Jacobin

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Jacobin Club
JacobinVignette03.jpg

Seal of the Jacobin Club (1792–1794)

SuccessorPanthéon Club
Formation1789
FounderMaximilien Robespierre[1]
Founded atVersailles, France
DissolvedTemplate:End date and age
TypeParliamentary group
Legal statusInactive
PurposeEstablishment of a Jacobin society
HeadquartersDominican convent, Rue Saint-Honoré, Paris
MethodsFrom democratic initiatives to public violence
Membership (1793)
Around 500,000[2]
Official language
French
President
Antoine Barnave (first)
Maximilien Robespierre (last)
Key people
Brissot, Robespierre, Duport, Marat, Desmoulins, Mirabeau, Danton, Billaud-Varenne, Barras, Collot d'Herbois, Saint-Just
SubsidiariesNewspapers
  • Journal de la Montagne[3]
  • L'Ami du peuple
  • Le Vieux Cordelier
    • AffiliationsAll groups in the National Convention
  • Montagnards
  • Girondins

    • The Society of the Friends of the Constitution (French: Société des amis de la Constitution), renamed the Society of the Jacobins, Friends of Freedom and Equality (Société des Jacobins, amis de la liberté et de l'égalité) after 1792 and commonly known as the Jacobin Club (Club des Jacobins) or simply the Jacobins ({{#invoke:IPAc-en|main}}{{#invoke:IPAc-en|main}}{{#invoke:IPAc-en|main}}/kəbɪn/; French pronunciation: [ʒakɔbɛ̃]), was the most influential political club during the French Revolution of 1789-1795.

    Initially founded in 1789 by anti-royalist deputies from Brittany, the club grew into a nationwide republican movement, with a membership estimated at a half million or more. The Jacobin Club was heterogeneous and included both prominent parliamentary factions of the early 1790s, The Mountain and the Girondins. By 1792–1793, the Girondins were the more prominent group, leading France when they declared war on Austria and on Prussia, overthrew King Louis XVI, and set up the French First Republic. After the king's execution and setbacks in the civil war, the leaders of the Mountain faction led by Maximilien Robespierre succeeded in sidelining the Girondin faction and controlled the government until July 1794. In October 1793, 21 prominent Girondins were guillotined. The Mountain-dominated government executed thousands of opponents nationwide, as a way to suppress the Vendée insurrection and the Federalist revolts and to deter recurrences. Their time in government featured high levels of political violence, and for this reason the period of the Jacobin/Mountain government is identified as the Reign of Terror, during which time well over 10,000 people were put on trial and executed in France, many for political crimes.

    In July 1794 the National Convention pushed the administration of Robespierre and his allies out of power and had Robespierre and 21 associates executed. In November 1794 the Jacobin Club closed.

    History

    Foundation

    When the Estates General of 1789 convened in May–June 1789 at the Palace of Versailles, the Jacobin club, originally the Club Breton, comprised exclusively a group of Breton representatives attending those Estates General. Deputies from other regions throughout France soon joined. Early members included the dominating comte de Mirabeau, Parisian deputy Abbé Sieyès, Dauphiné deputy Antoine Barnave, Jérôme Pétion, the Abbé Grégoire, Charles Lameth, Alexandre Lameth, Artois deputy Robespierre, the duc d'Aiguillon, and La Revellière-Lépeaux. At this time meetings occurred in secret, and few traces remain of what took place or where the meetings convened.

    Transfer to Paris

    By the March on Versailles in October 1789, the club, still entirely composed of deputies, reverted to becoming a provincial caucus for National Constituent Assembly deputies from Brittany. The club was re-founded in November 1789 as the Société de la Révolution, inspired in part by a letter sent from the Revolution Society of London to the Assembly congratulating the French on regaining their liberty.[4][5]

    To accommodate growing membership, the group rented the refectory of the monastery of the Jacobins in the Rue Saint-Honoré, adjacent to the seat of the Assembly. They changed their name to Société des amis de la Constitution in late January, though by this time, their enemies had already dubbed them "Jacobins," the name given to French Dominicans because their first house in Paris was in the Rue Saint-Jacques.[6]

    Growth

    The Jacobin Club was in the Rue Saint-Honoré, Paris.

