon-based colorants.<ref>Cordell, 98.</ref> In northern [[New Mexico]], the local "[[black on white]]" tradition, the [[Rio Grande white wares]], continued well after 1300 C.E..  
  
== Architecture - Pueblo complexes and Great Houses ==
+
The Ancestral Puebloans also created many [[petroglyph]]s and [[pictograph]]s. The best known petroglyph is the "Sun Dagger" on the [[Fajada Butte]] at which a glint of sunlight passes over a spiral petroglyph.<ref name="Sofaer-2007"/> The location of the dagger on the petroglyph varies throughout the year. At the summer [[solstice]] a dagger-shaped light form pierces through the heart of the spiral; similar sun daggers mark the winter solstice and the [[equinox]]es. It has been proposed that this petroglyph was created to mark these events.<ref name="Sofaer-2007"/>
  
[[Image:Bandelier multi-story dwelling.jpg|thumb|right|alt=A Remains of multistory dwelling built into volcanic tuff wall. Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico|Multistory dwellings at Bandelier. Rock wall foundations and beam holes and "cavates" carved into volcanic [[tuff]] remain from upper floors.]]
+
At two other sites on Fajada Butte, located a short distance below the Sun Dagger site, five petroglyphs are also marked by visually compelling patterns of shadow and light that indicate solar noon distinctively at the solstices and equinoxes.<ref name="Sofaer-2007"/>
  
The Ancestral Puebloan People crafted a unique architecture with planned community spaces. The ancient population centers such as Chaco Canyon (outside Crownpoint, NM), Mesa Verde (outside Cortez, CO), and Bandelier (outside Los Alamos, NM) for which the Ancestral Puebloans are renowned, consisted of apartment-like complexes and structures made from stone, adobe mud, and other local material, or were carved into the sides of canyon walls. Each were influenced by themselves and design details from other cultures as far away as modern-day Mexico. In their day, these ancient towns and cities were usually multi-storied and multi-purposed buildings surrounding open plazas and viewsheds and were occupied by hundreds to thousands of Ancestral Puebloan People. These population complexes hosted cultural and civic events and infrastructure that supported a vast outlying region hundreds of miles away linked by transportation roadways.
+
=== Architecture ===
 +
The Ancestral Puebloan People crafted a unique [[architecture]] with planned community spaces. The ancient population centers for which the Ancestral Puebloans are renowned consisted of [[apartment]]-like complexes and structures (called ''[[pueblo]]s'' by the Spanish explorers) made from stone, [[adobe]] mud, and other local material, or carved into the sides of canyon walls ([[cliff dwelling]]s). These ancient towns and cities were usually multi-storied and multi-purposed buildings surrounding open plazas and were occupied by hundreds to thousands of Ancestral Puebloan People. These population complexes hosted cultural and civic events and infrastructure that supported a vast outlying region hundreds of miles away linked by roadways.
  
Constructed well before 1492 C.E., these Ancestral Puebloan towns and villages in the Southwestern U.S. were located in various defensive positions, for example, on high steep mesas such as at Mesa Verde or present-day Acoma "Sky City" Pueblo, in New Mexico. Earlier than 900 C.E. progressing past the 13th century, the population complexes were a major center of culture for the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. In Chaco Canyon, Chacoan developers quarried sandstone blocks and hauled timber from great distances, assembling 15 major complexes which remained the largest buildings in North America until the 19th century.<ref name="Strutin_1994_6">{{harvnb|Strutin|1994|p=6}}</ref><ref name="Fagan_2005_35">{{harvnb|Fagan|2005|p=35}}</ref> Evidence of archaeoastronomy at Chaco has been proposed, with the Sun Dagger petroglyph at Fajada Butte a popular example. Many Chacoan buildings may have been aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles,<ref name="Fagan_1998_177-182">{{harvnb|Fagan|1998|pp=177–182}}</ref> requiring generations of astronomical observations and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction.<ref name="Sofaer_1997"/> Climate change is thought to have led to the emigration of Chacoans and the eventual abandonment of the canyon, beginning with a 50-year drought in 1130.<ref name="Fagan_2005_198">{{harvnb|Fagan|2005|p=198}}</ref>
+
Constructed well before 1492 C.E., these Ancestral Puebloan towns and villages in the Southwestern U.S. were located in various defensive positions, for example, on high steep [[mesa]]s such as at Mesa Verde or present-day Acoma "Sky City" Pueblo, in New Mexico. From before 900 C.E. and progressing past the thirteenth century, the population complexes were a major center of culture for the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. In Chaco Canyon, Chacoan developers quarried [[sandstone]] blocks and hauled timber from great distances, assembling fifteen major complexes which remained the largest buildings in North America until the nineteenth century.<ref name=Fagan>Brian M. Fagan, ''Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society'' (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0195170436), 35.</ref>  
  
=== Great Houses ===
+
The best-preserved examples of the stone and adobe dwellings are in [[National Parks]], such as Chaco Canyon or [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park]], [[Mesa Verde National Park]], [[Aztec Ruins National Monument]], [[Bandelier National Monument]], [[Hovenweep National Monument]], and [[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]].
  
[[Image:CasaRinconada.jpg|thumb|right|alt=A partly overcast sky and subdued sunlight over a roughly six-foot tall wall of dusky tan sandstone bricks which vary somewhat in size. The wall runs diagonally from the immediate foreground at left towards the right, running perhaps several dozen feet to the near middle distance. A few feet to the right, in the middle foreground, a low ring of similar blocks delimits a circular pit sunk into the ground. The remains of several other ruinous low walls, perhaps one to three high at most, are arrayed in parallel; they align left to right from the high diagonal wall. Perhaps a mile distant to the center and right, a canyon wall slopes gradually level to meet the valley floor on which the walls sit.|Casa Rinconada]]
+
;Cliff Dwellings
 +
[[Image:Bandelier multi-story dwelling.jpg|thumb|right|250 px|Multistory dwellings at Bandelier. Rock wall foundations and beam holes and "cavates" carved into volcanic [[tuff]] remain from upper floors.]]
 +
[[Image:Mesa-Verde---Cliff-Palace-in 1891 - edit1.jpg|thumb|left|250 px|Cliff Palace in Mesa Verde. Photographed by Gustaf Nordenskiöld in 1891.]]
  
Immense complexes known as "Great Houses" embodied worship at Chaco. As architectural forms evolved and centuries passed, the houses kept several core traits. Most apparent is their sheer bulk; complexes averaged more than 200 rooms each, and some enclosed up to 700 rooms.<ref name="Sofaer_1997">{{harvnb|Sofaer|1997}}</ref> Individual rooms were substantial in size, with higher ceilings than Anasazi works of preceding periods. They were well-planned: vast sections or wings erected were finished in a single stage, rather than in increments. Houses generally faced the south, and plaza areas were almost always girt with edifices of sealed-off rooms or high walls. Houses often stood four or five stories tall, with single-story rooms facing the plaza; room blocks were terraced to allow the tallest sections to compose the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas.
+
Throughout the southwest Ancient Puebloan region [[cliff dwelling]]s, housing, defensive, and storage complexes were built in shallow [[cave]]s and under rock overhangs along [[canyon]] walls. The structures contained within these alcoves were mostly blocks of hard [[sandstone]], held together and plastered with [[adobe]] mortar. Adobe structures are constructed with bricks created from sand, clay, and water, with some fibrous or organic material, shaped using frames and dried in the sun. Specific constructions had many similarities, but were generally unique in form due to the individual topography of different alcoves along the canyon walls. In marked contrast to earlier constructions and villages on top of the [[mesa]]s, the cliff dwellings at Mesa Verde reflected a region-wide trend towards the aggregation of growing regional populations into close, highly defensible quarters during the thirteenth century.
  
