Gentile

Gentile is an anglicized version of the Latin word gentilis, meaning of or belonging to a clan or tribe. In some translations of the Bible it is used to refer to non-Israelite tribes or nations, as the English translation of the Hebrew words goy (גוי) and nochri (נכרי—"stranger"). The Hebrew plural word goyim is sometimes translated as "the nations." Today, the primary meaning of Gentile is simply a "non-Jew."

Etymology

In the Hebrew Bible "goy" and "goyim" were applied both to Israelites and to non-Israelites (Gen. xii. 2, xvii. 20; Ex. xiii. 3, xxxii. 10; Deut. iv. 7; viii. 9, 14; Num. xiv. 12; Isa. i. 4, lx. 22; Jer. vii. 28). However, they are employed in many other passages to designate nations that are politically distinct from Israel (Deut. xv. 6; xxviii. 12, 36; Josh. xxiii. 4). From this use is derived the meaning "stranger" (Deut. xxix. 24). Since the non-Israelite and the nokri were "heathens," "goi" came to denote a "heathen," like the later "'akkum," which, in strict construction, is not applicable to Christians or Mohammedans (see below).

The Latin term relates to gens (from which also derive gene, general, genus, and genesis). The original meaning of "clan" or "family" was extended in post-Augustan Latin to acquire the wider meaning of belonging to a distinct nation or ethnicity. Later still the word came to mean "foreign," i.e. non-Roman. After the Christianization of the empire it could also be used of pagan or barbarian cultures.

In Saint Jerome's Latin version of the Bible, the Vulgate, gentilis was used in this wider sense, along with gentes, to translate both Greek and Hebrew words with similar meanings that referred to the non-Israelite peoples.

In the KJV Gentile is only one of several words used to translate goy or goyim. It is translated as "nation" 374 times, "heathen" 143 times, "Gentiles" 30 times, and "people" 11 times. Some of these verses, such as Genesis 12:2 and Genesis 25:23 refer to Israelites or descendants of Abraham. Other verses, such as Isaiah 2:4 and Deuteronomy 11:23 are generic references to any nation. Typically the KJV restricts the use of Gentile as a translation when the text is specifically referring to non-Israelites.

In the New Testament, the word translates Greek terms for peoples in general, and is used specifically to indicate non-Jewish peoples, as in Jesus's command to the apostles in Matthew chapter 10:

These twelve Jesus sent forth, and commanded them, saying, "Go not into the way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans enter ye not: But go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel."

Altogether, the word is used 123 times in the King James Version of the Bible.

Biblical hostility to Gentiles

Although Judaism later moderated its attitude toward Gentiles, the ancient biblical writers displayed a passionate intolerance toward the immoralities connected with the goyim. The Canaanite tribes in particular constituted a constant temptation for the Israelites to engage in forbidden idolatrous practices. Because of this, the seven "goyyim," i.e., nations (Deut. vii. 1, xii. 2), were to be treated with little mercy. More especially, marriages with them were not to be tolerated (Deut. 7:3, Ex. 34:16). Nevertheless, the biblical books do mention marriages with non-Hebrews of other stock than the seven nations enumerated (Ruth 1:4, 2 Sam. 3:3, etc), and even of marriages in direct violation of the above-mentioned law (Judges 3:6, 2 Sam. 11:3; I Kings 11: 1). This shows that the supposed animosity against non-Hebrews, was by no means universal. The general warning against adopting Gentile ways (Lev. 18:2) was due to what the biblical writers saw as the morally unacceptable character of the fertility rites of Canaanite religion.

The "Stranger."

Despite this hostility to foreign influence, the "stranger," whether merely a visitor (ger) or a foreign resident (ger toshab), was placed under the protection of the Law. The native-born Israelite was enjoined to love him (Lev. 19:33-34). Recourse to the courts was open to him (Ex. 22:21, Deut. 24:17). "One law and one statute" was to apply to native and stranger alike (Lev. 24:22, Num. 9:14, Ex. 12:49). However, the of stranger was expected to refrain from the worship of idols (Lev. 20:2, Ezek. 14:7) and to refrain from eating blood (Lev. 17:10), working on Sabbath (Ex. 20:10), and eating leavened bread on Passover (Ex. 12:19). In practice, however, the kings of Judah actually provided altars for foreigners to venerate non-Israelite deities, a fact much criticized by the prophets and authors of the Deuteronomic history.

