Encyclopedia, Difference between revisions of "Marcel Mauss" - New World

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====Critique of ''The Gift''====
 
====Critique of ''The Gift''====
  
Mauss' views on the nature of gift exchange have not been without their critics. Testart (1998) for example argues that there are "free" gifts, such as passers-by giving money to beggars in e.g. a large Western city. Donor and receiver do not know each other and are unlikely to ever meet again. In this context, the donation certainly creates no obligation on the side of the beggar to reciprocate; neither the donor nor the beggar have such an expectation. Moreover, the transaction does not establish a relationship between the two, much less a mutual interdependence . In addition to that, there are different kinds of obligations: a) feelings of obligation, e.g. created by having been invited for dinner and having a feeling that one should reciprocate; b) social obligations, meaning that the social context obliges one to reciprocate, and that a failure to do so would not only affect one's relationship with the giver but also affect one's reputation in general; and c) legal obligations, as established through a legal contract. It can be argued that only the latter can actually be enforced. Mauss’s critics therefore claim that he overstated the magnitude of the obligation created by social pressures.
+
Mauss' views on the nature of [[gift exchange]] have not been without their critics. Testart (1998), for example, argued that there are "free" gifts, such as passers-by giving money to beggars in e.g. a large Western [[city]]. Donor and receiver do not know each other and are unlikely to ever meet again. In this context, the donation certainly creates no obligation on the side of the beggar to reciprocate; neither the donor nor the beggar have such an expectation. Moreover, the transaction does not establish a relationship between the two, much less a mutual interdependence.  
 +
 
 +
Additionally, there are different kinds of obligations:
 +
*feelings of obligation, e.g. created by having been invited for dinner and having a feeling that one should reciprocate;
 +
*social obligations, meaning that the social context obliges one to reciprocate, and that a failure to do so would not only affect one's relationship with the giver but also affect one's reputation in general;
 +
*legal obligations, established through a legal [[contract]].  
 +
 
 +
It can be argued that only the legal form can actually be enforced. Mauss’ critics, therefore, claim that he overstated the magnitude of the obligation created by social pressures.
  
 
===''L'Année Sociologique''===
 
===''L'Année Sociologique''===
  
As a member of Annee Sociologique, Mauss regarded himself as a sociologist and an anthropologist, as the two existed inseparable from each other in Mauss's view. At the time when British and American academia started to distinguish between sociology and anthropology, and when French term Ethnology was used in the same manner as Anthropology, Mauss refused to make the distinction between sociology, ethnology, and anthropology. He claimed that there was only one science of social facts, and that the division to different social sciences is harmful. He saw "general ethnology" as the first chapter of sociology, arguing that sociologists need to understand ethnology in order to study society in general. Mauss thus believed that one of the best ways to promote development of sociology was to train ethnologists and ethnographers, who would be equiped with knowledge of data collection. Sociology thus was the sceince to enfold other social scences - anthropology, psychology, archeology, law, history, comparative religion - which provide necessary data for it.  
+
As a member of ''L'Année Sociologique'' circle, Mauss regarded himself as a [[sociology|sociologist]] and an [[anthropology|anthropologist]], as the two existed inseparably from each other in his view. At the time when British and American academia started to distinguish between sociology and anthropology, and when the term [[ethnology]] was used in the same manner as anthropology in France, Mauss refused to make the distinction between sociology, ethnology, and anthropology.  
 +
 
 +
He claimed that there was only one science of social facts, and that the division to different [[social sciences]] was harmful. He saw "general ethnology" as the first chapter of sociology, arguing that sociologists needed to understand ethnology in order to study society in general. Mauss believed that one of the best ways to promote the development of sociology was to train ethnologists and [[ethnography|ethnographers]], who would then be equiped with knowledge of data collection. Sociology, in his view, was the science to enfold the other social scences—anthropology, [[psychology]], [[archaeology]], [[law]], [[history]], and [[comparative religion]]—which would provide the necessary data.  
  
In 1926, together with Lucien Levy-Bruhl and Paul Rivet, Mauss founded the Institut d’Ethnologie in Paris. As there was no department or discipline of "ethnography" or "anthropology" on any French university at the time, the Institute was the first organized academic body to specialize in that field. By 1940s the Institute became the leading anthropological research and training organization in France.
+
In 1926, together with Lucien Levy-Bruhl and [[Paul Rivet]], Mauss founded the Institut d’Ethnologie in Paris. As there was no department or discipline of "ethnography" or "anthropology" in any French university at the time, the Institute was the first organized academic body to specialize in that field. By the 1940s, the Institute became the leading anthropological research and training center in France.
  