[[Image:Chaco Canyon Pueblo Bonito doorways NPS.jpg|thumb|left|alt=A rectangular entrance through a thick wall dressed with sandstone blocks in the foreground. The entrance reveals a view of another similar wall, itself bearing a doorway showing yet another wall with another door. Four such nested sets of doorways are seen, with a fifth wall visible through the final fourth doorway.|Doorways, Pueblo Bonito]]
+
While much of the construction in these sites conforms to common Pueblo architectural forms, including [[Kiva]]s, towers, and pit-houses, the space constrictions of these alcoves necessitated what seems to have been a far denser concentration of their populations. Mug House, a typical cliff dwelling of the period, was home to around 100 people who shared 94 small rooms and eight kivas built right up against each other and sharing many of their walls; builders in these areas maximized space in any way they could and no areas were considered off-limits to construction.<ref name="kantner"/>
  
Ceremonial structures known as ''[[kiva]]s'' were built in proportion to the number of rooms in a pueblo. One small ''kiva'' was built for roughly every 29 rooms. Nine complexes each hosted an oversized Great Kiva, each up to {{convert|63|ft}} in diameter. T-shaped doorways and stone [[lintel]]s marked all Chacoan kivas. Though simple and compound walls were often used, Great Houses were primarily constructed of [[core-and-veneer]] walls: two parallel load-bearing walls comprising dressed, flat [[sandstone]] blocks bound in [[clay]] mortar were erected. Gaps between walls were packed with [[rubble]], forming the wall's core. Walls were then covered in a veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding [[mud]].<ref name="Fagan_2005_119-121">{{harvnb|Fagan|2005|pp=119–121}}</ref> These surfacing stones were often placed in distinctive patterns. The Chacoan structures altogether required the wood of 200,000 coniferous trees, mostly hauled—on foot—from mountain ranges up to {{convert|70|mi}} away.<ref name="Sofaer_1999">{{harvnb|Sofaer|1999}}</ref><ref name="kantner">Kantner, John (2004). "Ancient Puebloan Southwest," pp. 161-66</ref>
+
Not all of the people in the region lived in cliff dwellings; many colonized the canyon rims and slopes in multi-family structures that grew to unprecedented size as populations swelled.<ref name="kantner"/> Decorative motifs for these sandstone/mortar constructions included T-shaped windows and doors. This has been taken by some archaeologists as evidence of the continuing reach of the [[Chaco Canyon]] elite system, which had seemingly collapsed around a century before.<ref>Stephen H. Lekson, ''The Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest'' (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0761991816).</ref> Other researchers see these motifs as part of a more generalized Puebloan style and/or spiritual significance, rather than evidence of a continuing specific elite socioeconomic system.<ref>David A. Phillips, Jr., [http://www.unm.edu/~dap/meridian/meridian.html "The Chaco Meridian: A skeptical analysis"]. In ''Mogollon Archaeology: Collected Papers from the Eleventh Mogollon Conference'' edited by Patrick H. Beckett, (Las Cruces, NM: COAS Publishing and Research, 2002), 189–214. Retrieved June 26, 2011.</ref>
  
== Ceremonial Infrastructure - Great North Road: the thirty foot wide highway ==
+
;Great Houses
 +
[[Image:CasaRinconada.jpg|thumb|left|250 px|Casa Rinconada]]
 +
[[Image:Pueblo Bonito Aerial Chaco Canyon.jpg|thumb|250px|Pueblo Bonito, the largest of the Chacoan Great Houses, stands at the foot of [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park|Chaco Canyon's]] northern rim.]]
 +
Immense complexes known as "Great Houses" embodied worship at [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park|Chaco Canyon]]. As architectural forms evolved and centuries passed, the houses kept several core traits. Most apparent is their sheer bulk; complexes averaged more than 200 rooms each, and some enclosed up to 700 rooms.<ref name="Sofaer_1997">Anna Sofaer, "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression." In ''Anasazi Architecture and American Design'', edited by Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0826317797)</ref> Individual rooms were substantial in size, with higher ceilings than works of preceding Ancient Puebloan periods. They were well-planned: vast sections or wings erected were finished in a single stage, rather than in increments. Houses generally faced the south, and plaza areas were almost always girt with edifices of sealed-off rooms or high walls. Houses often stood four or five stories tall, with single-story rooms facing the plaza; room blocks were terraced to allow the tallest sections to compose the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas.
  
One of the most fascinating and intriguing aspects of Ancestral Puebloan infrastructure is at Chaco Canyon and is the Chaco Road, a system of roads radiating out from many great house sites such as Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl and Una Vida, and leading towards small outlier sites and natural features within and beyond the canyon limits.
+
Ceremonial structures known as ''[[kiva]]s'' were built in proportion to the number of rooms in a pueblo. One small ''kiva'' was built for roughly every 29 rooms. Nine complexes each hosted an oversized Great Kiva, each up to {{convert|63|ft}} in diameter. T-shaped doorways and stone [[lintel]]s marked all Chacoan kivas. Though simple and compound walls were often used, Great Houses were primarily constructed of [[core-and-veneer]] walls: two parallel load-bearing walls comprising dressed, flat [[sandstone]] blocks bound in [[clay]] mortar were erected. Gaps between walls were packed with [[rubble]], forming the wall's core. Walls were then covered in a veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding [[mud]].<ref name=Fagan/> These surfacing stones were often placed in distinctive patterns. The Chacoan structures altogether required the wood of 200,000 [[conifer]]ous trees, mostly hauled—on foot—from mountain ranges up to {{convert|70|mi}} away.<ref name="Sofaer-2007">Anna Sofaer, ''Chaco Astronomy: An Ancient American Cosmology'' (Santa Fe, NM: Ocean Tree Books, 2007, ISBN 978-0943734460).</ref><ref name="kantner"> John Kantner, ''Ancient Puebloan Southwest'' (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0521788809), 161-166.</ref>
  
Through satellite images and ground investigations, archaeologists have detected at least 8 main roads that together run for more than 180 miles (ca 300&nbsp;km), and are more than 30 feet (10 m) wide. These were excavated into a smooth leveled surface in the bedrock or created through the removal of vegetation and soil. The Ancestral Puebloan (Anasazi) residents of Chaco Canyon cut large ramps and stairways into the cliff rock to connect the roadways on the ridgetops of the canyon to the sites on the valley bottoms.
+
===Roads===
 +
[[Image:San Juan Basin Prehistoric Roads.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Prehistoric roads and Great Houses superimposed on a map showing modern roads and settlements.]]
  
The largest roads, constructed at the same time as many of the great house sites (between 1000 and 1125 C.E.), are: the Great North Road, the South Road, the Coyote Canyon Road, the Chacra Face Road, Ahshislepah Road, Mexican Springs Road, the West Road and the shorter Pintado-Chaco Road. Simple structures like berms and walls are found sometimes aligned along the courses of the roads. Also, some tracts of the roads lead to natural features such as springs, lakes, mountain tops and pinnacles.
+
One of the most fascinating and intriguing aspects of Ancestral Puebloan infrastructure is the Chaco Road system. This is a system of roads radiating out from many great house sites such as Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl and Una Vida, and leading towards small outlier sites and natural features within and beyond the canyon limits.
  
===The Great North Road===
+
Through satellite images and ground investigations, archaeologists have detected at least eight main roads that together run for more than 180 miles (ca 300&nbsp;km), and are more than 30 feet (10 m) wide. These were excavated into a smooth leveled surface in the bedrock or created through the removal of vegetation and soil. The Ancestral Puebloan residents of Chaco Canyon cut large ramps and stairways into the cliff rock to connect the roadways on the ridgetops of the canyon to the sites on the valley bottoms. The longest and most famous of these roads is the Great North Road, which originates from different routes close to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl. These roads converge at Pueblo Alto and from there lead north beyond the Canyon limits. There are no communities along the road's course, apart from small, isolated structures.
The longest and most famous of these roads is the Great North Road. The Great North Road originates from different routes close to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl. These roads converge at Pueblo Alto and from there lead north beyond the Canyon limits. There are no communities along the road's course, apart from small, isolated structures.
 
  
Archaeological interpretations of the Chaco road system are divided between an economic purpose and a symbolic, ideological role linked to ancestral Puebloan beliefs.
+
The economic purpose of the Chaco road system is shown by the presence of luxury items at Pueblo Bonito and elsewhere in the canyon. Items such as macaws, turquoise, marine shells, and imported vessels reveal the long-distance commercial relations Chaco had with other regions. The widespread use of timber in Chacoan constructions—a resource not locally available—also needed a large and easy transportation system. Through analysis of various [[strontium]] isotopes, archaeologists have realized that much of the timber that composes Chacoan construction came from a number of distant mountain ranges.
  
The system was first discovered at the end of the 19th century, and first excavated and studied in the 1970s. Archaeologists suggested that the road's main purpose was to transport local and exotic goods inside and outside the canyon. Someone also suggested that these large roads were used to quickly move an army from the canyon to the outlier communities, a purpose similar to the road systems known for the Roman empire. This last scenario has long been discarded because of the lack of any evidence of a permanent army.
+
The Chaco road system may also have played a symbolic, ideological role linked to ancestral Puebloan beliefs. In fact, some archaeologists have suggested that the main purpose of the road system was a religious one, providing pathways for periodic [[pilgrimage]]s and facilitating regional gatherings for seasonal ceremonies.  
  
