Difference between revisions of "Daoism" - New World Encyclopedia

From New World Encyclopedia
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===Song Dynasty (960–1279)===
 
===Song Dynasty (960–1279)===
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Continuing the trend of imperial sanction mentioned above, several Song emperors, most notably Emperor Huizong (1082–1135), were active in promoting Daoism, by collecting Daoist texts, publishing editions of the ''[[Daozang]]'', and occasionally writing commentaries on the texts themselves.<ref>Robinet (1997), p. 213.</ref> This era also saw a rise in imperial intercession with respect to local cults, which were, to a certain extent, coming to be identified as part of the Daoist religion. In fact, this imperial jurisdiction was seen as sufficiently powerful to justify "tear[ing down] ... temples not listed in the register of sacrifices.”<ref>Hansen, 85.</ref>
  
Several Song emperors, most notably [[Emperor Huizong (Song Dynasty)|Huizong]], were active in promoting Daoism, collecting Daoist texts and publishing editions of the ''[[Daozang]].''<ref>Robinet (1997), p. 213.</ref>  
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In general, the Song Dynasty saw an increasingly complex interaction between the elite traditions of organised Daoism as practised by ordained Daoist ministers (''daoshi''), the local traditions of folk religion as practised by spirit mediums (''wu''), and a class of non-ordained ritual experts known as ''fashi''.<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 415.</ref> This interaction manifested itself in the integration of 'converted' local deities into the bureaucratically-organized Daoist pantheon and the emergence of new exorcistic rituals, including the [[Celestial Heart Rites]] and the [[Thunder Rites]].<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 416-418, 423</ref> Describing this process, which had been ongoing since the Six Dynasties period, Richard von Glahn notes:
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:No longer ordained priests ministering to a sectarian congregation, these "officers of the Way" (''daoshi'') were forced to compete with the gods and spirit mediums of "vulgar" religion for popular allegiance. Consequently, many priests added formerly proscribed practices like divination and spirit possession to their liturgical repertoire, while still asserting their unique access to the true gods.<ref>von Glahn, 70.</ref>
  
The [[Quanzhen]] school of Daoism was founded during this period, and together with the Zhengyi Celestial Masters is one of the two schools of Daoism that have survived to the present.<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 567.</ref>
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Another significant development for religious Daoism was the founding of the [[Quanzhen]] school in the 12th century CE. Their founder, Wang Chongyang (1113-1170), an asectic who claimed to have received his revelation from the famed immortal [[Lu Dongbin]], created a monastic school that stressed personal cultivation and social action. Kohn notes, "the teaching of Complete Perfection [Quanzhen] is a mixture of Confucian formality, simple asceticism, Buddhist monachism, and Taoist inner alchemy. Due to ample imperial sponsorship, the school continued to flourish and, by the fourteenth century, had assimilated the numerous Taoist schools that had sprung up around the same time."<ref>Kohn (1993), 86.</ref> Some scholars also note that the school's charitable involvement in public affairs (as clergy for popular worship) was key to allowing Chinese culture to survive the Mongol invasion of Northern China.<ref>Goossaert, 111-113.</ref>
  
The Song Dynasty saw an increasingly complex interaction between the elite traditions of organised Daoism as practised by ordained Daoist ministers (''daoshi'') and the local traditions of folk religion as practised by spirit mediums (''wu'') and a new class of non-ordained ritual experts known as ''fashi''.<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 415.</ref> This interaction manifested itself in the integration of 'converted' local deities into the bureaucratically organised Daoist pantheon and the emergence of new exorcistic rituals, including the [[Celestial Heart Rites]] and the [[Thunder Rites]].<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 416-418, 423</ref>
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As an aside, it should be noted that the Quanzhen and Celestial Masters schools are the only two sects of religious Daoism that have survived to the present day.<ref>Kohn (2000), p. 567.</ref>
 
 
Aspects of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism were consciously synthesised in the [[Neo-Confucian]] school, which eventually became Imperial [[orthodox]]y for state bureaucratic purposes.<ref>Kohn (2000), p. XVII.</ref>
 
  
 
===Yuan Dynasty (1279&ndash;1367)===
 
===Yuan Dynasty (1279&ndash;1367)===
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[[Image: Baiyun.jpg|thumb|500px|White Cloud Monastery, Beijing]]
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While Daoism suffered a significant setback in 1281 when all copies of the ''Daozang'' (the Daoist canon) were ordered burned, this holocaust gave Daoism a chance to renew itself.<ref>Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 30.</ref> For example, the traditional stress on external alchemy (using potions and elixirs to confer long life) was eschewed in favor of ''[[neidan]]'', a form of internal alchemy, which became a major emphasis of the [[Quanzhen]] sect (described above). One of its leaders, Qiu Chuji became a teacher of [[Genghis Khan]] (and used his influence to save millions of lives). Originally from [[Shanxi]] and [[Shandong]], the sect established its main center in [[Beijing]]'s Baiyunguan ("White Cloud Monastery").<ref>Robinet (1997), p. 223-224.</ref>
  
[[Image: Baiyun.jpg|thumb|500px|White Cloud Monastery, Beijing]]
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Despite the undeniable importance of Quanzhen at the beginning of the dynasty, the Celestial Masters sect (and [[Buddhism]]) again gained preeminence by the middle of the fourteenth century.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 15.</ref>
While Daoism suffered a significant setback in 1281 when all copies of the ''Daozang'' were ordered burned, this holocaust gave Daoism a chance to renew itself.<ref>Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 30.</ref> ''[[Neidan]]'', a form of [[internal alchemy]], became a major emphasis of the [[Quanzhen]] sect, whose practitioners followed a monastic model inspired by Buddhism. One of its leaders, Qiu Chuji became a teacher of [[Genghis Khan]] (and used his influence to save millions of lives). Originally from [[Shanxi]] and [[Shandong]], the sect established its main center in [[Beijing]]'s Baiyunguan ("White Cloud Monastery").<ref>Robinet (1997), p. 223-224.</ref> Before the end of the dynasty, the Celestial Masters sect (and [[Buddhism]]) again gained preeminence.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 15.</ref>
 
  
 
===Ming Dynasty (1368&ndash;1644)===
 
===Ming Dynasty (1368&ndash;1644)===
 
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Following the example of the Tang and Song emperors, some leaders of the Ming also favored Daoism. Most notably, the profoundly ecumenical emperor [[Zhu Di]], in 1406, commanded that all Daoist texts be collected and combined into a new version of the ''[[Daozang]]''. Taking nearly forty years to edit, recopy and compile, the text was finally finished in 1447.<ref>Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 1-2.</ref> This encyclopedic collection of over five thousand volumes was (and is still) considered the definitive Daoist canon.
In 1406, emperor [[Zhu Di]] commanded that all Daoist texts be collected and combined into a new version of the ''Daozang.'' The text was finally finished in 1447, and took nearly forty years to complete.<ref>Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 1-2.</ref>
 
  
 
===Qing Dynasty (1644&ndash;1912)===
 
===Qing Dynasty (1644&ndash;1912)===
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The ruin of the Ming dynasty and the subsequent establishment of the Qing dynasty by the non-Chinese Manchus was blamed by some literati ([[Confucianism|Confucians]]) on religion &ndash; specifically Daoism. Thus, they sought to reform the state by advocating a return to Confucian orthodoxy in a movement called ''Hanxue'', or 'National Studies.' This initiative returned the Confucian classics to favor and completely rejected Daoism. This trend reached its apex during the eighteenth century, when the imperial library was expunged of virtually all Daoist books.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 19.</ref> By the beginning of the twentieth century, Daoism had fallen from favor to such an extent that the only one complete copy of the ''Daozang'' remained at the White Cloud Monastery in Beijing.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 220.</ref> However, given the rapprochement that had occurred between the Daoist clergy and folk religion (from the Han dynasty onwards), the religious components of the tradition remained a relevant component of popular worship.
  