In some cases, non-Israelites figure as exemplars of fidelity (Eliezer), devotion (Ruth), and piety (Job) and worship of Yahweh (Jethro). The Book of Isaiah's welcome and promise to the "sons of the stranger" (Isa. 56:3-6) displays the polar opposite of the spirit of exclusiveness and contempt for the non-Israelite often though to be characteristic of Judaism.

Under Ezra and Nehemiah, on the other hand, rigorous measures were enforce to insure the purity of the seed of Abraham (Neh. 9:2, Ezra 9:2, etc.), namely the requirement of Jewish men to divorce their Gentile wives. However, this attitude seems to have been balanced by the acceptance of the teaching of the Book of Ruth, though by some to have been written in opposition to Ezra and Nehemiah, which showed that a Gentile woman was the grandmother of King David himself.

Judaism's maturing attitude to Gentiles

In pre-exilic times commerce between Israelites and Gentiles was not very active or extensive, and non-Israelites such as the Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians often appeared as enemies. The Babylonian exile brought "Israel" into closer contact with "non-Israel." The books of Ruth and Jonah are also documentary evidence that the Hebrew racialism of Ezra met with strenuous opposition.

In New Testament times, a lively and sometimes heated debate over relations with Gentiles was conducted between the disciples of the Pharisaic sages Hillel and Shammai, the former taking a more liberal view toward commerce with non-Jews and the later taking the stricter attitude. The Jewish teacher Jesus of Nazareth himself seems to have sided with Hillel for the most part in this debate, although his commandment in Matthew's Gospel against his disciples communicating with Samaritans may contradict this. The early Christian movement—still at this time basically a Jewish sect—would soon face a major crisis over the question of relations with Gentiles, when Paul of Tarsus insisted that Gentiles be admitted to full membership without first converting to Judaism.

Early Talmudic views of Gentiles

In judging the later halakic laws one must keep in mind the situation of the Jews, who were engaged in a bitter struggle for self-preservation and suffering from persecution. According to Rabbi Eliezer, the maxim "Love and benevolence exalteth a nation" refers to Israel, while whatever charity the Gentiles practice is actually motivated by self-glorification. Several other tannaim agree. But Rabbi Neḥunya ben ha-Ḳana interprets the maxim as follows: "Righteousness exalteth a nation, for benevolence both for Israel and for the Gentiles is a sin-offering."

Gamaliel II is reported to have repealed an obnoxious law allowing Jews to use property stolen from Gentiles. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, however, held that the mind of every non-Jew is always intent upon idolatry (Giṭ. 45b) and that Gentiles have no share in the life to come (Sanh. 105a).

On the contrary, Joshua ben Hananiah contends that there are righteous men among the Gentiles, and that these will enter the world to come (Tosef., Sanh. 13:2). He is of the decided opinion that Gentiles may lead a righteous life and thus escape hell.

Akiva, like Hillel, declared the command to love one's neighbor as oneself (Lev. 19:18) to be the fundamental proposition of religion (Yer. Ned. 41c; Gen. R. 24). However, among Akiva's disciples, Tarphon is noted for his antipathy to the Jewish Christians, whose books he would burn without regard for the name of God occurring within them (Shab. 116a).

Rabbi Meir show a particularly inclusive attitude when he insisted that a non-Jew versed in the Torah equals in rank the high priest (Sanh. 59a, Sifra 86b). He was also an intimate acquantance with the Gentile philosopher Euonymos of Gadara.

Simon ben Yochai, on the other hand, was the preeminently the anti-Gentile teacher. He is infamously quoted as declaring (Yer. Ḳid. 66c; Massek. Soferim xv. 10, etc), "The best among the Gentiles deserves to be killed." Judah ben 'Illai recommends the daily recital of the benediction, "Blessed be Thou... who hast not made me a goy" (Men. 43b).

Judah ha-Nasi on the other hand, makes a distinction between those Gentiles that subjected Israel those that did not.

Rabbinical Modification of Laws.

1.