The economic purpose of the Chaco road system is shown by the presence of luxury items at Pueblo Bonito and elsewhere in the canyon. Items such as macaws, turquoise, marine shells, and imported vessels prove the long-distance commercial relations Chaco had with other regions. A further suggestion is that the widespread use of timber in Chacoan constructions—a resource not locally available—needed a large and easy transportation system. Through analysis of various [[strontium]] isotopes, archaeologists have realized that much of the timber that composes Chacoan construction came from a number of distant mountain ranges, indicative also of the Chaco Road's economic significance.
+
A religious explanation is supported by [[Pueblo people|modern Pueblo]] beliefs about a North Road leading to their place of origin and along which the spirits of the dead travel. According to modern pueblo people, this road represents the connection to the ''shipapu'', the place of emergence of the ancestors or a dimensional doorway. During their journey from the shipapu to the world of the living, the spirits stop along the road and eat the food left for them by the living.
  
=== Ancient Religion and Road Building ===
+
Sparse concentrations of [[ceramic]] fragments along the North Road have been related to some sort of ritual activities carried out along the roadway. Isolated structures located on the roadsides as well as on top of the canyon cliffs and ridge crests have been interpreted as [[shrine]]s related to these activities. Features such as long linear grooves were cut into the bedrock along certain roads which do not seem to point to a specific direction. It has been proposed that these were part of pilgrimage paths followed during ritual ceremonies.
Chaco Road Religious Significance:
 
Other archaeologists think instead that the main purpose of the road system was a religious one, providing pathways for periodic pilgrimages and facilitating regional gatherings for seasonal ceremonies. Furthermore, considering that some of these roads seem to go nowhere, experts suggest that they can be linked—especially the Great North Road—to astronomical observations, solstice marking, and agricultural cycles.
 
  
This religious explanation is supported by modern Pueblo beliefs about a North Road leading to their place of origin and along which the spirits of the dead travel. According to modern pueblo people, this road represents the connection to the shipapu, the place of emergence of the ancestors or a dimensional doorway. During their journey from the shipapu to the world of the living, the spirits stop along the road and eat the food left for them by the living.
+
Considering that some of these roads seem to go nowhere, it has been suggested that they can be linked—especially the Great North Road—to [[astronomy|astronomical]] observations, [[solstice]] marking, and agricultural cycles.
  
What Archaeology tells us About the Chaco Road:
+
Astronomy certainly played an important role in Chaco culture, as it is visible in the north-south axis alignment of many ceremonial structures. Many Chacoan buildings may have been aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles,<ref>Brian M. Fagan, ''From Black Land to Fifth Sun: The Science of Sacred Sites'' (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1998, ISBN 978-0201959918). </ref> requiring generations of astronomical observations and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction.<ref name="Sofaer_1997"/> The main buildings at Pueblo Bonito, for example, are arranged according to this direction and probably served as central places for ceremonial journeys across the landscape. Other [[archaeoastronomy|archaeoastronomical]] evidence has been found at Chaco, such as the Sun Dagger [[petroglyph]] at Fajada Butte.  
Astronomy certainly played an important role in Chaco culture, as it is visible in the north-south axis alignment of many ceremonial structures. The main buildings at Pueblo Bonito, for example, are arranged according to this direction and probably served as central places for ceremonial journeys across the landscape.
 
 
 
Sparse concentrations of ceramic fragments along the North Road have been related to some sort of ritual activities carried out along the roadway. Isolated structures located on the roadsides as well as on top of the canyon cliffs and ridge crests have been interpreted as shrines related to these activities.
 
 
 
Finally, features such as long linear grooves were cut into the bedrock along certain roads which do not seem to point to a specific direction. It has been proposed that these were part of pilgrimage paths followed during ritual ceremonies.
 
  
 
Archaeologists agree that the purpose of this road system may have changed through time and that the Chaco Road system probably functioned for both economic and ideological reasons. Its significance for archaeology lies in the possibility to understand the rich and sophisticated cultural expression of ancestral Puebloan societies.
 
Archaeologists agree that the purpose of this road system may have changed through time and that the Chaco Road system probably functioned for both economic and ideological reasons. Its significance for archaeology lies in the possibility to understand the rich and sophisticated cultural expression of ancestral Puebloan societies.
 
== Cliff Palace Communities and design ==
 
[[Image:Mesa-Verde---Cliff-Palace-in 1891 - edit1.jpg|thumb|Cliff Palace in Mesa Verdeo. Photographed by Gustaf Nordenskiöld in 1891.]]
 
 
Through out the southwest Ancient Puebloan region and at Mesa Verde, the best known site for these large number of well preserved ''cliff dwellings'', housing, defensive and storage complexes were built in shallow [[caves]] and under rock overhangs along [[canyon]] walls. The structures contained within these alcoves were mostly blocks of hard [[sandstone]], held together and plastered with [[adobe]] mortar. Specific constructions had many similarities, but were generally unique in form due to the individual topography of different alcoves along the canyon walls. In marked contrast to earlier constructions and villages on top of the mesas, the cliff dwellings at Mesa Verde reflected a region-wide trend towards the aggregation of growing regional populations into close, highly defensible quarters during the 13th century.
 
 
While much of the construction in these sites conforms to common Pueblo architectural forms, including [[Kivas]], towers, and pit-houses, the space constrictions of these alcoves necessitated what seems to have been a far denser concentration of their populations. Mug House, a typical cliff dwelling of the period, was home to around 100 people who shared 94 small rooms and eight kivas built right up against each other and sharing many of their walls; builders in these areas maximized space in any way they could and no areas were considered off-limits to construction.<ref name="kantner"/>
 
 
Not all of the people in the region lived in cliff dwellings; many colonized the canyon rims and slopes in multi-family structures that grew to unprecedented size as populations swelled.<ref name="kantner"/>  Decorative motifs for these sandstone/mortar constructions, both cliff dwellings and non-, included T-shaped windows and doors. This has been taken by some archaeologists, such as Stephen Lekson (1999), as evidence of the continuing reach of the [[Chaco Canyon]] elite system, which had seemingly collapsed around a century before.<ref>Lekson, Stephen (1999). "The Chaco Meridian: centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest." Walnut Creek, Altamira Press</ref> Other researchers see these motifs as part of a more generalized Puebloan style and/or spiritual significance, rather than evidence of a continuing specific elite socioeconomic system.<ref>Phillips, David A., Jr., 2000, [http://www.unm.edu/~dap/meridian/meridian.html "The Chaco Meridian: A skeptical analysis"] paper presented to the 65th annual meeting of the Society of American Archaeology, Philadelphia.</ref>
 
 
== Cultural distinctions ==
 
[[Image:Boy in doorway MVNP.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Navajo Boy in doorway, Balcony House, [[Mesa Verde National Park]], circa 1929.]]
 
Archaeological cultural units such as "Anasazi," [[Hohokam]], [[Patayan]] or Mogollon are used by [[archaeologists]] to define material culture similarities and differences that may identify prehistoric socio-cultural units, equivalent to modern societies or peoples. The names and divisions are classification devices based on theoretical perspectives, analytical methods and data available at the time of analysis and publication. They are subject to change, not only on the basis of new information and discoveries, but also as attitudes and perspectives change within the scientific community. It should not be assumed that an archaeological division or culture unit corresponds to a particular language group or to a socio-political entity such as a tribe.
 
 
When making use of modern cultural divisions in the American Southwest, it is important to comprehend that current terms and conventions have significant limitations:
 
* Archaeological research focuses on items left behind during people’s activities: fragments of pottery vessels, garbage, human remains, stone tools or evidence left from the construction of dwellings. However, many other aspects of the culture of prehistoric peoples are not tangible. Their beliefs and behavior are difficult to decipher from physical materials, and their languages remain unknown as they had no known [[writing system]].
 
* Cultural divisions are tools of the modern scientist, and so should not be considered similar to divisions or relationships the ancient residents may have recognized. Modern cultures in this region, many of whom claim some of these ancient people as ancestors, contain a striking range of diversity in lifestyles, social organization, language and religious beliefs. This suggests the ancient people were also more diverse than their material remains may suggest.
 
* The modern term "style" has a bearing on how material items such as pottery or [[architecture]] can be interpreted. Within a people, different means to accomplish the same goal can be adopted by subsets of the larger group. For example, in modern Western cultures, there are alternative styles of [[clothing]] that characterized older and younger generations. Some cultural differences may be based on linear traditions, on teaching from one generation or “school” to another. Other varieties in style may have distinguished between arbitrary groups within a culture, perhaps defining [[Social status|status]], gender, [[clan]] or [[guild]] affiliation, religious belief or cultural alliances. Variations may also simply reflect the different resources available in a given time or area.
 