The ruin of the Ming dynasty and the subsequnt establishment of the Qing dynasty by the non-Chinese Manchus was blamed by some literati on religion, specifically Daoism. They sought to regain power by advocating a return to Confucian orthodoxy in a movement called ''Hanxue'', or 'National Studies.' This movement returned the Confucian classics to favor and completely rejected Daoism. During the eighteenth century, the imperial library was constituted, but excluded virutally all Daoist books.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 19.</ref> By the beginning of the twentieth century, Daoism had fallen so much from favor, that only one complete copy of the ''Daozang'' still remained, at the White Cloud Monastery in Beijing.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 220.</ref>
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===The Modern Period===
 
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====China under the Nationalists (1912&ndash;1949)====
===Nationalist Period (1912&ndash;1949)===
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The leaders of the [[Guomindang]] (China Nationalist Party) embraced science, modernity, and Western culture, including (to some extent) Christianity. Viewing the popular religion as reactionary and parasitic, they confiscated some temples for public buildings, and otherwise attempted to control traditional religious activity.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 18.</ref>
 
 
[[Guomindang]] (China Nationalist Party) leaders embraced science, modernity, and Western culture, including (to some extent) Christianity. Viewing the popular religion as reactionary and parasitic, they confiscated some temples for public buildings, and otherwise attempted to control traditional religious activity.<ref>Schipper (1993), p. 18.</ref>
 
  
===People's Republic of China (1949&ndash;present)===
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====People's Republic of China (1949&ndash;present)====
The [[Communist Party of China]], officially atheistic, initially suppressed Daoism along with other religions. During the [[Cultural Revolution]] from 1966 to 1976, many Daoist temples and sites were damaged or destroyed and Monks and priests were sent to labor camps.<ref>Dean (1993), p. 41.</ref>
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The [[Communist Party of China]], officially atheistic, initially suppressed Daoism along with other religions. During the [[Cultural Revolution]] from 1966 to 1976, many Daoist temples and sites were damaged or destroyed, and monks and priests were sent to labor camps.<ref>Dean (1993), p. 41.</ref>
  
Persecution of Daoists stopped in 1979, and many Daoists began reviving their traditions.<ref>Dean (1993), p. 41.</ref> Subsequently, communist leaders have recognised Daoism as an important traditional religion of China and also as a potential lucrative focus for [[tourism]], so many of the more scenic temples and [[Wudangshan|monasteries]] have been repaired and reopened.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}
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Persecution of Daoists stopped in 1979, and many Daoists began reviving their traditions.<ref>Dean (1993), p. 41.</ref> Subsequently, communist leaders have recognised Daoism as an important traditional religion of China and also as a potentially lucrative focus for [[tourism]], so many of the more scenic temples and monasteries have been repaired and reopened.<ref>Luo, 118.</ref>
  
Daoism is one of five religions recognised by the PRC, which insists on controlling its activities through a state bureaucracy (the China Daoist Association).<ref>{{PDFlink|[http://www.hrwf.net/advocacy/ext/religious_freedom_china.pdf Human Rights Without Frontiers "Religious Freedom in China in 2006"]|30.6&nbsp;[[Kibibyte|KiB]]<!-- application/pdf, 31400 bytes —>}} An address given to the Delegation EU-China of the European Parliament.</ref> Sensitive areas include the relationship of the Zhengyi Daoists with their sect's lineage-holder, who lives in Taiwan,{{Fact|date=February 2007}} and various traditional temple activities such as astrology and shamanism, which have been criticised as "superstitious".<ref>[http://www.oslocoalition.org/html/project_china/report_china_visit_2000.html Report from The Oslo Coalition "Visit to China"]</ref>
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Daoism is one of five religions recognised by the PRC, which, like the imperial bureaucracy of old, insists on controlling its activities through state power (as manifested in the China Daoist Association).<ref>{{PDFlink|[http://www.hrwf.net/advocacy/ext/religious_freedom_china.pdf Human Rights Without Frontiers "Religious Freedom in China in 2006"]|30.6&nbsp;[[Kibibyte|KiB]]<!-- application/pdf, 31400 bytes —>}} An address given to the Delegation EU-China of the European Parliament.</ref> Sensitive areas include the relationship of the Zhengyi Daoists with their sect's lineage-holder, who lives in Taiwan, and various traditional temple activities such as astrology and shamanism that have been criticized as "superstitious".<ref>[http://www.oslocoalition.org/html/project_china/report_china_visit_2000.html Report from The Oslo Coalition "Visit to China"]. For a detailed account of the Chinese government's official position on Daoism (and religion in general), see Luo's ''Religion under Socialism in China''.</ref>
  
 
==Adherents==
 
==Adherents==
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*Fitzgerald, C. P. ''China: A Short Cultural History''. London: The Cresset Library, 1986. ISBN 0-09-168751-9.
 
*Fitzgerald, C. P. ''China: A Short Cultural History''. London: The Cresset Library, 1986. ISBN 0-09-168751-9.
 
*Fowler, Jeaneane. ''An Introduction to the Philosophy and Religion of Taoism''. Portland, O.R.: Sussex Academic Press, 2005. ISBN 1845190858.
 
*Fowler, Jeaneane. ''An Introduction to the Philosophy and Religion of Taoism''. Portland, O.R.: Sussex Academic Press, 2005. ISBN 1845190858.
 +
* Goossaert, Vincent. "The Invention of an Order: Collective Identity in Thirteenth Century Quanzhen Taoism." ''Journal of Chinese Religions'' 29.1 (Fall 2001). 111-138.
 
*Graham, A.C. ''Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China''. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1993. ISBN 0-8126-9087-7.
 
*Graham, A.C. ''Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China''. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1993. ISBN 0-8126-9087-7.
 
*Graham, A.C. (translator).  ''Chuang-tzu: The Inner Chapters''. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2001. ISBN 0-87220-581-9     
 
*Graham, A.C. (translator).  ''Chuang-tzu: The Inner Chapters''. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2001. ISBN 0-87220-581-9     
 +
*Hansen, Valerie. ''Changing Gods in Medieval China, 1127-1276''. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990. ISBN 0691055599.
 
*Jordan, David K. ''Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: The Folk Religion of a Taiwanese Village'' Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972. ISBN 0520019628.
 
*Jordan, David K. ''Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: The Folk Religion of a Taiwanese Village'' Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972. ISBN 0520019628.
 
*Kaltenmark, Max. ''Lao Tzu and Taoism''. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969 [original French 1965]. ISBN 0804706891.
 
*Kaltenmark, Max. ''Lao Tzu and Taoism''. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969 [original French 1965]. ISBN 0804706891.
Line 270: Line 271:
 
*Lau, D. C. ''Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching''. London: Penguin Classics, 1963. ISBN 0-14-044131-X
 
*Lau, D. C. ''Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching''. London: Penguin Classics, 1963. ISBN 0-14-044131-X
 
*Little, Stephen and Shawn Eichman, et al. ''Taoism and the Arts of China''. Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 2000.  ISBN 0-520-22784-0
 
*Little, Stephen and Shawn Eichman, et al. ''Taoism and the Arts of China''. Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 2000.  ISBN 0-520-22784-0
 +
*Luo Zhufeng (editor). ''Religion under Socialism in China.'' Translated by Donald E. MacInnis and Zheng Xi'an. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharp, 1991. ISBN 0-87332-609-1.
 