    Once in Paris, the club soon extended its membership to others beyond Assembly deputies. All citizens were allowed to enter, and even foreigners were welcomed. The English writer Arthur Young joined the club in this manner on January 18, 1790. Jacobin Club meetings soon became a place for radical and rousing oratory that pushed for republicanism, widespread education, universal suffrage, separation of church and state, and other reforms.[7]

    On February 8, 1790, the society became formally constituted on this broader basis by the adoption of the rules drawn up by Barnave, which were issued with the signature of the duc d'Aiguillon, the president. The club's objectives were defined as:

    1. To discuss in advance questions to be decided by the National Assembly.
    2. To work for the establishment and strengthening of the constitution in accordance with the spirit of the preamble (that is, of respect for legally constituted authority and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen).
    3. To correspond with other societies of the same kind which should be formed in the realm.

    At the same time the rules of order of election were settled, and the constitution of the club determined. There was to be a president, elected every month, four secretaries, a treasurer, and committees elected to superintend elections and presentations, the correspondence, and the administration of the club. Any member who by word or action showed that his principles were contrary to the constitution and the rights of man was to be expelled.

    By the 7th article the club decided to admit as associates similar societies in other parts of France and to maintain with them a regular correspondence. By August 10, 1790 there were already one hundred and fifty-two affiliated clubs. The attempts at counter-revolution led to a great increase of their number in the spring of 1791, and by the close of the year the Jacobins had a network of branches all over France. At the peak there were at least 7,000 chapters throughout France, with a membership estimated at a half-million or more. It was this widespread yet highly centralized organization that gave to the Jacobin Club great power.[8]

    Character

    Seal of the Jacobin Club from 1789 to 1792, during the transition from absolutism to constitutional monarchy

    By early 1791, clubs like the Jacobins, the Club des Cordeliers and the Cercle Social were increasingly dominating French political life. Numbers of men were members of two or more of such clubs. Women were not accepted as members of the Jacobin Club (nor of most other clubs), but they were allowed to follow the discussions from the balconies. The popular Jacobin Club confined its membership to well-off men. The Jacobins claimed to speak on behalf of the patrie (nation) and the people but were themselves not members of the lower classes. [9]

    The central society in Paris was composed almost entirely of professional men (such as the lawyer Robespierre) and well-to-do bourgeoisie (like the brewer Santerre). From the start, however, other elements were also present. Besides the teenage son of the Duc d'Orléans, Louis Philippe, a future king of France, aristocrats such as the duc d'Aiguillon, the prince de Broglie, and the vicomte de Noailles, and the bourgeoisie formed the mass of the members. The club further included people like "père" Michel Gérard, a peasant proprietor from Tuel-en-Montgermont, in Brittany, whose rough common sense was admired as the oracle of popular wisdom, and whose countryman's waistcoat and plaited hair were later on to become the model for the Jacobin fashion.

    The Jacobin Club supported the monarchy up until the very eve of the republic declared September 20, 1792. They did not support the petition of July 17, 1791 for the king's dethronement, but instead published their own petition calling for replacement of king Louis XVI.[10]

    Polarization between Robespierrists and Girondins

    Late in 1791, a group of Jacobins in the Legislative Assembly advocated war with Prussia and Austria. Most prominent among them was Brissot, other members were Pierre Vergniaud, Fauchet, Maximin Isnard, Jean-Marie Roland.[11]

    Maximilien Robespierre, also a Jacobin, strongly pleaded against war with Prussia and Austria in the Jacobin Club, but not in the Assembly where he was not seated. Disdainfully, Robespierre addressed those Jacobin war promoters as "the faction from the Gironde." Some, not all of them, were indeed from department Gironde. The Assembly in April 1792 finally decided for war, thus following the 'Girondin' idea. Brissot and Robespierre were leaders of the club but the break over the war was the end of their alliance.