 
Defining cultural groups, such as the Ancient Pueblo peoples, tends to create an image of territories separated by clear-cut boundaries, like border boundaries separating modern states. These simply did not exist. Prehistoric people traded, worshipped, collaborated and fought most often with other nearby groups. Cultural differences should therefore be understood as “clinal,” "increasing gradually as the distance separating groups also increases".<ref>Plog, p. 72.</ref> Departures from the expected pattern may occur because of unidentified social or political situations or because of geographic barriers. In the Southwest, mountain ranges, rivers and, most obviously, the [[Grand Canyon]] can be significant barriers for human communities, likely reducing the frequency of contact with other groups. Current opinion holds that the closer cultural similarity between the Mogollon and Ancient Pueblos and their greater differences from the Hohokam and Patayan is due to both the geography and the variety of climate zones in the Southwest.
 
  
 
==Notable Puebloan sites==
 
==Notable Puebloan sites==
 +
[[Image:Chaco Canyon Chetro Ketl great kiva plaza NPS.jpg|thumb|right|225px|The Great Kiva of Chetro Ketl, a Chacoan Anasazi great house and notable archaeological site located in Chaco Canyon.]]
 +
*[[Anasazi State Park Museum]]
 +
This state park and museum in Southern [[Utah]] features the reconstructed ruins of an ancient Anasazi village, referred to as the Coombs Village Site. It is the site of one of the largest Anasazi communities known to have existed west of the [[Colorado River]] and is believed to have been occupied from 1160 to 1235 C.E. As many as 250 people lived there.
 +
*[[Aztec Ruins National Monument]]
 +
Ancestral Pueblo structures in north-western [[New Mexico]], close to the town of Aztec and northeast of Farmington, near the Animas River. The buildings date back to the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, and the misnomer attributing them to the [[Aztec]] civilization can be traced back to early American settlers in the mid-nineteenth century.
 +
*[[Bandelier National Monument]]
 +
A 33,677 acres (13,629 ha) National Monument preserving the homes of the Ancestral Pueblo People. It is named after [[Switzerland|Swiss]] [[anthropologist]] [[Adolph Bandelier]], who researched the cultures of the area. The main attraction of the monument Frijoles Canyon, containing a number of ancestral pueblo homes, [[kiva]]s, [[rock painting]]s, and [[petroglyph]]s. Some of the dwellings were rock structures built on the canyon floor; others were "cavates" produced by voids in the volcanic tuff of the canyon wall and carved out further by humans. These sites date from the Pueblo III (1150 to 1350) and Pueblo IV (1350 to 1600) periods. A visitor center features exhibits about the site's inhabitants, including Ancestral Pueblo [[pottery]], [[tool]]s, and [[artifact]]s of daily life.
 +
*[[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]]
 +
Located in northeastern [[Arizona]] within the boundaries of the [[Navajo]] Nation, this site preserves ruins of the early indigenous tribes that lived in the area, including the Ancient Pueblo Peoples and Navajo.
 +
*[[Chaco Culture National Historical Park]]
 +
This National Historical Park, located in northwestern New Mexico between Albuquerque and Farmington, hosts the densest and most exceptional concentration of [[pueblo]]s in the American Southwest. Between 900 and 1150 C.E., Chaco Canyon was a major center of culture for the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. There is significant [[Archaeoastronomy|archaeoastronomical]] evidence, such as the "Sun Dagger" [[petroglyph]], at this site.
 +
[[Image:Hovenweep.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Hovenweep Castle]]
 +
*[[Hovenweep National Monument]]
 +
Straddling the Colorado-Utah border Northeast of Bluff, [[Utah]], the Monument consists of six clusters of ruins. Between 1150 and 1200 C.E. the Hovenweep inhabitants, who are generally considered part of the Mesa Verde branch of the Ancient Pueblo Peoples, began building larger pueblos around fortress-like towers at the heads of box canyons. The people built [[dam]]s and [[reservoir]]s and moved their fields into areas where water could be controlled. They also built large stone towers, living quarters, and other shelters to safeguard springs. Their stone course pueblos and towers exhibit expert [[masonry]] and [[engineering]] sjukks. The towers were built in a variety of shapes; D-shapes, squares, ovals, and circles. These stone pueblos were understandably referred to as "[[castle]]s" by nineteenth-century explorers.
 
*[[Mesa Verde National Park]]
 
*[[Mesa Verde National Park]]
*[[Bandelier National Monument]]
+
This National Park and UNESCO World Heritage Site is located in Montezuma County, Colorado; it was created in 1906 to protect some of the best preserved [[cliff dwelling]]s in the world, including Cliff Palace, which is thought to be the largest cliff dwelling in North America. The Anasazi inhabited Mesa Verde between 550 to 1300 C.E. By 750 C.E., the people were building [[mesa]]-top villages made of [[adobe]]. By the late twelfth century they began to build the cliff dwellings for which Mesa Verde is famous.
*[[Chaco Canyon]] in [[Chaco Culture National Historical Park]]
 
*[[Canyon de Chelly National Monument]]
 
*[[Gila Cliff Dwellings National Monument]]
 
*Keet Seel in [[Navajo National Monument]]
 
 
 
  
 
==Notes==
 
==Notes==
Line 220: Line 191:
  
 
==References==
 
==References==
*Childs, Craig. ''House of Rain: Tracking a Vanished Civilization Across the American Southwest''. New York, NY: Little, Brown and Company, 2007. ISBN 978-0316608176
+
* Childs, Craig. ''House of Rain: Tracking a Vanished Civilization Across the American Southwest''. New York, NY: Little, Brown and Company, 2007. ISBN 978-0316608176
*Cordell, Linda S. ''Ancient Pueblo Peoples''. Washington DC: Smithsonian Books, 1994. ISBN 978-0895990389
+
* Cordell, Linda S. ''Ancient Pueblo Peoples''. Washington DC: Smithsonian Books, 1994. ISBN 978-0895990389
*Fagan, Brian M. ''Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent''. New York, NY: Thames and Hudson, Inc., 1995. ISBN 978-0500050750
+
* Fagan, Brian M. ''Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent''. New York, NY: Thames and Hudson, Inc., 1995. ISBN 978-0500050750
 
* Fagan, Brian M. ''Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0195170436
 
* Fagan, Brian M. ''Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0195170436
 
* Fagan, Brian M. ''From Black Land to Fifth Sun: The Science of Sacred Sites''. New York, NY: Basic Books, 1998. ISBN 978-0201959918
 
* Fagan, Brian M. ''From Black Land to Fifth Sun: The Science of Sacred Sites''. New York, NY: Basic Books, 1998. ISBN 978-0201959918
 
* Jennings, Jesse D. ''Glen Canyon: An Archaeological Summary''. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1998. ISBN 978-0874805840
 
* Jennings, Jesse D. ''Glen Canyon: An Archaeological Summary''. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1998. ISBN 978-0874805840
*Kidder, Alfred V. ''An Introduction to the study of Southwestern Archaeology''. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0300082975
+
* Kantner, John. ''Ancient Puebloan Southwest''. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0521788809
* LeBlanc, Steven A. ''Prehistoric Warfare in the American Southwest''. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0874805819
+
* Kidder, Alfred V. ''An Introduction to the study of Southwestern Archaeology''. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0300082975
*Plog, Stephen. ''Ancient Peoples of the American Southwest''. London: Thames and Hudson, 1997. ISBN 978-0500279397
+
* LeBlanc, Steven A. ''Prehistoric Warfare in the American Southwest''. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0874805819
 +
* Lekson, Stephen H. ''The Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest''. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0761991816
 +
* Plog, Stephen. ''Ancient Peoples of the American Southwest''. London: Thames and Hudson, 1997. ISBN 978-0500279397
 
* Pritzker, Barry M. ''A Native American Encyclopedia''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0195138771
 
* Pritzker, Barry M. ''A Native American Encyclopedia''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0195138771
*Roberts, David D. ''In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest''. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996. ISBN 978-0684810782
+
* Roberts, David D. ''In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest''. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996. ISBN 978-0684810782
 
* Sofaer, Anna. "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression." In ''Anasazi Architecture and American Design'', edited by Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0826317797
 
* Sofaer, Anna. "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression." In ''Anasazi Architecture and American Design'', edited by Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0826317797
* Sofaer, Anna. ''Chaco Astronomy: An Ancient American Cosmology''. Santa Fe,NM: Ocean Tree Books, 2007. ISBN 978-0943734460
+
* Sofaer, Anna. ''Chaco Astronomy: An Ancient American Cosmology''. Santa Fe, NM: Ocean Tree Books, 2007. ISBN 978-0943734460
*Toll, Catherine M., and H. Wolcott Toll. "Deciphering the Organization of Production in Chaco Canyon (Organization of Production at Chaco Canyon conference papers)." ''American Antiquity'' 66 (1) (Jan 2001): 5.
+
* Toll, Catherine M., and H. Wolcott Toll. "Deciphering the Organization of Production in Chaco Canyon (Organization of Production at Chaco Canyon conference papers)." ''American Antiquity'' 66 (1) (Jan 2001): 5.
 