*Maspero, Henri.''Taoism and Chinese Religion'' Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981. ISBN 0-87023-308-4
 
*Maspero, Henri.''Taoism and Chinese Religion'' Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981. ISBN 0-87023-308-4
 
*Miller, James. ''Daoism: A Short Introduction''. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003.  ISBN 1-85168-315-1
 
*Miller, James. ''Daoism: A Short Introduction''. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003.  ISBN 1-85168-315-1

Revision as of 18:41, 24 March 2007


Daoism (Wade-Giles: "Taoism") is the English name for a cluster of Chinese religious and philosophical traditions that have developed over more than two thousand years in China and have influenced religio-cultural developments in Korea, Japan and other East Asian countries.[1] However, despite the centrality of this tradition in Chinese culture, the definition of what actually constitutes Daoism (or whether it is even a meaningful category) has perplexed scholars for centuries. Notwithstanding these concerns, "Daoism", as the term is popularly used, refers to some combination of three interrelated streams of Chinese thought and practice:[2]

  1. a philosophical school based on the Dao De Jing, the Zhuangzi, and, to a lesser extent, some later syncretic texts (including the Liezi and the Guanzi);
  2. a family of organized Chinese religious movements, such as the Zhengyi ("Orthodoxy") or Quanzhen ("complete reality") sects, which collectively trace back to Zhang Daoling and the Celestial Masters School in the late Han Dynasty. These movements occasionally incorporate an emphasis on meditative and cultivation practices inherited from the alchemical Daoists (such as Ge Hong);
  3. the Chinese folk religion.[3]
Dao4.PNG

The English word "Daoism" is used to translate the Chinese terms Daojiao (道教 "teachings/religion of the Dao") and Daojia (道家 "school of the Dao"). In both cases, the character Dao (道) refers to a particular philosophical understanding of "the Way" (understood in the context of politics, internal cultivation, the natural world, and matter/energy (qi)) (discussed below). The compound Daojiao, then, refers to Daoism as a religion, while Daojia refers to the activity of scholars in their studies. It must be noted that this distinction is itself controversial and fraught with hermeneutic difficulty, with many scholars believing that there is no distinction between the two and that the posited distinction is created by people applying Western paradigms to the Chinese context.[4]

Moreover, these uncertainties concerning the meaning of "Daoism" as a category are not restricted to Western scholarship. In some countries and contexts (for example, the Daoist organizations of China and Taiwan), the label is (somewhat haphazardly) applied to Chinese folk religion, which would not otherwise have a readily recognizable English name. However, many (if not most) of its practitioners would not recognize Daoism (in any language) as the name of their religion. Further, several forms of institutional Daoism, such as the Quanzhen sect) often distinguish their ritual activities from those of the folk religion, which some professional Daoist celebrants and clergy (Daoshi) tend to view as debased (as considered below).

Over and above the perplexing array of traditions that could reasonably be defined as explicitly Daoist, there is also the cultural ubiquity of these beliefs within the Chinese context. Areas as varied as alchemy, martial arts, traditional Chinese medicine (TCM), fengshui, and many styles of qigong breath training have some practical or philosophical relationship with the tenets of Daoism.

History

In spite of the lack of consensus on what exactly constitutes "Daoism", it is undeniable that each major period in Chinese history was witness to various developments and elaborations that were (either self-consciously or retrospectively) identified as Daoist. For this reason, it seems that a historical overview of the development of all three branches of the tradition (following the three-fold schema introduced above) would be a sensible way to begin exploring the nature of this multifaceted tradition.

The Hundred Schools of Thought Period (ca. 550 B.C.E. - 221 B.C.E.)

During the period of disunion that accompanied (and immediately followed) the dissolution of the once-powerful Zhou Dynasty (1027-221 C.E.), a climate of tremendous philosophical innovation emerged in China. More specifically, the collapse of the central government and the rise of feudal warlord states created an environment of anxiety and discord, within which these early thinkers had to craft a worldview that allowed them to make sense of their (often hostile) surroundings. Two such thinkers were Laozi (dates unknown) and Zhuangzi (4th c. BCE). Though these two intellectual giants would not come to be identified as a school for several hundred years,[5] their innovative and idiosyncratic approaches to language, politics, and philosophy had a profound impact on the other philosophical lineages that were developing at the time (including Confucianism, Moism, and Legalism (among others)).[6]

Dao De Jing

Main article: Dao De Jing

Allegedly written by the enigmatic Laozi, the Dao De Jing ("Classic of the Way and (its) Virtue") is a pithy text that uses an epigrammatic style to present seemingly paradoxical conclusions. While it does not investigate the variety of philosophical issues tackled in the Zhuangzi, the Dao De Jing instead focuses with razor-like precision upon two related themes: the development a unique cosmology (focusing on the relationship between the Dao and the world), and the explication of an ethic of virtuous, non-attached action (wu-wei) corresponding to that cosmological understanding. This division is echoed in the name of the text itself, which can be translated as “The Classic of the Way (Dao) and [its] Virtue (De).” Given the extent to which the text successfully develops these themes, it is perhaps not surprising that the Han dynasty historiographers retroactively deemed the Dao De Jing to be the quintessential Daoist document – despite the possible philosophical and historical primacy of the Zhuangzi.[7]

Zhuangzi

Main article: Zhuangzi

Zhuangzi (ca. 4th century B.C.E.) can be described as a Warring States-era Voltaire, poking holes in the moral and philosophical complacency of his fellows, belittling them not with invective but with humor and mockery.[8] In doing so, he explores a variety of profound intellectual vistas, from the importance of naturalness (ziran) in action, to the ultimately contingent nature of intellectual categories, to the futility of taking part in government office. In all of these cases, Zhuangzi addressed the relevant issues with probing intellectual curiosity, a profoundly non-conventional set of assumptions, and a disarming sense of humour - all of which made him one of the most influential philosophers of the Hundred Schools period.[9]

Han Dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.)

During the Han Dynasty, the idea of Daoism as a discrete tradition began to be retrospectively defined. Sima Tan (died 110 B.C.E.), the court historian at the imperial capital, was the first to group Laozi and Zhuangzi under a particular rubric in his "classification of the Six Schools."[10] Over the next three hundred years, the philosophical component of the tradition would be further elaborated through the production of additional texts, including the Liezi (which provides a practical perspective on the applicability of Daoist teachings)[11], the Heshang Gong commentary on the Dao De Jing (which explores "the immediate relation between cultivating oneself and governing the country"),[12] and the Huainanzi (a syncretic text that interprets Daoist teachings in conjunction with the search for physical potency and immortality (a theme that eventually led to the establishment of Daoist alchemy as a discrete school of thought and practice)).[13]

The Han dynasty also saw the emergence of Daoism as a revelatory religious movement. Specifically, Zhang Daoling (ca. 2nd century CE), after receiving a revelation directly from the divinized Laozi, went on to found the Celestial Masters sect, placing himself at its head as as the First (or Ancestral) Celestial Master. In this role, he performed spiritual healing, collected a tithe of five pecks of rice from the faithful,[14] redistributed this influx of grain to the impoverished, and preached to the masses about the the imminent end of the current social order (which would be succeeded by an era of "Great Peace" (Taiping)). These teaching appealed to the practitioners of traditional forms of shamanism, magic and divination, who loosely organized themselves around this revelation, becoming known as dao shi ("Daoist experts" or "Daoist teachers").[15]

Though Laozi came to be recognized as a divinity by the imperial dynasty in the mid second century CE,[16] this affirmation was not sufficient to blunt the reformist/anarchist elements of the new Daoist teachings. Members of the Celestial Masters (including Zhang's grandson) established theocractic republics throughout the country, providing safety and sanctuary to the overtaxed peasants.[17] When the Han government interceded to put down the Yellow Turban rebellion, millions of lives were lost and the country was so traumatized that the fall of the dynasty was nigh inevitable.[18]

Three Kingdoms Period (220–265)

During the short period following the fall of the Han, the philosophical stream of Daoism continued to develop apace. Most notably, the Xuanxue (Mysterious Wisdom) school, exemplified by the erudite scholarship of Wang Bi, focused on the texts of the Laozi and Zhuangzi. Intriguingly, many of the school's members, including Wang Bi himself, were not explicitly "religious" in their focus, instead choosing to utilize these texts to further their understanding of social and cosmic processes.[19] For example, Wang Bi focused mainly on exploring the relationships between Confucian and Daoist thought, and on exploring the underlying metaphysical system exposited in the Dao De Jing. In addition, the ideas addressed in his commentary were compatible with themes in the Confucian and Buddhist traditions, which fortuitously insured the continued relevance of Daoism to Chinese culture.[20] This textual/scholastic programs was also continued by Guo Xiang, whose commentary on the Zhuangzi offered a hitherto unexplored psychological interpretation of the text. For example, he argues that "Order [a term used in a predominantly social or cosmological context in the Zhuangzi] means relying on and going along with one’s inner nature, while disorder means opposing and repressing it."[21]

The Jin and Northern/Southern Dynasties Period (265–589)

During the Six Dynasties period, both the philosophical and the institutional components of the Daoist tradition became further developed.