The Pharisees, interpreting the spirit of the Law, and acting under the elastic rule that "there is a time to serve the Lord by relaxing his law" (Ps. cxix. 126, Hebr.; Yoma 69a), permitted the desecration of the Sabbath in besieging a Gentile city "until it be subdued" (Deut. xx. 20), in accordance with Shammai's interpretation (Shab. 19a). This definition was not new, as already the Maccabeans had taken advantage of it in fighting the enemy unceasingly, putting aside the observance of the Sabbath for the sake of God and of their national existence (I Macc. ii. 43, 44). Probably for the same reason (to facilitate war with the Gentile enemy), the Rabbis modified the laws of purification so as not to apply when one comes in contact with a corpse or human bones, or when one enters an enclosure containing a dead body. With regard to the text "This is the law when a man dieth in a tent" (Num. xix. 14), they held that only Israelites are men, quoting the prophet, "Ye my flock, the flock of my pasture, are men" (Ezek. xxxiv. 31); Gentiles they classed not as men but as barbarians (B. M. 108b). The Talmudic maxim is, "Whoever has no purification laws can not contaminate" (Naz. 61b). Another reason assigned is that it would have been utterly impossible otherwise to communicate with Gentiles, especially in the post-exilic times (Rabinovitz, "Mebo ha-Talmud," p. 5, Wilna, 1894). Patriotism and a desire to regain a settlement in the Holy Land induced the Rabbis, in order not to delay the consummation of a transfer of property in Palestine from a Gentile to a Jew, topermit the deed to be written on the Sabbath, an act otherwise prohibited (B. Ḳ. 80b).

2.

The barbarian Gentiles who could not be prevailed upon to observe law and order were not to be benefited by the Jewish civil laws, framed to regulate a stable and orderly society, and based on reciprocity. The passage in Moses' farewell address: "The Lord came from Sinai, and rose up from Seir unto them; he shined forth from Mount Paran" (Deut. xxxiii. 2), indicates that the Almighty offered the Torah to the Gentile nations also, but, since they refused to accept it. He withdrew His "shining" legal protection from them, and transferred their property rights to Israel, who observed His Law. A passage of Habakkuk is quoted as confirming this claim: "God came from Teman, and the Holy One from Mount Paran. . . . He stood, and measured the earth; he beheld, and drove asunder [ = "let loose," "outlawed"] the nations" (Hab. iii. 3-6); the Talmud adds that He had observed how the Gentile nations steadfastly refused to obey the seven moral Noachian precepts, and hence had decided to outlaw them (B. Ḳ. 38a).

Laws of Hammurabi.

It follows that the Gentiles were excepted from the general civil laws of Moses. For example, the Law provides that if a man's ox gores and kills a neighbor's ox, the carcass and the surviving ox shall be sold, and the proceeds divided between the respective owners (half-damages). If, however, the goring ox has been known to be dangerous and its owner has not kept watch over it, he shall pay full damages for the dead ox and take the carcass (Ex. xxi. 35-36, Hebr.). Here the Gentile is excepted, as he is not a "neighbor" in the sense of reciprocating and being responsible for damages caused by his negligence; nor does he keep watch over his cattle. Even the best Gentile laws were too crude to admit of reciprocity. The laws of Hammurabi provide: "If the ox has pushed a man, and by pushing has made known his vice, and the owner has not blunted his horn, has not shut up his ox, and that ox has gored a man of gentle birth and caused him to die, the owner shall pay half a mina of silver" (Johns, "Oldest Code of Laws," § 251, Edinburgh, 1903). This price of a half-mina of silver was also the fixed fine for cutting down a tree (ib. § 59). It appears that only a nominal sum was paid when a man not of gentle birth was killed, and even less when a neighbor's ox was gored. The Mishnah, bearing such facts in mind, therefore declares that if a Gentile sue an Israelite, the verdict is for the defendant; if the Israelite is the plaintiff, he obtains full damages (B. Ḳ. iv. 3). It should be noted that in these tort cases public or sacred property () was also an exception, for the reason that both are wanting in individual responsibility and in proper care. The principle was that the public could not be fined since it could not collect in turn. The Gemara's reliance on the technical term "neighbor" () in the text as its justification for excluding both the Gentile and the public, is merely tentative.

The Talmud relates in this connection that the Roman government once commissioned two officers to question the Rabbis and obtain information regarding the Jewish laws. After a careful study, they said: "We have scrutinized your laws and found them just, save the clause relating to a Gentile's ox, which we can not comprehend. If, as you say, you are justified by the term 'neighbor,' the Gentile should be quit when defendant as well as when plaintiff." The Rabbis, however, feared to disclose the true reason for outlawing the Gentiles as barbarians, and rested on the textual technicality in the Mosaic law, in accordance with which they had authority to act in all cases coming within their jurisdiction (B. Ḳ. 38a).