 
==Legacy==
 
==Legacy==
  
While Mauss is known for several of his own works - most notably his masterpiece ''Essai sur le Don'' (The Gift]) - many of his best works were done in collaboration with members of the [[Annee Sociologique]] - [[Émile Durkheim]] (''Primitive Classification''), [[Henri Hubert]] (''General Theory of Magic'' and ''Essay on the Nature and Function of Sacrifice'', and others. Mauss used to work on several different things simultaneously, but unfortunately many of them he had never finished (on prayer, on nationalism, on the origins of money, etc.)
+
While Mauss is known for several of his own works, most notably his masterpiece ''Essai sur le Don'' (''The Gift'']), many of his best works were done in collaboration with members of the ''L'Année Sociologique'' group: [[Émile Durkheim]] (''Primitive Classification''), Henri Hubert (''General Theory of Magic'' and ''Essay on the Nature and Function of Sacrifice'', and others. Mauss tended to work on several different topics simultaneously, but unfortunately many of them he never finished (on [[prayer]], on [[nationalism]], on the origins of [[money]], etc.)
  
Like many prominent French academics, Mauss did not train a great number of students. Nonetheless, many anthropologists claim to have followed in his footsteps, most notably [[Claude Lévi-Strauss]]. Mauss’s essay ''The Gift'' became the origin of anthropological studies of [[reciprocity]]. His analysis of the [[Potlatch]] has been used by many interested in [[gift economy|gift economies]] and [[Open Source]] software, although this latter use sometimes differs from Mauss's original formulation. The book also influenced development of economic anthropology ([[Karl Polanyi]]), and methodological individualist theory ([[Frederick George Bailey]]).
+
Like many prominent French academics, Mauss did not train a great number of students. Nonetheless, many [[anthropology|anthropologists]] claimed to have followed in his footsteps, most notably [[Claude Lévi-Strauss]]. Mauss’s essay ''The Gift'' became the origin of anthropological studies of reciprocity. His analysis of the [[Potlatch]] has been used by many interested in [[gift exchange]]. His work also influenced the development of economic anthropology by those such as [[Karl Polanyi]].
  
== Bibliography ==
+
== Publications ==
  
 
* Mauss, Marcel. 1979. ''Sociology and psychology: Essays''. Routledge and K. Paul. ISBN 0710088779
 
* Mauss, Marcel. 1979. ''Sociology and psychology: Essays''. Routledge and K. Paul. ISBN 0710088779
Line 88: Line 97:
  
 
* Moebius, Stephan & Papilloud, Christian (Eds.). 2005. ''Gift – Marcel Mauss' Kulturtheorie der Gabe''. Wiesbaden: VS.
 
* Moebius, Stephan & Papilloud, Christian (Eds.). 2005. ''Gift – Marcel Mauss' Kulturtheorie der Gabe''. Wiesbaden: VS.
 +
 +
*Sedgewick, Peter (2002). ''Cultural Theory: The Key Concepts'', Routledge Key Guides Series. Routledge. ISBN 0415284260.
  
 
* Testart, A. 1998. 'Uncertainties of the 'Obligation to Reciprocate': A Critique of Mauss', In James, W. & Allen, N. J. (eds.). ''Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute''. New York: Berghahn Books.
 
* Testart, A. 1998. 'Uncertainties of the 'Obligation to Reciprocate': A Critique of Mauss', In James, W. & Allen, N. J. (eds.). ''Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute''. New York: Berghahn Books.

Revision as of 22:56, 14 August 2006


Marcel Mauss (May 10, 1872 – February 10, 1950) was a French sociologist best known for his role in elaborating on and securing the legacy of his uncle, Émile Durkheim and the journal L'Année Sociologique. His pioneering work on reciprocity and gift exchange in primitive cultures made him highly influential in anthropology.

Life

Marcel Mauss was born in 1872 in Epinal, France, into an Orthodox Jewish family. His famous uncle, Émile Durkheim influenced his interest in philosophy, and Mauss entered the University of Bordeaux where Durkheim was a philosophy professor. Mauss studied there under Alfred Espinas and Octave Hamelin. Although he never received a formal degree, in 1895 he became Agrégé de Philosophie, passing the teaching exam in philosophy.

Instead of taking the usual route of teaching at a lycée, Mauss moved to Paris and took up the study of comparative religion, particularly Sanskrit. From 1897 to 1898, he took a study trip to Oxford, England, where he met Edward Burnett Tylor, considered by many the founder of cultural anthropology. Mauss’s first publication, in 1896, marked the beginning of a prolific career that would produce several landmarks in the sociological literature.