On the philosophical side, Daoist alchemist Ge Hong, also known as Baopuzi (抱扑子 The "Master Embracing Simplicity") was active in the third and fourth centuries and had great influence on later Daoism.[22] Within the text, which was divided into "Inner" and "Outer Chapters," he explored issues of relevance to both esoteric studies and social philosophy. According to his own account, Ge Hong wrote the "Inner Chapters" to argue for the reality and attainability of divine transcendence, while the "Outer Chapters" blend Confucian and Legalist rhetoric to propose solutions for the social and political problems of his era.[23] These interests explicitly explored the relationship between internal cultivation (neidan) and external cultivation (primarily by means of alchemical practices).

In the transmission of Buddhism to China, the Daoist philosophical traditions discussed above played a pivotal (if indirect) role. As Buddhist thought was rife with concepts and preconceptions that were utterly alien to the early Chinese audience, translators found it necessary to "bridge" this conceptual gap. They did so through the liberal borrowing of Daoist terminology:

For example, the ancient and honored word tao, the key term of philosophic Taoism, was sometimes used to render the Buddhist term dharma, "the teaching"; in other cases, it was used to translate bodhi, "enlightenment," or again yoga. The Taoist term for immortals, chen-jen, served as a translation of the Buddhist word Arhat, "the fully enlightened one." Wu-wei, "non-action," was used to render the Buddhist term for ultimate release, nirvana.[24]

The construction of these unsystematic parallels between the two traditions was rather vexing for philosophical Daoists, who responded by composing an utterly ad hominem text entitled Huahujing (化胡經 "Scripture of Conversion of Barbarians"). In it, they claimed that the divinized Laozi, after expositing the true teaching of the Dao to the Chinese, went to India, where he took the name Buddha and taught similar (though less advanced) doctrines to the moral reprobates dwelling there.[25]

The Daoist religious tradition was also refined in this period through the production of new texts (each of which were attributed to a theophanic revelation). Some of these included the Lingbao (靈寶 "Sacred Treasure") and (397–402)Shangqing (上清 "Supreme Clarity") (365–370) scriptures, the latter of which was received at Maoshan. The Lingbao scriptures, influenced by Buddhist ideals (specifically the bodhisattva doctrine), stressed the attainability of universal salvation through public devotion and prayer. This tradition expounded at length upon the nature of the afterlife, positing a hierarchical pantheon with deities corresponding to every social station.[26]The Shangqing revelations, in contrast, posited that only certain members of the aristocracy would be able to achieve highest salvation. These revelations were received by Yang Xi, a relative of Ge Hong's, and they stressed the use of individual meditational practice to ascend to the highest heaven (a plane even more exalted than that conceived of by the Celestial Masters). In exploring the cosmological component of this vision, Yang Xi's described visitations from the residents of this heaven (the "Zhen Ren"), many of whom were ancestors of a circle of aristocrats from southern China. These Zhen Ren spoke of an apocalypse which was to arrive in 384, and claimed that only certain people from this aristocratic circle had been chosen to be saved. Thus, for the first century of its existence, Shangqing Daoism was isolated to this aristocratic circle.[27] However, Tao Hongjing (456–536) codified and wrote commentaries on Yang Xi's writings and allowed for the creation of Shangqing Daoism as a popular religion.[28]

This period also saw the production of one of the oldest known volumes that explicitly details an apocalypse, entitled Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing, or The Divine Incantations Scripture.[29] Its novelty emerges from its lurid description of a coming reckoning, where:

Messiah Li, an incarnation of Lord Lao of the Celestial Masters, will inaugurate a great cataclysm that will destroy these sinners [who worshiped false gods], and only the devout faithful, the "elect" (zhongmin) will survive and enjoy the era of Great Peace under the rule of the Messiah.[30]

For this reason, the text urges Daoists to "assiduously convert the unenlightened," and demands scriptural exclusivity from those receiving the revelation.[31]

In addition to this (barely veiled) critique against the Buddhist incursion into China, this text was also unique for describing the mortal world as a battle-ground, where gods and ghosts fought for the attentions of human religious adherents, which each group able to create illness and bad fortune in the lives of the individuals being tested. Within this context, the scripture affirms that its adherents will be defended in the cosmic realm by spiritual beings who will do battle on their behalves with the forces of evil.[32]

Tang Dynasty (618–907)

During the Tang dynasty, the furious pace of religio-philosophical innovation slowed somewhat. However, this reduction in development was offset by an improvement in socio-political status. Specifically, this period saw Daoism gain official status as an imperially-sanctioned religion, to the extent that the Tang emperors claimed Laozi as their relative.[33] However, this new-found legitimacy also meant that it was forced to compete with Confucianism and Buddhism, its major rivals, for patronage and rank. As an indication of this shared status, one need only note Emperor Xuanzong (685–762) commentaries on texts from all three of traditions, which exemplifies the fact that in many people's lives they were not mutually exclusive. The publication of these disquisitions marked the beginning of a long-lived tendency within imperial China, in which the government supported (and simultaneously regulated) all three movements.[34]

As an additional element of the "imperialization" of the Daoist tradition was the inclusion of the Dao De Jing on the list of classics (jing, 經) that were to be studied for the imperial examinations (examinations that determined whether one would be permitted to serve in the imperial bureaucracy).[35] Likewise, during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (mentioned above), the Liezi was explictly designated a Daoist classic, completing a trilogy with the more famous Dao De Jing and Zhuangzi. To commemorate this, it was honorifically entitled the Chongxu zhenjing (沖虛真經; "True Classic of Simplicity and Vacuity", a title that has also been translated "The Classic of Perfect Emptiness").

Song Dynasty (960–1279)

Continuing the trend of imperial sanction mentioned above, several Song emperors, most notably Emperor Huizong (1082–1135), were active in promoting Daoism, by collecting Daoist texts, publishing editions of the Daozang, and occasionally writing commentaries on the texts themselves.[36] This era also saw a rise in imperial intercession with respect to local cults, which were, to a certain extent, coming to be identified as part of the Daoist religion. In fact, this imperial jurisdiction was seen as sufficiently powerful to justify "tear[ing down] ... temples not listed in the register of sacrifices.”[37]

In general, the Song Dynasty saw an increasingly complex interaction between the elite traditions of organised Daoism as practised by ordained Daoist ministers (daoshi), the local traditions of folk religion as practised by spirit mediums (wu), and a class of non-ordained ritual experts known as fashi.[38] This interaction manifested itself in the integration of 'converted' local deities into the bureaucratically-organized Daoist pantheon and the emergence of new exorcistic rituals, including the Celestial Heart Rites and the Thunder Rites.[39] Describing this process, which had been ongoing since the Six Dynasties period, Richard von Glahn notes:

No longer ordained priests ministering to a sectarian congregation, these "officers of the Way" (daoshi) were forced to compete with the gods and spirit mediums of "vulgar" religion for popular allegiance. Consequently, many priests added formerly proscribed practices like divination and spirit possession to their liturgical repertoire, while still asserting their unique access to the true gods.[40]

Another significant development for religious Daoism was the founding of the Quanzhen school in the 12th century CE. Their founder, Wang Chongyang (1113-1170), an asectic who claimed to have received his revelation from the famed immortal Lu Dongbin, created a monastic school that stressed personal cultivation and social action. Kohn notes, "the teaching of Complete Perfection [Quanzhen] is a mixture of Confucian formality, simple asceticism, Buddhist monachism, and Taoist inner alchemy. Due to ample imperial sponsorship, the school continued to flourish and, by the fourteenth century, had assimilated the numerous Taoist schools that had sprung up around the same time."[41] Some scholars also note that the school's charitable involvement in public affairs (as clergy for popular worship) was key to allowing Chinese culture to survive the Mongol invasion of Northern China.[42]

As an aside, it should be noted that the Quanzhen and Celestial Masters schools are the only two sects of religious Daoism that have survived to the present day.[43]

Yuan Dynasty (1279–1367)

White Cloud Monastery, Beijing

While Daoism suffered a significant setback in 1281 when all copies of the Daozang (the Daoist canon) were ordered burned, this holocaust gave Daoism a chance to renew itself.[44] For example, the traditional stress on external alchemy (using potions and elixirs to confer long life) was eschewed in favor of neidan, a form of internal alchemy, which became a major emphasis of the Quanzhen sect (described above). One of its leaders, Qiu Chuji became a teacher of Genghis Khan (and used his influence to save millions of lives). Originally from Shanxi and Shandong, the sect established its main center in Beijing's Baiyunguan ("White Cloud Monastery").[45]

Despite the undeniable importance of Quanzhen at the beginning of the dynasty, the Celestial Masters sect (and Buddhism) again gained preeminence by the middle of the fourteenth century.[46]

Ming Dynasty (1368–1644)

Following the example of the Tang and Song emperors, some leaders of the Ming also favored Daoism. Most notably, the profoundly ecumenical emperor Zhu Di, in 1406, commanded that all Daoist texts be collected and combined into a new version of the Daozang. Taking nearly forty years to edit, recopy and compile, the text was finally finished in 1447.[47] This encyclopedic collection of over five thousand volumes was (and is still) considered the definitive Daoist canon.