* Waldman, Carl. ''Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes''. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2006. ISBN 978-0816062744
 
* Waldman, Carl. ''Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes''. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2006. ISBN 978-0816062744
 
* Waldman, Carl. ''Atlas of the North American Indian''. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2009. ISBN 978-0816068593
 
* Waldman, Carl. ''Atlas of the North American Indian''. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2009. ISBN 978-0816068593
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
All links retrieved June 18, 2011.
+
All links retrieved July 26, 2023.  
*[http://www.nps.gov/history/museum/exhibits/band/overview.html Bandelier National Monument Virtual Museum Exhibit and Lesson Plans], from National Park Service
+
 
*[http://www.nps.gov/history/museum/exhibits/chcu/index1.html Chaco Culture National Historic Park Virtual Museum Exhibit], from National Park Service
+
*[https://www.nps.gov/museum/exhibits/band/overview.html Bandelier National Monument Museum Collections], from National Park Service
*[http://www.cpluhna.nau.edu/People/anasazi.htm The Anasazi or Ancient Pueblo peoples]
+
*[https://www.nps.gov/museum/exhibits/chcu/index1.html Chaco Culture National Historic Park], from National Park Service
 +
*[http://whc.unesco.org/pg.cfm?cid=31&id_site=353 Chaco Culture] World Heritage Convention
 
*[http://www.desertusa.com/ind1/du_peo_ana.html The Anasazi: The People of the Mountains, Mesas and Grasslands]
 
*[http://www.desertusa.com/ind1/du_peo_ana.html The Anasazi: The People of the Mountains, Mesas and Grasslands]
 
*[http://www.jqjacobs.net/southwest/chaco_meridian.html The Chaco Meridian]
 
*[http://www.jqjacobs.net/southwest/chaco_meridian.html The Chaco Meridian]
 
*[http://www.viewzone.com/purg.html Oral Tradition and History of the Ancient People]
 
*[http://www.viewzone.com/purg.html Oral Tradition and History of the Ancient People]
*[http://www.smithsonianmag.com/specialsections/lifelists/lifelist-mesa-verde.html Mesa Verde]
+
*[http://www.smithsonianmag.com/specialsections/lifelists/lifelist-mesa-verde.html In the Cliffs of Mesa Verde]
 +
*[http://www.nps.gov/azru/index.htm Aztec Ruins National Monument]
 +
*[http://www.nps.gov/hove/index.htm Hovenweep National Monument]
 +
*[http://stateparks.utah.gov/parks/anasazi Anasazi State Park Museum]
 +
*[http://www.nps.gov/cach/index.htm Canyon de Chelly National Monument]
  
 
{{Credits|Ancient_Pueblo_Peoples|433283417|Pecos_Classification|429758071}}
 
{{Credits|Ancient_Pueblo_Peoples|433283417|Pecos_Classification|429758071}}

Latest revision as of 19:47, 26 July 2023


Ancient Pueblo People or Ancestral Pueblo peoples were an ancient Native American culture centered on the present-day Four Corners area of the United States, comprising southern Utah, northern Arizona, northwest New Mexico, and southern Colorado. They are one of four major prehistoric traditions from the American Southwest. This cultural group has often been referred to in archaeology as the Anasazi, although the term is not preferred by contemporary Pueblo peoples who are believed to be their descendants. The name pueblo derives from the Spanish word meaning "village," which the Spanish explorers called the communities of apartment-like dwellings they encountered in the early seventeenth century.

The origin and exact size and location of this group of people is not clear; nor is the reason for their sudden abandonment of their communities in the twelfth century. The modern Pueblo people generally claim them as their ancestors. However, this is still a matter of speculation, albeit supported by available archaeological evidence.

While many details of this culture's origin, lifestyle, and apparent collapse are unclear, the record of their history stands in the incredible architecture found in numerous sites in the Southwestern states. Thousands of ancient stone structures including cliff dwellings, kivas, "great houses," granaries, and much more remind us of the creative accomplishments of these people who lived so long ago.

White House Ruins, Canyon de Chelly National Monument

Names

The name pueblo was given by the Spanish explorers who arrived in the Southwestern part of what is now the United States in the early sixteenth century to describe Native Americans communities that consisted of apartment-like structures. The word means "village" in the Spanish language. In general, modern Pueblo people claim the "Ancient Pueblo Peoples" as their ancestors.

This cultural group has often been referred to in archaeology as the Anasazi, although the term is not preferred by contemporary Pueblo peoples. Archaeologist Linda Cordell discussed the word's etymology and use:

The name "Anasazi" has come to mean "ancient people," although the word itself is Navajo, meaning "enemy ancestors." [The Navajo word is anaasází (anaa- "enemy," sází "ancestor").] The term was first applied to ruins of the Mesa Verde by Richard Wetherill, a rancher and trader who, in 1888–1889, was the first Anglo-American to explore the sites in that area. Wetherill knew and worked with Navajos and understood what the word meant. The name was further sanctioned in archaeology when it was adopted by Alfred V. Kidder, the acknowledged dean of Southwestern Archaeology. Kidder felt that it was less cumbersome than a more technical term he might have used. Subsequently some archaeologists who would try to change the term have worried that because the Pueblos speak different languages, there are different words for "ancestor," and using one might be offensive to people speaking other languages.[1]

David Roberts, explained his reason for using the term "Anasazi" over a term using "Puebloan," noting that the latter term "derives from the language of an oppressor who treated the indigenes of the Southwest far more brutally than the Navajo ever did."[2]

Some modern Pueblo peoples object to the use of the term Anasazi, although there is still controversy among them on a native alternative. The Hopi use the term Hisatsinom meaning the "ancient people"; another alternative is the Tewa language Se'da, meaning the "ancient ones."[3]

History

Anasazi territory shown in light brown

The Ancient Pueblo Peoples (Anasazi) were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. The others are the Mogollon, Hohokam, and Patayan. Archaeologists use these cultural units to define material culture similarities and differences identified in prehistoric socio-cultural units. Since the names and divisions are classification devices based on theoretical perspectives, analytical methods, and data available at the time of analysis and publication they are subject to change. Therefore, it should not be assumed that these archaeological divisions or culture units necessarily correspond to a particular language group or to a socio-political entity such as a tribe.

These prehistoric groups were not separated by clear-cut boundaries. Prehistoric people traded, worshiped, collaborated, and fought with other nearby groups. In the Southwest, mountain ranges, rivers and, most obviously, the Grand Canyon were significant barriers for human communities, likely reducing the frequency of contact with other groups.

The Ancient Pueblo Peoples occupied the area known as the "Four Corners," a region consisting of the southwestern corner of Colorado, northwestern corner of New Mexico, northeastern corner of Arizona, and southeastern corner of Utah. Their homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west. Areas of southern Nevada, Utah and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. However, structures and other evidence of Ancient Pueblo culture has been found extending east onto the American Great Plains, in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos rivers and in the Galisteo Basin.

Origins

The sipapu is the small round hole in the floor of the kiva ruin. The larger round hole in the floor is a fire pit. Observe that the air intake (little rectangular door in the wall), the stones that block air from the air intake, the fire pit and the sipapu are all in a line; this aspect of the design was intentional. Photo taken at Long House, Mesa Verde National Park.

Modern Pueblo oral traditions hold that the Ancient Pueblo People originated to the north of their current settlements, from Shibapu (sipapu a Hopi word), where they emerged from the underworld.

According to Hopi mythology, the ancient ancestors first emerged through a hollow reed (or bamboo) that grew into the sky, and it emerged in the Fourth World at the sipapu. The people then climbed up the reed into this world where they were guided through several migrations until they reached their homeland.

Kivas used by the Ancient Pueblo Peoples and modern-day Puebloans have a small hole or indentation in the floor, symbolizing the sipapu.