The Mosaic law provides for the restoration of a lost article to its owner if a "brother" and "neighbor" (Deut. xxii. 1-3), but not if a Gentile (B. Ḳ. 113b), not only because the latter would not reciprocate, but also because such restoration would be a hazardous undertaking. The laws of Hammurabi made certain acts connected with "articles lost and found" a ground of capital punishment. "If the owner of the lost property has not brought witnesses identifying his lost property; if he has lied, or has stirred up strife, he shall be put to death" (Johns, l.c. § 11). The loser, the finder, or an intermediate person was put to death in certain stages of the search for the missing article (ib. §§ 9-13). The Persian law commanded the surrender of all finds to the king (B. Ḳ. 28b). As an illustration of the Gentile law and of Jewish magnanimity, the following is related in the Talmud: "Queen Helen lost her jewelry, and R. Samuel, who had just arrived in Rome, found it. A proclamation was posted throughout the city offering a certain sum of money as a reward for the restoration of the jewels within thirty days. If restored after thirty days, the finder was to lose his head. Samuel waited and restored the jewels after thirty days. Said the queen: 'Hast thou not heard of the proclamation?' 'Yes,' answered Samuel, 'but I would show that I fear not thee. I fear only the Merciful.' Then she blessed the God of the Jews" (Yer. B. M. ii. 5).

Similarly, the mandate concerning the oppression of or withholding wages from a hireling brother or neighbor, or a domiciled alien (Deut. xxiv. 14-15) who observes the Noachian laws, is not applicable in the case of a Gentile. That is to say, a Gentile may be employed at reduced wages, which need not be paid promptly on the same day, but may be paid in accordance with the usual custom of the place. The question arose whether a Jew might share in the spoils gained by a Gentile through robbery. One Talmudic authority reasoned that the Gentile exerted himself to obtain the ill-gotten property much less than in earning his wages, to which the Mosaic law is not applicable; hence property seized by a Gentile, if otherwise unclaimed, is public property and may be used by any person. Another authority decided that a Jew might not profit by it (B. M. 111b).

Ashi's Decisions.

R. Ashi decided that a Jew who sells a Gentile landed property bordering on the land of another Jew shall be excommunicated, not only on the ground that the Gentile laws do not provide for "neighbors' boundary privileges" (), but also because the Jewish neighbor may claim "thou hast caused a lion to lie on my border." The ban shall not be raised unless the seller stipulates to keep theJew free from all possible damage arising from any act of the Gentile (B. Ḳ. 114a). The same Ashi noticed in a vineyard a broken vine-branch bearing a bunch of grapes, and instructed his attendant, if he found that it belonged to a Gentile, to fetch it; if to a Jew, to leave it. The Gentile owner overheard the order, and asked: "Is it right to take from a Gentile?" Ashi replied: "Yes, because a Gentile would demand money, but a Jew would not" (ib. 113b). This was an adroit and sarcastic answer. In truth, Ashi coincided with the opinion of the authority stated above; namely, that, as the presumption is that the Gentile obtained possession by seizure, the property is considered public property, like unclaimed land in the desert (B. B. 54b). The consensus of opinion, however, was against this authority. R. Simeon the Pious quotes to show that legal possession was required even in dealing with the Seven Nations: "And thou shalt consume [ = "eat the spoils"] all the people which the Lord thy God shall deliver thee" (Deut. vii. 6, Hebr.), meaning that Israel could claim the land only as conquerors, not otherwise (B. Ḳ. 113b).

In one instance a Gentile had the benefit of the technical term "neighbor," and it was declared that his property was private. The Law provides that an Israelite employed in his neighbor's vineyard or grain-field is allowed to pick there as much as he can eat while working (Deut. xxiii. 25-26). But since the employer in this case was a Gentile (i.e., not a "neighbor"), the Israelite was forbidden to eat anything without permission (B. M. 87b). As regards the property of this Gentile perhaps his title to it was not disputed, and it was therefore considered just as sacred as that of a Jew.

Discriminations against Gentiles, while strictly in accordance with the just law of reciprocity and retaliation, having for their object to civilize the heathen and compel them to adopt the civil laws of Noah, were nevertheless seldom practised. The principal drawback was the fear of "profaning the Holy Name" (). Consequently it was necessary to overlook legal quibbles which might appear unjust in the eyes of the world, and which would reflect on the good name and integrity of the Jewish nation and its religion. Another point to be considered was the preservation, "for the sake of peace" ("mi-pene darke shalom"), of the friendly relations between Jew and Gentile, and the avoidance of enmity (; 'Ab. Zarah 26a; B. Ḳ. 113b).