Qing Dynasty (1644–1912)

The ruin of the Ming dynasty and the subsequent establishment of the Qing dynasty by the non-Chinese Manchus was blamed by some literati (Confucians) on religion – specifically Daoism. Thus, they sought to reform the state by advocating a return to Confucian orthodoxy in a movement called Hanxue, or 'National Studies.' This initiative returned the Confucian classics to favor and completely rejected Daoism. This trend reached its apex during the eighteenth century, when the imperial library was expunged of virtually all Daoist books.[48] By the beginning of the twentieth century, Daoism had fallen from favor to such an extent that the only one complete copy of the Daozang remained at the White Cloud Monastery in Beijing.[49] However, given the rapprochement that had occurred between the Daoist clergy and folk religion (from the Han dynasty onwards), the religious components of the tradition remained a relevant component of popular worship.

The Modern Period

China under the Nationalists (1912–1949)

The leaders of the Guomindang (China Nationalist Party) embraced science, modernity, and Western culture, including (to some extent) Christianity. Viewing the popular religion as reactionary and parasitic, they confiscated some temples for public buildings, and otherwise attempted to control traditional religious activity.[50]

People's Republic of China (1949–present)

The Communist Party of China, officially atheistic, initially suppressed Daoism along with other religions. During the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, many Daoist temples and sites were damaged or destroyed, and monks and priests were sent to labor camps.[51]

Persecution of Daoists stopped in 1979, and many Daoists began reviving their traditions.[52] Subsequently, communist leaders have recognised Daoism as an important traditional religion of China and also as a potentially lucrative focus for tourism, so many of the more scenic temples and monasteries have been repaired and reopened.[53]

Daoism is one of five religions recognised by the PRC, which, like the imperial bureaucracy of old, insists on controlling its activities through state power (as manifested in the China Daoist Association).[54] Sensitive areas include the relationship of the Zhengyi Daoists with their sect's lineage-holder, who lives in Taiwan, and various traditional temple activities such as astrology and shamanism that have been criticized as "superstitious".[55]

Adherents

The number of Daoists is difficult to estimate, partly for definitional reasons (who counts as a Daoist?), and partly for practical ones (it is illegal for private parties to conduct surveys in China). The number of people practicing some aspect of the Chinese folk religion might number in the hundreds of millions. (Adherents.com estimates "Traditional Chinese religion" at nearly four hundred million). The number of people patronising Daoshi (Daoist priests or masters) would be smaller by several orders of magnitude, while the number of literary Daojia would be smaller yet. At the same time, most Chinese people and many others have been influenced in some way by Daoist tradition.

Geographically, Daoism flourishes best in regions populated by Chinese people: inland China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, and various Chinese diaspora communities. Daoist literature and art has influenced the cultures of Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, and these countries' folk religions have many common elements. Organized Daoism seems not to have attracted a non-Chinese following until modern times.

Beliefs

A Daoist Temple in Taiwan. The religious practice of incense burning as well as images of the Fu Dog and Dragon guardian spirits can be seen.

Daoism has never been a unified religion and has always consisted of different teachings based on many different original revelations. Therefore different branches of Daoism often have very different beliefs. Nevertheless, there are certain core beliefs that all the schools share.[56]

Beyond the Chinese folk religion, various rituals, exercises, or substances are said to positively affect one's physical health (even to the point of immortality); align oneself spiritually with cosmic forces; or enable ecstatic spiritual journeys. These concepts seem basic to Daoism in its elite forms.

The philosophical aspect of Daoism emphasizes various themes found in the Dao De Jing such as natureness, vitality, peace, "nonaction" (wu wei), emptiness (refinement), detachment, the strength of softness (or flexibility), and in Zhuang Zi such as receptiveness, spontaneity, the relativism of human ways of life, ways of speaking and guiding behavior. Most philosophical debate concerns dao—what way we should follow, but really, Daoists more directly question what dao is, how or if we can know it and emphasize more than other schools the ways social daos depend on and presuppose natural daos. Their more detached discussion and their reluctance to formulate or advocate a social dao of their own means their discussions tend to be more playful and paradoxical than dogmatic. This makes their tone strikingly different from Confucian and Mohist texts.

Daoist commentators have been puzzled by the opening lines of the Dao De Jing, which has usually been translated:

The way which can be way-ed (followed), is not the eternal Way.

The name which can be named, is not the eternal Name.

The original words are

道可道,非常道。 (dao (ways) can be way-ed, not usual ways)

名可名,非常名。 (names can be named, not usual names))

In Chinese, "道" or "Dao" is used both as a noun and verb. 'Way' works well for the noun, but the translation for the verb "to speak" seems unmatched in meaning, unless we think in terms of "to advocate, to preach, to formulate etc." Notice in the second line, the noun and verb use of '名' seem closer in meaning, "names" and "to name". Concretely, a road is a dao—a guide for where to go or how to get where we want to go. However, daos can be marked in other ways—e.g. simply by pointing or putting signs "along the way" etc. Daoists are intrigued both by how daos are made by our walking (wearing a path) and by how we can read what way to go from natural signals (animal paths). The verb probably would be something like pointing, marking, setting an example or otherwise signaling which way to go.

It should also be noted that while the above has become a standard translation, scholars have noted it is grammatically and conceptually problematic. Grammatically, it has no article so could be read "a/any dao can be dao-ed, (but) this is not the constant dao-ing. A name can be named, (but) this is not the constant naming". Conceptually, the character for "constant"(常) is used philosophically to describe a dao that does not need to change in different times or societies and reliably guides behavior. Laozi later describes a dao as "reversing" and the texts emphasises opposites, i.e.: high and low, hard and soft, etc. The Mawangdui version of the text contains similar passages, vide: ch.1, 3, 40).

Thus, any terms we use to advocate a dao can be reversed and still guide behavior. The other term in the title (which, compounded with 'dao', formed the Chinese term for 'ethics') is 'de.'. It is "the dao within" which may comprise the capacity we have to learn a way of life and the result of learning/practicing it. De should interpret the learned "way of life" into a correct pattern of behavior—hence its usual translation as "virtue" or "excellence." Other terms were later integrated into philosophical Daoism including yin and yang (closely related to Dialectical monism) and five elements (五行, wuxing) theories, and the concept of qi. Originally belonging to rival philosophical schools, these themes entered Daoism by way of Han Confucianism which focused on cosmic cycles and portents to guide the ruler's deportment dress, and so forth. They blend into Daoism as examples of "natural" dao with which any viable human dao must harmonise.

The way which can be uttered, is not the eternal Way.

While academic deconstructions of this phrase result in much confusion, there is also a much simpler interpretation by metaphor: The Way is like dancing. You can talk about dancing, but your talk about dancing isn't the dance itself. Nor does your description really teach someone else how to dance unless they figure out how to apply it for themselves. No matter how complicated the description (words, sketches even video) it always lacks the entirety of what is.

This interpretation shares Korzybski's observation that "the map is not the territory".