In 1900, Mauss joined the faculty of the École Pratique des Hautes Études at the University of Paris. He took up his first important position as a chair in History of Religion and Uncivilized Peoples in 1902, succeeding the famous professor Leon Marillier. It was at this time that he began drawing more and more on ethnography, and his work began increasingly to look like what came to be called anthropology. Mauss continued to teach this course at the University of Paris until 1930, and after 1930 he taught the same course at the College de France.

Mauss had a different approach from most other scholars of his time. Unlike those who spent most of their time on theoretical knowledge, Mauss was rather practical and socially active. He was a member of the group involved with L'Année Sociologique, and through this was attracted to socialism, particularly that espoused by Jean Jaurès. Mauss was active in the events of the Dreyfus affair, supporting Émile Zola, and towards the end of the century he helped edit such left-wing papers as le Populaire, l'Humanité and le Mouvement Socialiste, the last in collaboration with Georges Sorel. As a scholar, Mauss always remained socially active, never losing sight of reality around him.

The years of World War I were absolutely devastating for Mauss. Many of his friends and colleagues died in the war, including Durkheim’s son. Durkheim died of grief shortly thereafter, and Mauss was left practically alone to continue Durkheim's work.

The postwar years proved politically difficult for Mauss. Durkheim had previously made changes to school curricula across France, and after his death a backlash against his students began. Like many other followers of Durkheim, Mauss took refuge in administration, securing Durkheim's legacy by founding institutions such as l'Institut Français de Sociologie in 1924 and l'Institut d'Ethnologie in 1926. In 1931 he took up the chair of Sociology at the College de France. He actively fought against anti-semitism and racial politics both before and after WWII. Mauss died in 1950.

Work

The most significant work of Marcel Mauss is found in two areas: his masterpiece The Gift, and his work in the L'Année Sociologique circle.

The Gift

In his classic work The Gift, Mauss argued that gifts are never "free". Rather, human history is full of examples that gifts give rise to reciprocal exchange. His famous question that drove his inquiry into the anthropology of the gift was: "What power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back?" The answer, according to Mauss, was simple: the gift is a "total social fact", imbued with "spiritual mechanisms", engaging the honor of both giver and receiver (the term "total social fact" (in French fait social total) was coined by his student, Maurice Leenhardt, (after Durkheim's social fact).

Such transactions transcend the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that according to Mauss is almost "magical". The giver does not merely give an object, but also part of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: "the objects are never completely separated from the men who exchange them." Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on part of the recipient. To not reciprocate means to lose honor and status, but the spiritual implications can be even worse. In Polynesia, failure to reciprocate means to lose mana, one's spiritual source of authority and wealth.

Mauss distinguished between three obligations:

  • giving: the necessary initial step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships;
  • receiving: for to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond;
  • and reciprocating: in order to demonstrate one's own liberality, honor and wealth.

Mauss's views on sacrifice (see Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions) also reflect this position, viewing sacrifice as a form of exchange.

An important notion in Mauss' conceptualization of gift exchange is what Gregory (1982, 1997) refered to as "inalienability". In a commodity economy there is a strong distinction between objects and persons through the notion of private property. Objects are sold, meaning that the ownership rights are fully transferred to the new owner. The object has thereby become "alienated" from its original owner. In a gift economy, however, the objects that are given are inalienated from the givers; they are "loaned rather than sold and ceded." It is the fact that the identity of the giver is invariably bound up with the object given that causes the gift to have a power that compels the recipient to reciprocate. Because gifts are inalienable they must be returned: the act of giving creates a gift-debt that has to be repaid. Gift exchange therefore leads to a mutual interdependence between giver and receiver. According to Mauss, the "free" gift that is not returned is a contradiction because it cannot create social ties.

Following the Durkheimian quest for understanding social cohesion through the concept of solidarity, Mauss' argument is that solidarity is achieved through the social bonds created by gift exchange.

Critique of The Gift

Mauss' views on the nature of gift exchange have not been without their critics. Testart (1998), for example, argued that there are "free" gifts, such as passers-by giving money to beggars in e.g. a large Western city. Donor and receiver do not know each other and are unlikely to ever meet again. In this context, the donation certainly creates no obligation on the side of the beggar to reciprocate; neither the donor nor the beggar have such an expectation. Moreover, the transaction does not establish a relationship between the two, much less a mutual interdependence.

Additionally, there are different kinds of obligations:

  • feelings of obligation, e.g. created by having been invited for dinner and having a feeling that one should reciprocate;
  • social obligations, meaning that the social context obliges one to reciprocate, and that a failure to do so would not only affect one's relationship with the giver but also affect one's reputation in general;
  • legal obligations, established through a legal contract.