Not only was the principle of retaliation directed against the heathen Gentile, but it also operated against the lawless Jewish herdsmen of sheep and other small cattle, who trespassed on private property in Palestine contrary to the ordinance forbidding them to raise their herds inland (Tosef., B. Ḳ. viii. [ed. Zuckermandel, p. 362]; comp. Sanh. 57a). All retaliation or measures of reprisal are based on the Jewish legal maxim of eminent domain, "The judicial authority can annul the right to the possession of property and declare such property ownerless" (, B. B. 9a).

Discrimination Against Gentiles.

3. Another reason for discrimination was the vile and vicious character of the Gentiles: "I will provoke them to anger with a foolish nation " (= "vile," "contemptible"; Deut. xxxii. 21). The Talmud says that the passage refers to the Gentiles of Barbary and Mauretania, who walked nude in the streets (Yeb. 63b), and to similar Gentiles, "whose flesh is as the flesh of asses and whose issue is like the issue of horses" (Ezek. xxiii. 20); who can not claim a father (Yeb. 98a). The Gentiles were so strongly suspected of unnatural crimes that it was necessary to prohibit the stabling of a cow in their stalls ('Ab. Zarah ii. 1). Assaults on women were most frequent, especially at invasions and after sieges (Ket. 3b), the Rabbis declaring that in case of rape by a Gentile the issue should not be allowed to affect a Jewish woman's relation to her husband. "The Torah outlawed the issue of a Gentile as that of a beast" (Miḳ. viii. 4, referring to Ezek. l.c.).

Excepting the Greeks, no Gentiles, not even the Persians, were particular in shedding blood (B. Ḳ. 117a). "Meeting a Gentile on the road armed with a sword [on his left], the Jew shall let him walk on his right [being thus ready to wrench away the weapon if threatened with it]. If the Gentile carries a cane [in his right hand], the Jew shall let him walk at his left [so that he may seize the cane if raised against him]. In ascending or descending the Jew shall always be above, and shall not stoop down for fear of assassination. If the Gentile ask to be shown the way, the Jew shall extend his own journey a point farther and shall not tarry on reaching the stranger's destination" ('Ab. Zarah 25b).

Taking these conditions into consideration, the precautions against the employment of Gentile midwives can be easily understood. A Gentile woman was not allowed to suckle a Jewish babe, save in the presence of Jews. Even so it was feared that the Gentile nurse might poison the child (ib. 25a). As a retaliative measure, or for fear of accusation, the Rabbis forbade Jewish midwives and nurses to engage themselves in Gentile families, unless offered a fee for the service or to avoid enmity (ib.). The same rule applied to physicians (Maimonides, "Yad," 'Akkum, ix. 16). The Roman laws ordained that physicians should be punished for neglect or unskilfulness, and for these causes many were put to death (Montesquieu, "L'Esprit des Lois," xxix. § 14). In a place where no Jewish physician could be found to perform the rite of circumcision the question arose whether a Gentile or a Samaritan mohel might be chosen to operate. If the Gentile is "an expert physician patronized by the public, he may be employed, as it is presumed he would not jeopardize his reputation by purposely injuring a Jewish patient" ('Ab. Zarah 27a).

Unreliability of Gentiles.

With such a character as that depicted above, it would naturally be quite unsafe to trust a Gentile as a witness, either in a criminal case or in a civil suit. He could not be depended upon to keep his promise or word of honor like a Jew (Bek. 13b). The Talmud comments on the untruthfulness of Gentiles ("a band of strange children whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand [in raising it to take an oath] is a right hand of falsehood" [Ps. cxliv. 11]), and contrasts it with thereputation of a Jew: "The remnant of Israel shall not do iniquity nor speak lies; neither shall a deceitful tongue be found in their mouth" (Zeph. iii. 13). Also excluded as a "neighbor" was the Gentile in whose trust property was left with all prescribed provisions (Ex. xxii. 6-14). The Torah does not discriminate against the testimony of a Gentile, save when he is held to be a robber; when it is thought that he has no intention of perjuring himself he is believed (Mordecai, Annotations to Rosh Giṭ. 10). Hence documents and deeds prepared by Gentile notaries in their courts are admitted as valid evidence (Giṭ. i. 4). R. Simeon even validates a Jewish writ of divorce signed by a Gentile notary (ib.). In dietary cases, where a Gentile is disinterested his evidence is accepted (Shulḥan 'Aruk, Yoreh De'ah, 86, 1). A Gentile's testimony to a man's death, incidentally related as a matter of fact, he being unaware that his evidence is wanted, is held sufficient to release a woman from her marriage bond and to permit her to marry again (Giṭ. 28b; Shulḥan 'Aruk, Eben ha-'Ezer, 17, 14; see 'Agunah).