Deities

Traditional Chinese religion is determinedly polytheistic. Its deities are arranged into a heavenly civil service that mirrors the bureaucracy of imperial China. Deities may be promoted or demoted. Many are said to have once been virtuous humans. The particular deities worshipped vary somewhat according to geography, and much more according to historical period (though the general pattern of worship is more constant).[57]

There is also something of a disconnection between the set of gods which currently receive popular worship, and those which are the focus of elite Daoist texts and rituals. For example, the Jade Emperor is at the head of the popular pantheon, while the Celestial Masters' altar recognizes the deified Laozi (Laojun, "Lord Lao") and the Three Pure Ones in that position.[58][59] Some texts explain that Laozi has sponsored the apotheosis of various other gods.

In some Daoist systems, Hong-jun lao-zu (鸿钧老祖 or 鸿元老祖, the great primal originator) is the common ancester/teacher of all the deities.

While a number of immortals or other mysterious figures appear in the Zhuangzi, and to a lesser extent in the Dao De Jing (e.g., the "mysterious female" in chapter 6), these have generally not become the objects of cultic worship. We must not confuse Dao with the western concept of monotheism. The Dao is not personal, nor is it an unchanging spiritual entity similar to the Hindu Atman. The Chinese word Dao can mean a process or a path, but not an entity. It is only to be followed, not to be worshipped. Dao merely means the natural way of the universe. Being one with the Dao does not indicate a union with an eternal spirit in the Hindu sense, but merely live with the change and accept the way of nature; that of impermanence and flexibility. Early texts describe Dao not as equal to "the One", but as a principle underlying both the One and the Many. One revealing phrase used to describe it is huntun (roughly, "chaotic mixture"). In the wake of Wang Bi, philosophical Daoists have tended to describe it as "nothingness", which is the origin of "being." (Cf. the apophatic tendencies of theism, including negative theology.)

Practices

Detail of circa 1700 painting of a Daoist ritual for the dead, illustrating a scene from The Plum in the Golden Vase. Note the plaques at the back of the altar of the Three Purities, and the various ritual implements including incense burner and ritual sword on the right. (According to the novel the sword is engraved with the seven stars of the big dipper.) Bowls hold food offerings for the deceased woman, Li Ping'er.

Nearly all forms of Chinese traditional religion involve baibai (拜拜)—bowing towards an altar, with a stick of incense in one's hand. (Some schools prescribe the use of three sticks of incense in the hand at one time.[60] ) This may be done at home, or in a temple, or outdoors; by an ordinary person, or a professional (such as a Daoshi 道士); and the altar may feature any number of deities or ancestral tablets. Baibai is usually done in accordance with certain dates of the lunar/solar calendar (see Chinese calendar).

At certain dates, food may be set out as a sacrifice to the gods and/or spirits of the departed. (See, for example, Qingming Festival.) This may include slaughtered pigs and ducks, or fruit. Another form of sacrifice involves the burning of Hell Bank Notes, on the assumption that images thus consumed by the fire will reappear—not as a mere image, but as the actual item—in the spirit world, and be available for the departed spirit to use.

Also at certain dates, street parades take place. These are lively affairs which invariably involve firecrackers and flower-covered floats broadcasting traditional music. Street parades may also include lion dances and dragon dances; human-occupied puppets (often of the "Seventh Lord" and "Eighth Lord"); jitong (乩童 male "Mediums") who mutilate their skin with knives; Bajiajiang, which are gongfu-practicing honor guards in demonic makeup; and palanquins carrying god-images. The various participants are not considered performers, but rather possessed by the god in question.[61]

Fortune-telling—including astrology, Yi Qing (I Ching), and other forms of divination—has long been considered a traditional Daoist pursuit.[62] Mediumship is also widely encountered. We may distinguish between martial forms of mediumship (like the aforementioned jitong) and more literary forms in which the possessed medium communicates messages from the spirit world by writing them with a special utensil (such as use of the "planchette").[63]

Isabelle Robinet's book Daoist Meditation describes various practices given in the Maoshan texts. These include controlling bodily fluids such as urine, saliva, and the breath; visualisation practices in which various internal organs are imaginarily linked with corresponding gods and/or celestial bodies (e.g. the stars of the bei tou, the "Big Dipper"); and heavenly journeys via the Great Pole, which is reached by a limping shamanic dance called the "Step of Wu".

Daoist charm from Tien Hau Temple in San Francisco.

Many Daoists also participated in the reading and writing of books. Daoists of this type tend to be civil servants, elderly retirees, or in modern times, university faculty. While there is considerable overlap with religious Daoism, there are often important divergences in interpretation. Wang Bi, one of the most influential philosophical commentators on the Laozi (and Yijing) was in fact a Confucian.[64]

For many educated Chinese people (the Literati), life was divided into a social aspect, where Confucian doctrine prevailed, and a private aspect, with Daoist aspirations. Night-time, exile, or retirement provided the opportunity to cultivate Daoism and reread Laozi and Zhuangzi. The Literati often dedicated this period of life to arts such as calligraphy, painting, and poetry, or personal researches into antiquities, medicine, folklore, and so on.

A number of martial arts traditions, particularly T'ai Chi Ch'uan, Bagua Zhang, and Xing Yi Quan, embody Daoist principles to a greater or lesser extent, and some practitioners consider their art to be a means of practicing Daoism.[65] The accuracy of these claims varies greatly depending on the particular art and/or practitioner.

Scriptures

Daoist Priest in Macau, February 2006

The Daozang (道藏, Treasury of Dao) is sometimes referred to as the "Daoist canon." While it had been compiled during the Jin, Tang, and Song dynasties, the version that survives today is the one published during the Ming dynasty.[66][67]The Ming Daozang includes almost 1500 texts.[68] Following the example of the Buddhist Tripitaka, it is divided into three dong 洞 ("caves", often translated "grottoes"), arranged here from highest to lowest:

  1. The Zhen ("real" or "truth") grotto. Includes the Shangqing texts.
  2. The Xuan ("mystery") grotto. Includes the Lingbao scriptures.
  3. The Shen ("divine") grotto. Includes texts predating the Maoshan revelations.[69][70]

The Dao De Jing, written around the 4th century B.C.E., is widely considered to be the most influential Daoist text.[71] The Dao De Jing constitutes an appendix (fu) to the first grotto. Other appendices include the Taipingjing ("Scripture of Great Peace") as well as various alchemical texts, and scriptures from the Celestial Masters tradition.

However, Daoism is not a religion which regards the entire scripture as the primary source of truth. Daoshi generally do not consult published versions of the Daozang, but use individual texts that may be included in the Daozang. These texts have been passed down for generations from teacher to student.[72] The receipt of permission to do the ritual is considered more important than knowledge of the texts' contents.

The Shangqing school does have a tradition of approaching Daoism through scriptural study, with recitation of certain texts was often enough for an adherent to gain immortality.[73]

Some Chinese movements emphasise newly-revealed scriptures. In Taiwan, one often finds Buddhist texts being chanted in Daoist temples.

Daoist symbols and images

Taijitu

There are many Symbols and Images that are associated with Daoism. Like in Christianity the "cross", and in Buddhism the "wheel", Daoism has Laozi, actual Chinese characters, and many other symbols that are often represented or associated with it.

The Taijitu ("yin and yang") symbol 太極圖 as well as the Bagua 八卦 ("Eight Trigrams") are associated with Daoist symbolism.[74] While almost all Daoist organisations make use of the yin and yang symbol, one could also call it Confucian, Neo-Confucian or pan-Chinese. The yin and yang make a backwards "S" shape, with yang (white or red) on top. One is likely to see this symbol as decorations on Daoist organisation flags and logos, temple floors, or stitched into clerical robes. According to Song Dynasty sources, it originated around the 10th century.[75] Previously, yin and yang were symbolized by a tiger and dragon.[76]

The five directions as conceived by the ancient Chinese (east, south, west, north, center) each have their own attributes, as follows in the chart below.[77]

Direction Element / Phase Animal Force
East Wood Azure Dragon Yang
South Fire Vermilion Bird Yang
West Metal White Tiger Yin
North Water Dark Warrior Yin
Center Earth none Neutral


Daoist temples may fly square or triangular flags. They typically feature mystical writing or diagrams and are intended to fulfill various functions including providing guidance for the spirits of the dead, to bring good fortune, increase life span, etc.[78] Other flags and banners may be those of the gods or immortals themselves.[79]

Paper lanterns outside of Daoist Benevolence Temple (Cíhuì Gōng) in Banqiao, Taipei.