Pecos Classification

The Pecos Classification is a division of all known Ancient Pueblo Peoples cultures into chronological phases, based on changes in architecture, art, pottery, and cultural remains. The original classification dates back to a 1927 archæological conference held in Pecos, New Mexico organized by American archaeologist Alfred V. Kidder. This original Pecos Classification contained eight stages of Southwestern prehistory but did not specify dates.

  1. Basketmaker I, or Early Basketmaker
  2. Basketmaker II, or Basketmaker
  3. Basketmaker III, or Post-Basketmaker
  4. Pueblo I, or Proto-Pueblo
  5. Pueblo II
  6. Pueblo III, or Great Pueblo
  7. Pueblo IV, or Proto-Historic
  8. Pueblo V, or Historic

Although the original has been significantly debated and sometimes modified over the years, the split into Basketmaker and Pueblo eras still serves as a basis for discussing the culture of the Ancient Puebloans. The following phases are generally accepted:

Archaic Era - 8th millennium B.C.E. to 12th century B.C.E.

(The original classification postulated a Basketmaker I Era which was subsequently discredited due to lack of physical evidence, and rolled into the Archaic Era).

The pre-Anasazi culture that moved into the modern-day Southwestern United States after the big game hunters departed is called Archaic. Little evidence for extensive habitation before 8000 B.C.E. exists. From evidence near Navajo Mountain, they were nomadic people, hunter-gatherers traveling in small bands. They gathered wild foods when in season, and hunted with stone-tipped spears, atlatls, and darts. Game included rabbits, deer, antelope, and bighorn sheep. A trend toward a sedentary lifestyle, with small scale cultivation, began around 1000 B.C.E.

Early Basketmaker II Era - 1200 B.C.E. to 50 C.E.

Early Anasazi camped in the open or lived in caves seasonally. During this period, they began to cultivate gardens of maize (flint corn in particular) and squash, but no beans. They used manos and metates to grind corn, made baskets, but had no pottery.

Late Basketmaker II Era - 50 to 500

Primitive storage bins, cists, and shallow pithouses were constructed. At this stage, evidence suggests that the beginning of a religious and decision-making structure had already developed. Shamanistic cults existed and petroglyphs and other rock art seem to indicate a ceremonial structure as well.

Basketmaker III Era - 500 to 750

Deep pit-houses were developed, along with some above-ground rooms. The bow and arrow replaced the atlatl and spear. Cultivation of beans, available due to trade from central America, and edible due to cooking in pottery vessels, developed. Wild amaranth and pinyon pine were also staples. People of this era may have domesticated turkeys. Prototype Kivas were large, round, and subterranean.

Pueblo I Era - 750 to 900

Increasing populations, growing village size, social integration, and more complicated and complex agricultural systems typified this era. Year round occupation in pueblos begans; reservoirs and canals were used. Large villages and great kivas appeared, though pit-houses still remained in use. Above-ground construction is of jacal or crude masonry. Plain gray bisque pottery predominated, though some red bisque and pottery decorated in black and white appeared.

Pueblo II Era - 900 to 1150

This was the "Golden Age" of the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. By 1050, Chaco Canyon (in present-day New Mexico) was a major regional center of 1,500–5,000 people. It was surrounded by standardized planned towns, or great houses, built from the wood of over 200,000 trees. Roads 30 feet (9.1 m) wide, flanked by berms, radiate from Chaco in various directions. Small blocks of above-ground masonry rooms and a kiva made up a typical pueblo. Great kivas grew to 50–70 feet (15–21 m) in diameter. Pottery consisted of corrugated gray bisque and decorated black-on-white in addition to some decorated red and orange vessels. Shells and turquoise were imported. More intense agriculture was characteristic, with terracing and irrigation common. During the twelfth century, populations began to grow after a decline at the end of the Pueblo II era.

Pueblo III Era - 1150 to 1300

Settlements consist of large pueblos, cliff dwellings, towers, and turkey pens. Most villages in the Four Corners area were abandoned by 1300. The distinction between Hohokam and Ancient Pueblo became blurred.

Pueblo IV Era - 1300 to 1600

Typically, large pueblos are centered around a plaza. Socially, a period of more conflict than cooperation. Kachinas appeared. Plain pottery supplanted corrugated. Red, orange and yellow pottery was on the rise as black-on-white declined. Cotton was introduced and grown as a commodity.

The Puebloans were joined by other cultures. As early as the fifteenth century, the Navajo were in the process of migrating into the region from the north as the Spanish first came from the south in the 1540s.

Pueblo V Era - 1600 to present

The history of the modern Pueblo Peoples dates from approximately 1600, the time of the Spanish colonial occupation of their homelands.

Migration from the homeland

Ancestral Puebloan ruins in Dark Canyon Wilderness, Utah

It is not entirely clear why the Ancestral Puebloans migrated from their established homes in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Possible factors include global or regional climate change, prolonged periods of drought, cyclical periods of topsoil erosion, environmental degradation, de-forestation, hostility from new arrivals, religious or cultural change, and even influence from Mesoamerican cultures. Many of these possibilities are supported by archaeological evidence.

The archaeological record indicates that it was not unusual for ancient Pueblo peoples to adapt to climate change by changing residences and locations.[4] Early Pueblo I sites may have housed up to 600 individuals in a few separate but closely spaced settlement clusters. However, they were generally occupied for a mere 30 years or less. Archaeologist Timothy A. Kohler excavated large Pueblo I sites near Dolores, Colorado, and discovered that they were established during periods of above-average rainfall. This would allow crops to be grown without benefit of irrigation. At the same time, nearby areas experiencing significantly drier patterns were abandoned.

The ancient Pueblos attained a cultural "Golden Age" between about 900 and 1130. During this time, generally classed as Pueblo II, the climate was relatively warm and rainfall mostly adequate. After approximately 1150, North America experienced significant climatic change in the form of a 300-year drought called the Great Drought.

Stress on the environment may have been reflected in the social structure, leading to conflict and warfare. Evidence suggests there was also a profound change in religion in this period. Chacoan and other structures constructed originally along astronomical alignments, and thought to have served important ceremonial purposes to the culture, were systematically dismantled. Doorways were sealed with rock and mortar. Kiva walls show marks from great fires set within them, which probably required removal of the massive roof—a task which would require significant effort. This evidence suggests that the religious structures were deliberately abandoned slowly over time.

Changes in pottery composition, structure, and decoration are signals of social change in the archaeological record. This is particularly true as the peoples of the American Southwest began to leave their traditional homes and migrate south. According to archaeologists Patricia Crown and Steadman Upham, the appearance of the bright colors on Salada Polychromes in the fourteenth century may reflect religious or political alliances on a regional level. Late fourteenth and fifteenth century pottery from central Arizona, widely traded in the region, has colors and designs which may derive from earlier ware by both Anasazi and Mogollon peoples.[5]

Thus it appears that a number of factors came together to cause the Ancient Puebloans to abandon their their magnificent stone villages at Mesa Verde and elsewhere on the Colorado Plateau and make the move to Hopi mesas in northeastern Arizona, to the Zuni lands in western New Mexico, and to dozens of adobe villages in the watershed of the Rio Grande. Most probably these factors were both "push factors" (forcing them to leave) and "pull factors" (attracting them to new locations).[6]

Culture

Lifestyle

Did you know?
The ancestors of the Pueblo people built incredible cities, cliff dwellings, along the walls of canyons as well as enormous "great houses" and roads along the valleys

The Ancient Pueblo culture developed from the hunter-gatherer lifestyle to fully agricultural during the Bastketmaker periods. As the name reflects, basket making was evident during these phases, and, as the lifestyle became increasingly sedentary, pottery developed. In these early times their homes were pit-houses or caves; in the Bastketmaker III period they lived in semi-subterranean houses constructed in caves or on the top of mesas.

In the Pueblo phases, beginning in Pueblo I (750-950), they built houses above ground with kivas, circular underground chambers, constructed for ceremonial purposes. The Ancient Pueblo culture is perhaps best-known for the stone and adobe cliff dwellings built along cliff walls, particularly during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras. These villages were often only accessible by rope or through rock climbing.

By around 1300 C.E. (beginning of Pueblo IV period) the Ancient Pueblo communities were abandoned, probably due to a convergence of factors, and the people moved south and east. They created new communities, using adobe to a greater extent, and their culture continued to flourish until the Spanish explorers arrived. It was the Spanish who called their communities pueblos.