As Suitors in Civil Cases.

4. After the destruction of Jerusalem the condition of the Gentiles in general was somewhat improved by the establishment of Roman courts of justice; but the laws of the latter, borrowed from the Persians and modified by feudalism, never attained the high standard of Jewish jurisprudence. Even under the Roman supremacy the Jews were permitted to decide their civil and criminal cases in accordance with their own code of laws, just as in countries like Turkey, China, and Morocco extra-territorial rights are granted by treaty to the consular courts of foreign nations. In a mixed trial where the suitors were respectively Jew and Gentile, the Jew had to abide by the harsh and illogical laws of the Gentiles; and for this the Jew retaliated whenever occasion arose.

It sometimes happened that the Gentile, wishing to take advantage of the liberal Jewish laws, summoned his Jewish opponent to a Jewish court. In such cases the Gentile would gain little benefit, as he would be dealt with in accordance with the Jewish or the Gentile law, as might be least advantageous to him. The judge would say: "This is in accordance with our law" or "with your law," as the case might be. If this was not satisfactory to the Gentile, legal quibbles and circumventions might be employed against him. R. Akiba, however, would not permit such proceedings, which tended to profane the Holy Name (B. Ḳ. 113a).

The differences between their laws were the main barriers between Jew and Gentile. The Talmud would excommunicate a Jew who without a summons testified in a petty Gentile court as a single witness against a Jew, for the Jewish law required at least two witnesses. But in the supreme court a single Jewish witness might testify, as the Gentile judge would administer the oath to the defendant, which proceeding was similar to that prescribed by Jewish law (ib.).

The Jewish mode of acquisition of real property by deed or by three years' undisputed possession did not apply to Gentiles (Ḳid. 14b), who as a rule acquired their property by seizure. The Persian laws leased property for a term of forty years, so that three years' occupation would not amount to a presumption of purchase (B. B. 55a). In case of transfer of chattels, a money payment was sufficient without delivery or removal, which the Jewish law required (B. Ḳ. 13a). Part payment or a consideration was not valid (B. B. 54b).

Acquisition by a consideration was an old established Jewish law: "This was the manner in former time in Israel concerning redeeming and concerning changing, for to confirm all things; a man plucked off his shoe and gave it to his neighbor" (Ruth iv. 7). The article of consideration in "former times" was changed in later times to a kerchief (). The Gentiles did not admit acquisition by a consideration. Transfers of their property were effected only for ready money to the full amount (Ḳid. 8a). The Persians bound themselves by an exchange of presents, which was considered equivalent to a word of honor, but not, however, in the sense of a consideration ('Ab. Zarah 71a).

The Persian law ordered the guarantor to pay immediately on the default of the debtor; while the Jewish law required the creditor first to proceed against the debtor, and that then, if the debt were not paid, he should sue the guarantor (B. B. 173b, 174a).

The Jewish law against overcharging one-sixth or more above the current price of marketable merchandise—a violation of which affected the validity of the sale—applied only to a Jew or domiciled alien, not to a Gentile. "If thou sell ought unto thy neighbor, or buyest ought of thy neighbor's hand, ye shall not oppress [overcharge] one another" (Hebr. = "his brother"; Lev. xxv. 14), was contrary to the Gentile legal maxim, "A bargain is a bargain." For this the Gentile was paid in his own coin, so to speak. Samuel declared legal a transaction in which an error has been made by miscalculation on the part of a Gentile. Following out his theory, Samuel was unscrupulous enough to purchase from a Gentile a gold bar for four zuz, which was the price of an iron bar; he even beat down the price one zuz. Such transactions, while regarded as perfectly proper and legitimate among the Gentiles, were not tolerated among the Jews themselves.