It can be argued that only the legal form can actually be enforced. Mauss’ critics, therefore, claim that he overstated the magnitude of the obligation created by social pressures.

L'Année Sociologique

As a member of L'Année Sociologique circle, Mauss regarded himself as a sociologist and an anthropologist, as the two existed inseparably from each other in his view. At the time when British and American academia started to distinguish between sociology and anthropology, and when the term ethnology was used in the same manner as anthropology in France, Mauss refused to make the distinction between sociology, ethnology, and anthropology.

He claimed that there was only one science of social facts, and that the division to different social sciences was harmful. He saw "general ethnology" as the first chapter of sociology, arguing that sociologists needed to understand ethnology in order to study society in general. Mauss believed that one of the best ways to promote the development of sociology was to train ethnologists and ethnographers, who would then be equiped with knowledge of data collection. Sociology, in his view, was the science to enfold the other social scences—anthropology, psychology, archaeology, law, history, and comparative religion—which would provide the necessary data.

In 1926, together with Lucien Levy-Bruhl and Paul Rivet, Mauss founded the Institut d’Ethnologie in Paris. As there was no department or discipline of "ethnography" or "anthropology" in any French university at the time, the Institute was the first organized academic body to specialize in that field. By the 1940s, the Institute became the leading anthropological research and training center in France.

Legacy

While Mauss is known for several of his own works, most notably his masterpiece Essai sur le Don (The Gift]), many of his best works were done in collaboration with members of the L'Année Sociologique group: Émile Durkheim (Primitive Classification), Henri Hubert (General Theory of Magic and Essay on the Nature and Function of Sacrifice, and others. Mauss tended to work on several different topics simultaneously, but unfortunately many of them he never finished (on prayer, on nationalism, on the origins of money, etc.)

Like many prominent French academics, Mauss did not train a great number of students. Nonetheless, many anthropologists claimed to have followed in his footsteps, most notably Claude Lévi-Strauss. Mauss’s essay The Gift became the origin of anthropological studies of reciprocity. His analysis of the Potlatch has been used by many interested in gift exchange. His work also influenced the development of economic anthropology by those such as Karl Polanyi.

Publications

  • Mauss, Marcel. 1979. Sociology and psychology: Essays. Routledge and K. Paul. ISBN 0710088779
  • Mauss, M. 1985. (original work from 1950). Sociologie et anthropologie. PUF. ISBN 2130390897
  • Mauss, Marcel. 2000. (original work from 1925). The Gift: Forms and functions of exchange in archaic societies. (Halls, W.D., trans.). W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 039332043X
  • Mauss, Mauss. 2001. (original work from 1902). General Theory of Magic. Routledge. ISBN 0415253969
  • Mauss, Marcel. 2003. On Prayer. (Pickering, W.S.F., Ed.; Morphy, H. & Leslie, S. Trans.). Durkheim Press. ISBN 157181633X
  • Mauss, Marcel. 2006. Techniques, Technology And Civilization. ISBN 1571816623
  • Mauss, Mauss. & Durkheim Emile. 1967. (original work from 1902). Primitive Classification. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226173348
  • Mauss, Mauss & Hubert Henri. 1981. (original work from 1898). Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions. (Halls, W.D., trans.). University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226356795

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Allen, N.J., James, W. & Mauss, M. (Eds.). 1998. Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute. Berghahn Books. ISBN 1571817050
  • Fournier, Marcel. 2005. Marcel Mauss: A Biography, (Todd. J.M., Trans.). Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691117772
  • Gregory, Christopher A. 1982. Gifts and Commodities. Academic Press. ISBN 0123014603
  • Gregory, Christopher A. 1997. Savage money: The anthropology and politics of commodity exchange. Routledge. ISBN 9057020920
  • Laidlaw, J. 2000. ‘A free gift makes no friends’ Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 6, 617-634.
  • Levi-Strauss, C. 1987. Introduction to the Work of Marcel Mauss. Routledge. ISBN 0415151589
  • Moebius, Stephan & Papilloud, Christian (Eds.). 2005. Gift – Marcel Mauss' Kulturtheorie der Gabe. Wiesbaden: VS.
  • Sedgewick, Peter (2002). Cultural Theory: The Key Concepts, Routledge Key Guides Series. Routledge. ISBN 0415284260.
  • Testart, A. 1998. 'Uncertainties of the 'Obligation to Reciprocate': A Critique of Mauss', In James, W. & Allen, N. J. (eds.). Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute. New York: Berghahn Books.

External Links

  • Mauss, Marcel. The Gift – PDF format of Mauss’s The Gift in English

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