Art

A canteen (pot) excavated from the ruins in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico
Diagram showing the location of the sun daggers on the Fajada Butte petroglyph on various days

Ancestral Puebloans are known for their pottery. In general, pottery was used for cooking or storage and was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. From about 500 to 1300 C.E. in the northern part of the region, the most common decorated pottery had black painted designs on white or light gray backgrounds. Decoration was characterized by fine hatching, and contrasting colors were produced by the use of mineral-based paint on a chalky background. Tall cylinders are considered to have been ceremonial vessels, while narrow-necked jars may have been used for liquids. Ware in the southern portion of the region, particularly after 1150 C.E., was characterized by heavier black-line decoration and the use of carbon-based colorants.[7] In northern New Mexico, the local "black on white" tradition, the Rio Grande white wares, continued well after 1300 C.E.

The Ancestral Puebloans also created many petroglyphs and pictographs. The best known petroglyph is the "Sun Dagger" on the Fajada Butte at which a glint of sunlight passes over a spiral petroglyph.[8] The location of the dagger on the petroglyph varies throughout the year. At the summer solstice a dagger-shaped light form pierces through the heart of the spiral; similar sun daggers mark the winter solstice and the equinoxes. It has been proposed that this petroglyph was created to mark these events.[8]

At two other sites on Fajada Butte, located a short distance below the Sun Dagger site, five petroglyphs are also marked by visually compelling patterns of shadow and light that indicate solar noon distinctively at the solstices and equinoxes.[8]

Architecture

The Ancestral Puebloan People crafted a unique architecture with planned community spaces. The ancient population centers for which the Ancestral Puebloans are renowned consisted of apartment-like complexes and structures (called pueblos by the Spanish explorers) made from stone, adobe mud, and other local material, or carved into the sides of canyon walls (cliff dwellings). These ancient towns and cities were usually multi-storied and multi-purposed buildings surrounding open plazas and were occupied by hundreds to thousands of Ancestral Puebloan People. These population complexes hosted cultural and civic events and infrastructure that supported a vast outlying region hundreds of miles away linked by roadways.

Constructed well before 1492 C.E., these Ancestral Puebloan towns and villages in the Southwestern U.S. were located in various defensive positions, for example, on high steep mesas such as at Mesa Verde or present-day Acoma "Sky City" Pueblo, in New Mexico. From before 900 C.E. and progressing past the thirteenth century, the population complexes were a major center of culture for the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. In Chaco Canyon, Chacoan developers quarried sandstone blocks and hauled timber from great distances, assembling fifteen major complexes which remained the largest buildings in North America until the nineteenth century.[9]

The best-preserved examples of the stone and adobe dwellings are in National Parks, such as Chaco Canyon or Chaco Culture National Historical Park, Mesa Verde National Park, Aztec Ruins National Monument, Bandelier National Monument, Hovenweep National Monument, and Canyon de Chelly National Monument.

Cliff Dwellings
Multistory dwellings at Bandelier. Rock wall foundations and beam holes and "cavates" carved into volcanic tuff remain from upper floors.
Cliff Palace in Mesa Verde. Photographed by Gustaf Nordenskiöld in 1891.

Throughout the southwest Ancient Puebloan region cliff dwellings, housing, defensive, and storage complexes were built in shallow caves and under rock overhangs along canyon walls. The structures contained within these alcoves were mostly blocks of hard sandstone, held together and plastered with adobe mortar. Adobe structures are constructed with bricks created from sand, clay, and water, with some fibrous or organic material, shaped using frames and dried in the sun. Specific constructions had many similarities, but were generally unique in form due to the individual topography of different alcoves along the canyon walls. In marked contrast to earlier constructions and villages on top of the mesas, the cliff dwellings at Mesa Verde reflected a region-wide trend towards the aggregation of growing regional populations into close, highly defensible quarters during the thirteenth century.

While much of the construction in these sites conforms to common Pueblo architectural forms, including Kivas, towers, and pit-houses, the space constrictions of these alcoves necessitated what seems to have been a far denser concentration of their populations. Mug House, a typical cliff dwelling of the period, was home to around 100 people who shared 94 small rooms and eight kivas built right up against each other and sharing many of their walls; builders in these areas maximized space in any way they could and no areas were considered off-limits to construction.[10]

Not all of the people in the region lived in cliff dwellings; many colonized the canyon rims and slopes in multi-family structures that grew to unprecedented size as populations swelled.[10] Decorative motifs for these sandstone/mortar constructions included T-shaped windows and doors. This has been taken by some archaeologists as evidence of the continuing reach of the Chaco Canyon elite system, which had seemingly collapsed around a century before.[11] Other researchers see these motifs as part of a more generalized Puebloan style and/or spiritual significance, rather than evidence of a continuing specific elite socioeconomic system.[12]

Great Houses
Casa Rinconada
Pueblo Bonito, the largest of the Chacoan Great Houses, stands at the foot of Chaco Canyon's northern rim.

Immense complexes known as "Great Houses" embodied worship at Chaco Canyon. As architectural forms evolved and centuries passed, the houses kept several core traits. Most apparent is their sheer bulk; complexes averaged more than 200 rooms each, and some enclosed up to 700 rooms.[13] Individual rooms were substantial in size, with higher ceilings than works of preceding Ancient Puebloan periods. They were well-planned: vast sections or wings erected were finished in a single stage, rather than in increments. Houses generally faced the south, and plaza areas were almost always girt with edifices of sealed-off rooms or high walls. Houses often stood four or five stories tall, with single-story rooms facing the plaza; room blocks were terraced to allow the tallest sections to compose the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas.

Ceremonial structures known as kivas were built in proportion to the number of rooms in a pueblo. One small kiva was built for roughly every 29 rooms. Nine complexes each hosted an oversized Great Kiva, each up to 63 feet (19 m) in diameter. T-shaped doorways and stone lintels marked all Chacoan kivas. Though simple and compound walls were often used, Great Houses were primarily constructed of core-and-veneer walls: two parallel load-bearing walls comprising dressed, flat sandstone blocks bound in clay mortar were erected. Gaps between walls were packed with rubble, forming the wall's core. Walls were then covered in a veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding mud.[9] These surfacing stones were often placed in distinctive patterns. The Chacoan structures altogether required the wood of 200,000 coniferous trees, mostly hauled—on foot—from mountain ranges up to 70 miles (110 km) away.[8][10]

Roads

Prehistoric roads and Great Houses superimposed on a map showing modern roads and settlements.

One of the most fascinating and intriguing aspects of Ancestral Puebloan infrastructure is the Chaco Road system. This is a system of roads radiating out from many great house sites such as Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl and Una Vida, and leading towards small outlier sites and natural features within and beyond the canyon limits.

Through satellite images and ground investigations, archaeologists have detected at least eight main roads that together run for more than 180 miles (ca 300 km), and are more than 30 feet (10 m) wide. These were excavated into a smooth leveled surface in the bedrock or created through the removal of vegetation and soil. The Ancestral Puebloan residents of Chaco Canyon cut large ramps and stairways into the cliff rock to connect the roadways on the ridgetops of the canyon to the sites on the valley bottoms. The longest and most famous of these roads is the Great North Road, which originates from different routes close to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl. These roads converge at Pueblo Alto and from there lead north beyond the Canyon limits. There are no communities along the road's course, apart from small, isolated structures.

The economic purpose of the Chaco road system is shown by the presence of luxury items at Pueblo Bonito and elsewhere in the canyon. Items such as macaws, turquoise, marine shells, and imported vessels reveal the long-distance commercial relations Chaco had with other regions. The widespread use of timber in Chacoan constructions—a resource not locally available—also needed a large and easy transportation system. Through analysis of various strontium isotopes, archaeologists have realized that much of the timber that composes Chacoan construction came from a number of distant mountain ranges.

The Chaco road system may also have played a symbolic, ideological role linked to ancestral Puebloan beliefs. In fact, some archaeologists have suggested that the main purpose of the road system was a religious one, providing pathways for periodic pilgrimages and facilitating regional gatherings for seasonal ceremonies.

A religious explanation is supported by modern Pueblo beliefs about a North Road leading to their place of origin and along which the spirits of the dead travel. According to modern pueblo people, this road represents the connection to the shipapu, the place of emergence of the ancestors or a dimensional doorway. During their journey from the shipapu to the world of the living, the spirits stop along the road and eat the food left for them by the living.

Sparse concentrations of ceramic fragments along the North Road have been related to some sort of ritual activities carried out along the roadway. Isolated structures located on the roadsides as well as on top of the canyon cliffs and ridge crests have been interpreted as shrines related to these activities. Features such as long linear grooves were cut into the bedrock along certain roads which do not seem to point to a specific direction. It has been proposed that these were part of pilgrimage paths followed during ritual ceremonies.

Considering that some of these roads seem to go nowhere, it has been suggested that they can be linked—especially the Great North Road—to astronomical observations, solstice marking, and agricultural cycles.