On the other hand, there were many examples of cases in which Jews refused to take advantage of errors. A rabbi once purchased wheat from a Gentile agent, and, finding therein a purseful of money, restored it to the agent, who blessed "the God of the Jews." Simeon b. Shaṭaḥ restored a valuable pearl he had found on a donkey to the Gentile of whom he had purchased the beast (Yer. B. M. ii. 5). In cases of wilful murder, an alien Gentile who observed the Noachian laws which forbid murder was treated like a Jew. "One law and one manner [judgment] shall be for you and for the stranger that so-journeth with you" (Num. xv. 16)—that is, provided he abides by the same law. According to the Talmud, there is a difference between a domiciled alien (), one who abandoned idolatry in order to be allowed to settle in Palestine, and a true alien (), who voluntarily and conscientiously observed the Noachian laws (see Proselyte and Proselytism). In regard to manslaughter (unpremeditated homicide), for which the culprit was exiledto a city of refuge (Num. xxxv. 11), the Mishnah says: "All were exiled for the manslaughter of an Israelite; and an Israelite was exiled for the manslaughter of others, save a domiciled alien. The latter was exiled for the manslaughter of another domiciled alien" (Mak. ii. 3). This was in accord with the general rule that a man could not be sentenced to death without a previous warning (; Sanh. 57a); and since such forewarning was necessarily lacking in cases of manslaughter, the Israelite guilty thereof was simply exiled, this step being taken to forestall the avenger of blood. The Gemara to the Mishnah cited above (Mak. 8b) holds that an alien was not entitled to the forewarning, and hence should be executed.

Gentile Property Exempt from Fines.

For robbery or defaulting in a trust the guilty person was required to repay the principal and to pay one-fifth in addition (Lev. v. 21-24 [A. V. vi. 2-4]); in other cases fines, ranging from double to four and five times the original amount for theft, were imposed (Ex. xxii. 1-4). Where the stolen property belonged to a Gentile or to the public, however, the guilty was required to pay only the principal, without the additional fines (Maimonides, "Yad," Gezelah, i.7). As the fine was a personal compensation, the public, lacking individuality, could not receive it; nor could a Gentile, since his own laws were at variance with reason and justice. For example, the Twelve Tables ordained that a thief be whipped with rods and condemned to slavery; and the Greeks inflicted capital punishment for stealing even a trifle.

Gentile Poor to Be Supported.

The prohibition of usury, or rather of taking any amount over and above that of the original loan, specifies of "a poor brother" and a stranger (alien) "that he may live with thee" (Ex. xxii. 25; Lev. xxv. 35-37). "Unto a stranger [= "foreigner"], however, thou mayest lend upon usury" (Deut. xxiii. 20). This was a purely economic measure, encouraging a tax on loans to foreigners, and cautioning against impoverishing the domestic producer. The Gentile was considered a foreigner whom an Israelite need not support, and his own laws did not prohibit usury. The Jewish prohibition extended to the alien ("ger"), as the text plainly indicates; but there is a question whether it included a domiciled alien ("ger toshab"; B. M. 71a). Nevertheless the Mishnah says the Gentile poor shall be supported together with the Jewish poor, for the sake of peace (Giṭ. 61a). The Talmud also says that a pious Jew shall not take interest from a Gentile, and quotes Ps. xv. 5: "He that putteth not out his money to usury" (Mak. 24b). In fact, the Talmud did not tolerate the charging of interest to Gentiles (B. M. 71a). See Usury.

The relation of the Jews to the ruling government was fixed by Samuel's maxim, "The law of the land is binding," thus validating all enactments of the land not in conflict with the Jewish religion, and rendering unto Cæsar his due as regards taxes and imposts, which no one might evade—provided, however, that the taxes were authorized (B. Ḳ. 113a). Rabbenu Tam, defining this maxim, adds: "provided the king's edicts are uniform, and apply to all his subjects in all his dominions." R. Eliezer of Metz says: "provided the king taxes his own subjects and settlers; but he can not extort money from journeymen passing through his dominion without having any intention to remain there. Otherwise, it is not law, but robbery" (Mordecai in B. Ḳ. x. § 215; Annotations to Rosh Ned. iii. 11).

Gentiles May Not Be Taught the Torah.

Inasmuch as the Jews had their own distinct jurisdiction, it would have been unwise to reveal their laws to the Gentiles, for such knowledge might have operated against the Jews in their opponents' courts. Hence the Talmud prohibited the teaching to a Gentile of the Torah, "the inheritance of the congregation of Jacob" (Deut. xxxiii. 4). R. Johanan says of one so teaching: "Such a person deserves death" (an idiom used to express indignation). "It is like placing an obstacle before the blind" (Sanh. 59a; Ḥag. 13a). And yet if a Gentile study the Law for the purpose of observing the moral laws of Noah, R. Meïr says he is as good as a high priest, and quotes: "Ye shall therefore keep my statutes, and my judgments, which if a man do, he shall live in them" (Lev. xviii. 5). The text does not specify an Israelite or a Levite or a priest, but simply "a man"—even a Gentile ('Ab. Zarah 26a).