One sometimes sees a zigzag with seven stars, representing the Big Dipper (or the "Bushel", the Chinese equivalent). In the Shang dynasty the Big Dipper was considered a deity, while during the Han dynasty, it was considered a qi path of the circumpolar god, Taiyi.[80]

Daoist temples in southern China and Taiwan may often be identified by their roofs, which feature Chinese dragons and phoenixes made from multi-colored ceramic tiles. They also stand for the harmony of yin and yang (with the phoenix being yin). A related symbol is the flaming pearl which may be seen on such roofs between two dragons, as well as on the hairpin of a Celestial Master.[81] But in general, Chinese Daoist architecture has no universal features that distinguish it particularly from other structures.[82]

Cultural Relevance

Relations with other religions and philosophies

The origins of Daoism and other philosophical schools are intimately related. The authorship of the Daodejing is assigned to Laozi, traditionally thought to be a teacher of Confucius, yet appears to be reacting against Confucian doctrine (suggesting the text comes after Confucianism). Zhuangzi (Chuang Tzu), the other defining philosopher of Daoism, reacted both to the Confucian-Mohist ethical disputes and to related developments in theory of names (language). There is little evidence of a link between Laozi and Zhuangzi—whose most frequent interactions are with Hui Shi (of the school of names). However, the chapters of the Zhuangzi written after his death include dialogues between Laozi and Confucius that mimic (or inspire?) the style of the Daodejing, suggesting the first association of the two texts dates from around that time. The "history of thought" contained in the Zhuangzi cites Laozi as a prior step (and demotes Hui Shi to a postscript). It includes the Mohists by name and the Confucians by implication and a cluster of other less well known thinkers.

The terms Dao and De (virtue/excellence) are shared terms of debate in this period. Most of the texts of ancient Chinese philosophy argued for some dao or other and advocated cultivating de in that favored dao. While dao was initially ethical-social norms, it quickly broadened to include the norms of language use and of claiming or attributing knowledge. This broadening dialectic about dao is what warrants describing the views of Laozi and Zhuangzi as Daoism. Daoism represents the view that the norms for language, knowledge, ethics and society are grounded in and continuous with natural norms. So any discussion of dao and de involves us in reflections on the nature of human society and its place in the universe as a whole.

These early Daoist texts reject numerous basic assumptions of Confucianism, embracing instead values based on nature, perspectivalism, and spontaneity. They express skepticism of conventional moralities and Mozi's Utilitarian or Mencius' benevolence based revisions. Since politics was conceived by these traditional schools as a scheme for unifying all "under the Heaven" in their favored dao, Daoists tend toward anarchism, mistrustful of hierarchical social structures and particularly, governments. (Zhuangzi argues that the proponents of benevolence and morality are usually found at the gates of feudal lords who have stolen their kingdoms.) Although philosophical Daoist appear to be anarchist, it is clearly an over statement. Mitigated Anarchism would better categorise the philosophical Daoists, they tend to believe in the idea that the government should act in a 'non acting' or 'wu wei' manner. This means that they should only act when necessary and their actions should not be felt directly by the people, nor should they be visible to the people. Chapters 57-81 of the Dao De Ching all deal with government, ruling, and appeasing the people.

Daoist thought partly inspired Legalist philosophers, whose theories were used by Qin Shi Huang, founder of the Chinese Empire. The junction point can be found in the work of Han Fei Zi, a prominent Legalist thinker who commented on the Dao De Jing. Han Feizi used some chapters of the book to justify a structured society based on law and punishment and on the undiscussed power of the Emperor.

The entry of Buddhism into China was via its dialectic with later Daoism which transformed them both. Over the centuries of Chinese interactions, Buddhism gradually found itself transformed from a competitor of Daoism, to a fellow inhabitant of the Chinese cultural ecosystem.[83] Originally seen as a kind of foreign Daoism, its scriptures were translated into Chinese with Daoist vocabulary. Chan Buddhism in particular is inspired by crucial elements of philosophical Daoism, ranging from distrust of scripture, text and language to its more positive view of "this life", practice, skill and the absorption in "every-moment". In the Tang period Daoism incorporated such Buddhist elements as monasteries, vegetarianism, prohibition of alcohol, the celibacy of the clergy, the doctrine of emptiness, and the amassing of a vast collection of scripture into tripartite organisation.[84]

Ideological and political rivals in ancient times, Daoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism have inevitably deeply influenced one another, and eventually achieved a kind of modus vivendi in which each has its own particular ecological niche within Chinese society. With time, most Chinese people likewise came to identify to some extent with all three traditions simultaneously. This became institutionalised by the time of the Song Dynasty, when aspects of the three schools were consciously synthesised in the Neo-Confucian school, which eventually became Imperial orthodoxy for state bureaucratic purposes.

The Vinegar Tasters (sometimes called Three Vinegar Tasters) is a popular painting (usually in scroll format) that explained Daoist ideals in relation to the Neo-Confucian school which began in the 10th century and gained prominence in the 12th century. The image depicts Laozi together with The Buddha, and Confucius. In these paintings the three are gathered around a vat of vinegar and the motto associated with the grouping is "the three teachings are one." (However, see The Vinegar Tasters for an alternate interpretation.)

In spreading Catholic Christianity to China, Jesuit Matteo Ricci sought to ally the Church with Confucianism. In so doing the Jesuits encouraged the view that China lacked a high religion of its own (since Confucianism was not regarded as such). Until well into the twentieth century, Christians have tended to view religious Daoism as a hodgepodge of primitive superstitions, or even as a form of demonolatry due to insufficient understanding.

In the last century or so, Daoism (along with Confucianism and Buddhism) has become incorporated into the theology of the Way of Former Heaven sects, notably Yiguandao. The same could be said with respect to Vietnam's religion of Caodaism.

Western New Agers have embraced some aspects of Daoism: the name and concept of Dao, the names and concepts of yin and yang; an appreciation for Laozi and Zhuangzi, and a respect for other aspects of Chinese tradition such as qigong. At the same time, Western appropriations differ in subtle (or not so subtle) ways from their Asian sources. For example, the word Dao is used in numerous book titles which are connected to Chinese culture only tangentially. Examples would include Fritjof Capra's The Tao of Physics, or Benjamin Hoff's The Tao of Pooh.

Daoism has also been a resource for those in environmental philosophy, who see the non-anthropocentric nature of Daoism as a guide for new ways of thinking about nature and environmental ethics. Some consider Daoism to fit naturally with the radical environmental philosophy of deep ecology. Daoism and Ecology: Ways Within A Cosmic Landscape edited by N. J. Girardot, James Miller, and Liu Xiaogan is currently the most thorough introduction to studies done on concepts of nature and ecology within Daoism.