Astronomy certainly played an important role in Chaco culture, as it is visible in the north-south axis alignment of many ceremonial structures. Many Chacoan buildings may have been aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles,[14] requiring generations of astronomical observations and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction.[13] The main buildings at Pueblo Bonito, for example, are arranged according to this direction and probably served as central places for ceremonial journeys across the landscape. Other archaeoastronomical evidence has been found at Chaco, such as the Sun Dagger petroglyph at Fajada Butte.

Archaeologists agree that the purpose of this road system may have changed through time and that the Chaco Road system probably functioned for both economic and ideological reasons. Its significance for archaeology lies in the possibility to understand the rich and sophisticated cultural expression of ancestral Puebloan societies.

Notable Puebloan sites

The Great Kiva of Chetro Ketl, a Chacoan Anasazi great house and notable archaeological site located in Chaco Canyon.
  • Anasazi State Park Museum

This state park and museum in Southern Utah features the reconstructed ruins of an ancient Anasazi village, referred to as the Coombs Village Site. It is the site of one of the largest Anasazi communities known to have existed west of the Colorado River and is believed to have been occupied from 1160 to 1235 C.E. As many as 250 people lived there.

  • Aztec Ruins National Monument

Ancestral Pueblo structures in north-western New Mexico, close to the town of Aztec and northeast of Farmington, near the Animas River. The buildings date back to the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, and the misnomer attributing them to the Aztec civilization can be traced back to early American settlers in the mid-nineteenth century.

  • Bandelier National Monument

A 33,677 acres (13,629 ha) National Monument preserving the homes of the Ancestral Pueblo People. It is named after Swiss anthropologist Adolph Bandelier, who researched the cultures of the area. The main attraction of the monument Frijoles Canyon, containing a number of ancestral pueblo homes, kivas, rock paintings, and petroglyphs. Some of the dwellings were rock structures built on the canyon floor; others were "cavates" produced by voids in the volcanic tuff of the canyon wall and carved out further by humans. These sites date from the Pueblo III (1150 to 1350) and Pueblo IV (1350 to 1600) periods. A visitor center features exhibits about the site's inhabitants, including Ancestral Pueblo pottery, tools, and artifacts of daily life.

  • Canyon de Chelly National Monument

Located in northeastern Arizona within the boundaries of the Navajo Nation, this site preserves ruins of the early indigenous tribes that lived in the area, including the Ancient Pueblo Peoples and Navajo.

This National Historical Park, located in northwestern New Mexico between Albuquerque and Farmington, hosts the densest and most exceptional concentration of pueblos in the American Southwest. Between 900 and 1150 C.E., Chaco Canyon was a major center of culture for the Ancient Pueblo Peoples. There is significant archaeoastronomical evidence, such as the "Sun Dagger" petroglyph, at this site.

Hovenweep Castle
  • Hovenweep National Monument

Straddling the Colorado-Utah border Northeast of Bluff, Utah, the Monument consists of six clusters of ruins. Between 1150 and 1200 C.E. the Hovenweep inhabitants, who are generally considered part of the Mesa Verde branch of the Ancient Pueblo Peoples, began building larger pueblos around fortress-like towers at the heads of box canyons. The people built dams and reservoirs and moved their fields into areas where water could be controlled. They also built large stone towers, living quarters, and other shelters to safeguard springs. Their stone course pueblos and towers exhibit expert masonry and engineering sjukks. The towers were built in a variety of shapes; D-shapes, squares, ovals, and circles. These stone pueblos were understandably referred to as "castles" by nineteenth-century explorers.

This National Park and UNESCO World Heritage Site is located in Montezuma County, Colorado; it was created in 1906 to protect some of the best preserved cliff dwellings in the world, including Cliff Palace, which is thought to be the largest cliff dwelling in North America. The Anasazi inhabited Mesa Verde between 550 to 1300 C.E. By 750 C.E., the people were building mesa-top villages made of adobe. By the late twelfth century they began to build the cliff dwellings for which Mesa Verde is famous.

Notes

  1. Linda S. Cordell, Ancient Pueblo Peoples (Washington DC: Smithsonian Books, 1994, ISBN 978-0895990389), 18-19.
  2. David D. Roberts, In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996, ISBN 978-0684810782).
  3. L. Michael Smith, Anasazi Hisatsinom: Sky Scraper Builders, 1998. Retrieved June 20, 2011.
  4. The first to surmise this was John Wesley Powell, Canyons of the Colorado (Flood & Vincent, 1985).
  5. Cordell, 142-143.
  6. George Johnson, "Social Strife May Have Exiled Ancient Indians", The New York Times (August 20, 1996). Retrieved June 23, 2011.
  7. Cordell, 98.
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Anna Sofaer, Chaco Astronomy: An Ancient American Cosmology (Santa Fe, NM: Ocean Tree Books, 2007, ISBN 978-0943734460).
  9. 9.0 9.1 Brian M. Fagan, Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0195170436), 35.
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 John Kantner, Ancient Puebloan Southwest (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0521788809), 161-166.
  11. Stephen H. Lekson, The Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0761991816).
  12. David A. Phillips, Jr., "The Chaco Meridian: A skeptical analysis". In Mogollon Archaeology: Collected Papers from the Eleventh Mogollon Conference edited by Patrick H. Beckett, (Las Cruces, NM: COAS Publishing and Research, 2002), 189–214. Retrieved June 26, 2011.
  13. 13.0 13.1 Anna Sofaer, "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression." In Anasazi Architecture and American Design, edited by Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0826317797)
  14. Brian M. Fagan, From Black Land to Fifth Sun: The Science of Sacred Sites (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1998, ISBN 978-0201959918).

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Childs, Craig. House of Rain: Tracking a Vanished Civilization Across the American Southwest. New York, NY: Little, Brown and Company, 2007. ISBN 978-0316608176
  • Cordell, Linda S. Ancient Pueblo Peoples. Washington DC: Smithsonian Books, 1994. ISBN 978-0895990389
  • Fagan, Brian M. Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent. New York, NY: Thames and Hudson, Inc., 1995. ISBN 978-0500050750
  • Fagan, Brian M. Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0195170436
  • Fagan, Brian M. From Black Land to Fifth Sun: The Science of Sacred Sites. New York, NY: Basic Books, 1998. ISBN 978-0201959918
  • Jennings, Jesse D. Glen Canyon: An Archaeological Summary. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1998. ISBN 978-0874805840
  • Kantner, John. Ancient Puebloan Southwest. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0521788809
  • Kidder, Alfred V. An Introduction to the study of Southwestern Archaeology. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0300082975
  • LeBlanc, Steven A. Prehistoric Warfare in the American Southwest. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0874805819
  • Lekson, Stephen H. The Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0761991816
  • Plog, Stephen. Ancient Peoples of the American Southwest. London: Thames and Hudson, 1997. ISBN 978-0500279397
  • Pritzker, Barry M. A Native American Encyclopedia. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0195138771
  • Roberts, David D. In Search of the Old Ones: Exploring the Anasazi World of the Southwest. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996. ISBN 978-0684810782
  • Sofaer, Anna. "The Primary Architecture of the Chacoan Culture: A Cosmological Expression." In Anasazi Architecture and American Design, edited by Baker H. Morrow and V. B. Price. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0826317797
  • Sofaer, Anna. Chaco Astronomy: An Ancient American Cosmology. Santa Fe, NM: Ocean Tree Books, 2007. ISBN 978-0943734460
  • Toll, Catherine M., and H. Wolcott Toll. "Deciphering the Organization of Production in Chaco Canyon (Organization of Production at Chaco Canyon conference papers)." American Antiquity 66 (1) (Jan 2001): 5.
  • Waldman, Carl. Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2006. ISBN 978-0816062744
  • Waldman, Carl. Atlas of the North American Indian. New York, NY: Checkmark Books, 2009. ISBN 978-0816068593

External links

All links retrieved July 26, 2023.

Credits

New World Encyclopedia writers and editors rewrote and completed the Wikipedia article in accordance with New World Encyclopedia standards. This article abides by terms of the Creative Commons CC-by-sa 3.0 License (CC-by-sa), which may be used and disseminated with proper attribution. Credit is due under the terms of this license that can reference both the New World Encyclopedia contributors and the selfless volunteer contributors of the Wikimedia Foundation. To cite this article click here for a list of acceptable citing formats.The history of earlier contributions by wikipedians is accessible to researchers here:

The history of this article since it was imported to New World Encyclopedia:

Note: Some restrictions may apply to use of individual images which are separately licensed.