Resh Laḳish (d. 278) said, "A Gentile observing the Sabbath deserves death" (Sanh. 58b). This refers to a Gentile who accepted the seven laws of the Noachidæ, inasmuch as "the Sabbath is a sign between God and Israel alone," and it was probably directed against the Christian Jews, who disregarded the Mosaic laws and yet at that time kept up the observance of the Jewish Sabbath. Rabbina, who lived about 150 years after the Christians had changed the day of rest to Sunday, could not quite understand the principle underlying Resh Laḳish's law, and, commenting upon it, added: "not even on Mondays [is the Gentile allowed to rest]"; intimating that the mandate given to the Noachidæ that "day and night shall not cease" (="have no rest ") should be taken in a literal sense (Gen. viii. 22)—probably to discourage general idleness (ib. Rashi), or for the more plausible reason advanced by Maimonides, who says: "The principle is, one is not permitted to make innovations in religion or to create new commandments. He has the privilege to become a true proselyte by accepting the whole Law" ("Yad," Melakim, x. 9). R. Emden (), in a remarkable apology for Christianity contained in his appendix to "Seder 'Olam" (pp. 32b-34b, Hamburg, 1752), gives it as his opinion that the original intention of Jesus, and especially of Paul, was to convert only the Gentiles to the seven moral laws of Noah and to let the Jews follow the Mosaic law—which explains the apparent contradictions in the New Testament regarding the laws of Moses and the Sabbath.

Present Status of the Gentile.

With the conversion of the Gentile to Christianity or to Islam, the heathen and pagan of the civilized or semi-civilized world has become almost extinct, and the restrictions placed on the ancient Gentile are not applicable to the Gentile of the present day, except in so far as to consider him a Noachian observingall moral laws, in contradistinction to the Jew, who as one of the chosen people observes in addition the Mosaic laws. That the laws against the Gentile as a barbarian were not entirely expunged from the rabbinic literature after the advent of Christianity, was due to the persecutions and the barbaric treatment of the Jews in the Middle Ages. The gradual decrease of animosity may, however, be noted by comparing the various codes and collections of responsa. For example, that a Jewish physician should be forbidden to offer his services to a Gentile was contrary to the general practise of the Jews in the Middle Ages. Maimonides himself became the physician of Sultan Saladin in Egypt. The prohibition against the employment of a Gentile nurse or midwife "except a Jewess stands by her" was modified by an eminent authority with "so long as there is a Jew living in that town who is liable to come into the house" (Moses of Coucy, "Semag," § 45). That no such distinction exists anywhere nowadays is an acknowledged fact, proving conclusively that the Rabbis regulate their decisions in accordance with the spirit of the Jewish law.

The special Jewish jurisdiction in civil cases is still maintained in the Orient, in some parts of Europe, and even in America, where the bet din administers the law, mostly by arbitration, effecting a compromise between the litigants for the sake of avoiding the "law's delay" and of saving the expenses of trial in the secular courts. See also Aliens; Noachian Laws; Proselytes and Proselytism; Usury; Worship, Idol.

Latter-day Saints Church usage

Main article Mormonism and Judaism.

In the terminology of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints ("LDS Church"; see also Mormon) the word Gentile takes on different meanings in different contexts, which may confuse some and alienate others. Members of the LDS church regard themselves as regathered Israelites, and so sometimes use the word "Gentile" to refer to non-members. In such usage Jews may be colloquially referred to as "Gentiles" because they are not members of the LDS Church. However, the traditional meaning is also to be found in the introduction to the Book of Mormon, in the statement that it is written to both "Jew" (literal descendants of the House of Israel) and "Gentile" (those not descended from the House of Israel or those of the tribe of Ephraim scattered among the "Gentiles" throughout the earth).

In order to avoid confrontation and pejorative connotations, Latter-day Saints in the 21st century avoid using the term "Gentile" in everyday matters, preferring "non-member." "Gentile" is usually reserved for discussions of scriptural passages.

Footnotes and References

External links

Jewish Encyclopedia: Gentile. Retrieved December 10, 2007.

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