See also

  • Taoic religion
  • Western interpretations of Taoism
  • Eastern philosophy
  • Anarchism
  • Mitigated Anarchism
  • List of Taoists
  • T'ai Chi Ch'uan
  • Tao Yin
  • Taoist diet
  • Yingtan
  • Korean Taoism
  • Taoism in Vietnam
  • Daoism-Taoism Romanization issue
  • Taoist Doctrine
  • Taoist places of worship

Notes

  1. Miller (2003), p. ix.
  2. Kohn (2000), p. XI.
  3. Kohn (2000), p. XXIX.
  4. For example, dualistic oppositions between philosophy and religion, or between secular and sacred. Robinet (1997) actually suggests that those who overemphasize such distinctions tend to be less familiar with Daoism as a whole (3).
  5. In fact, Xunzi, in his philosophical output, listed them as members of different schools! (Graham, 170).
  6. See Fitzgerald for an overview of the socio-historical conditions of the Warring States/Hundred Schools of Philosophy period (75-104).
  7. See Kohn, 1998; Graham, 1989; Fowler, 2005.
  8. Chan 1963; Graham 1989; Fowler 2005.
  9. See Liu (1991) for a discussion of Zhuangzi's practical philosophy and Watson's translation for a clear and accessible introduction to his thought (1996).
  10. Graham, 170-171.
  11. See the main article, Liezi, for a detailed overview of this text.
  12. Kohn (2004b), 244.
  13. See Peerenboom, 227, 260, 264.
  14. This practice explains why the Celestial Masters school is often colloquially referred to as the "Five Pecks of Rice" movement.
  15. Fitzgerald, 266.
  16. Robinet (1997), p. 50.
  17. Robinet (1997), p. 54-55.
  18. Wright, 26.
  19. Robinet (1997), p. 6
  20. http://www.iep.utm.edu/w/wangbi.htm
  21. Guo Xiang, quoted in Kohn(2004b), 246.
  22. Robinet (1997), p. 78.
  23. See Sailey, 1978; Robinet, 1997.
  24. Wright, 36.
  25. Kohn (1993), 71-76.
  26. Robinet (1997), p. 153. von Glahn, 71-72.
  27. von Glahn, 69-70.
  28. Robinet (1997), p. 116-117.
  29. DeBary & Bloom (1999), p. 406.
  30. von Glahn, 74.
  31. DeBary & Bloom, (1999), p. 409.
  32. von Glahn, 74-75.
  33. Robinet (1997), p. 184.
  34. Robinet (1997), p. 186.
  35. Robinet (1997), p. 185.
  36. Robinet (1997), p. 213.
  37. Hansen, 85.
  38. Kohn (2000), p. 415.
  39. Kohn (2000), p. 416-418, 423
  40. von Glahn, 70.
  41. Kohn (1993), 86.
  42. Goossaert, 111-113.
  43. Kohn (2000), p. 567.
  44. Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 30.
  45. Robinet (1997), p. 223-224.
  46. Schipper (1993), p. 15.
  47. Schipper and Verellen (2004), p. 1-2.
  48. Schipper (1993), p. 19.
  49. Schipper (1993), p. 220.
  50. Schipper (1993), p. 18.
  51. Dean (1993), p. 41.
  52. Dean (1993), p. 41.
  53. Luo, 118.
  54. Noia 64 mimetypes pdf.pngPDF An address given to the Delegation EU-China of the European Parliament.
  55. Report from The Oslo Coalition "Visit to China". For a detailed account of the Chinese government's official position on Daoism (and religion in general), see Luo's Religion under Socialism in China.
  56. Robinet (1997), p. 1.
  57. Maspero (1981), p. 92.
  58. Maspero (1981), p. 88.
  59. Robinet (1997), p. 63.
  60. Silvers (2005), p. 74
  61. Schipper (1993), p. 28-29.
  62. Silvers (2005), p. 129-132.
  63. Silvers (2005), p. 132. Discussing planchette
  64. Schipper (1993), p. 192.
  65. Silvers (2005), pp. 135-137
  66. Schipper & Verellen (2004), p. 1.
  67. Schipper & Verellen (2004), p. 30.
  68. Schipper & Verellen (2004), p. 36.
  69. Schipper & Verellen (2004), p. 15.
  70. Litte (2000), p. 46
  71. Miller (2003), p. ix
  72. Schipper & Verellen (2004), p. 44.
  73. Robinet (1997), p. 132.
  74. Little (2000), pp. 131-139
  75. Little (2000), p. 131
  76. Little (2000), p. 131
  77. Little (2000), p. 129
  78. Kohn (2004a), p. 116. (Translating a monastic rule.)
  79. Kohn (2004a), p. 119
  80. Little (2000), p. 128
  81. Schipper (1993), p. 21.
  82. Little (2000), p. 74
  83. Maspero (1981), p. 46.
  84. Maspero (1981), p. 50-51.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Chan, Wing-tsit. A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963. ISBN 0691019649.
  • Dean, Kenneth. Taoist Ritual and Popular Cults of Southeast China. Princeton: Princeton University, 1993. ISBN 0691044732.
  • Fitzgerald, C. P. China: A Short Cultural History. London: The Cresset Library, 1986. ISBN 0-09-168751-9.
  • Fowler, Jeaneane. An Introduction to the Philosophy and Religion of Taoism. Portland, O.R.: Sussex Academic Press, 2005. ISBN 1845190858.
  • Goossaert, Vincent. "The Invention of an Order: Collective Identity in Thirteenth Century Quanzhen Taoism." Journal of Chinese Religions 29.1 (Fall 2001). 111-138.
  • Graham, A.C. Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1993. ISBN 0-8126-9087-7.
  • Graham, A.C. (translator). Chuang-tzu: The Inner Chapters. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2001. ISBN 0-87220-581-9
  • Hansen, Valerie. Changing Gods in Medieval China, 1127-1276. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990. ISBN 0691055599.
  • Jordan, David K. Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: The Folk Religion of a Taiwanese Village Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972. ISBN 0520019628.
  • Kaltenmark, Max. Lao Tzu and Taoism. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969 [original French 1965]. ISBN 0804706891.
  • Knauer, Elfried R. "The Queen Mother of the West: A Study of the Influence of Western Prototypes on the Iconography of the Taoist Deity" in Contact and Exchange in the Ancient World. Ed. Victor H. Mair. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. 2006 Pp. 62-115. ISBN 978-0-8248-2884-4; ISBN 0-8248-2884-4
  • Kohn, Livia. The Taoist Experience: An Anthology (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993). ISBN 0791415805.
  • Kohn, Livia. “The Lao-tzu Myth” in Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching. Edited by Livia Kohn and Michael LaFargue. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1998. ISBN 0791436004.
  • Kohn, Livia, ed. Daoism Handbook. Leiden: Brill, 2000. ISBN 0391042378.
  • Kohn, Livia. The Daoist Monastic Manual: A Translation of the Fengdao Kejie New York: Oxford University Press, 2004a. ISBN 0195170709.
  • Kohn, Livia. "Tao,World, and Mind: Mystical Adaptations of the Taoist Classics" in Mysticism and Sacred Scripture. London: Oxford University Press, 2004b. ISBN 0195097033.
  • Lau, D. C. Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching. London: Penguin Classics, 1963. ISBN 0-14-044131-X
  • Little, Stephen and Shawn Eichman, et al. Taoism and the Arts of China. Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 2000. ISBN 0-520-22784-0
  • Luo Zhufeng (editor). Religion under Socialism in China. Translated by Donald E. MacInnis and Zheng Xi'an. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharp, 1991. ISBN 0-87332-609-1.
  • Maspero, Henri.Taoism and Chinese Religion Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981. ISBN 0-87023-308-4
  • Miller, James. Daoism: A Short Introduction. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003. ISBN 1-85168-315-1
  • Ni, Hua-Ching. Tao: The Subtle Universal Law and the Integral Way of Life. SevenStar Communications, 1998. ISBN 0-937064-65-3
  • Robinet. Isabelle. Taoist Meditation: The Mao-shan Tradition of Great Purity. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1993 [original French 1989]. ISBN 0791413594.
  • Robinet, Isabelle. Taoism: Growth of a Religion. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997 [original French 1992]. ISBN 0804728399.
  • Schipper, Kristopher. The Taoist Body. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993 [original French version 1982]. ISBN 0520082249.
  • Schipper, Kristopher and Franciscus Verellen. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang. Chicago: University of Chicago, 2004. ISBN 0226738175.
  • Silvers, Brock. The Taoist Manual. Honolulu: Sacred Mountain Press, 2005. ISBN 0967794811.
  • Sivin, Nathan. Chinese Alchemy: Preliminary Studies. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1968. ISBN 0674121503.
  • Sommer, Deborah. Chinese Religion: An Anthology of Sources. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-19-508895-6
  • von Glahn, Richard. The Sinister Way: The Divine and Demonic in Chinese Religious Culture. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004. ISBN 0-520-23408-1.
  • Watson, Burton, trans. Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. ISBN 0231105959.
  • Wright, Arthur F. Buddhism in Chinese History. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1959. ISBN 0-8047-0548-8.

Further reading

  • Saso, Michael R. Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Second Edition) Pullman, Washington: Washington State University Press, 1990. ISBN 978-0-87422-054-4

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