    Half of the club resigned to form their own Feuillants Club in July 1791. The departure of the conservative members led to a further radicalization of the Jacobin Club. After the club resignation, Brissot and Robespierre were appointed to recruit new members, but owing to Brissot's government responsibilities, he ceded this task to Robespierre, who took advantage of the opportunity to recruit members who would be loyal to him. His place among the Jacobins became much more prominent.[12]

    The Legislative Assembly, governing France from October 1791 until September 1792, was dominated by Girondins like Brissot, Isnard and Roland. But after June 1792, Girondins visited the Jacobin Club less and less, where Robespierre, their fierce opponent, grew more and more dominant.[13]

    Opposition between Montagnards and Girondins in the National Convention

    On September 21, 1792, after the fall of the monarchy the title assumed by the Jacobin Club after the promulgation of the constitution of 1791 (Société des amis de la constitution séants aux Jacobins à Paris) was changed to Société des Jacobins, amis de la liberté et de l'égalité (Society of the Jacobins, Friends of Freedom and Equality).[citation needed] In the newly elected National Convention, governing France from September 21, 1792, Maximilien Robespierre made his comeback in the center of French power.[14] Together with his 25-year-old protégé Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, Marat, Danton and other associates they took places on the left side on the highest seats of the session room: therefore that group around and led by Robespierre was called The Mountain (French: la Montagne, les Montagnards). From then on, a polarization process started among the members of the Jacobin Club, between a group around Robespierre and the Girondins. The Montagnards and the Girondins never had any official status, nor official memberships. The Mountain was not even very homogenous in their political views: what united them was their aversion to the Girondins.[15]

    While some historians prefer to identify a parliamentary group around Robespierre as Jacobins,[16][17] not all Montagnards were Jacobin and their primary enemies, the Girondins, were originally also Jacobins. By September 1792, Robespierre had become the dominant voice in the Jacobin Club.[18]

    Since late 1791, the Girondins had become opponents of Robespierre, taking their place on the right side of the session room of the Convention. By this time, they stopped visiting the Jacobin Club.

    Those parliamentary groups, Montagnards and Girondins, never had any official status, but historians estimate the Girondins in the Convention at 150 men strong, the Montagnards at 120. The remaining 480 of the 750 deputies of the Convention were called 'the Plain' (French: la Plaine) who sided with either group depending on the issue. The Girondins and Montagnards were mainly occupied with attacking each other.

    Most Ministries were manned by friends or allies of the Girondins, but while the Girondins were stronger than the Montagnards outside Paris, inside Paris the Montagnards were much more popular, with the public galleries of the Convention always loudly cheering their speeches, while jeering at Girondin speeches.[19]

    On April 6, 1793, the Convention established the Comité de salut public (Committee of Public Prosperity, also translated as Committee of Public Safety) as a sort of executive government of nine, later twelve members, always accountable to the National Convention. Initially, it counted no Girondins and only one or two Montagnards, but gradually the influence of Montagnards in the Committee grew.

    Girondins disbarred from the National Convention

    Early in April 1793, Minister of War Pache said to the National Convention that the 22 leaders of the Girondins should be banned. Later that month, the Girondin Guadet accused the Montagnard Marat of "preaching plunder and murder" and trying "to destroy the sovereignty of the people." A majority of the Convention agreed to put Marat on trial, but the court of justice quickly acquitted him. This apparent victory of the Montagnards intensified their antipathies toward the Girondins, and more proposals were made to get rid of the Girondins.

    On both May 18 and 25, 1793 the acting president of the Convention, Isnard, a Girondin, warned that the disturbances and disorder on the galleries and around the Convention would finally lead the country to anarchy and civil war, and he threatened on May 25, "If anything should befall to the representatives of the nation, I declare, in the name of France, that all of Paris will be obliterated." The next day, Robespierre said in the Jacobin Club that the people should "rise up against the corrupted deputies" in the Convention. On May 27, both Girondins and Montagnards accused the other party of propagating civil war.[20]

    On June 2, 1793 the Convention was besieged in the Tuileries Palace by a crowd of around 80,000 armed soldiers on behalf of the Montagnards. In a chaotic session a decree was adopted that day by the Convention, expelling 22 leading Girondins from the Convention, including Lanjuinais, Isnard and Fauchet.[21]

    Montagnard rule and civil war

    In July 1793, the Committee of Public Safety was formed. Maximilien Robespierre and some of his Jacobin associates gained greater power and control through the Committee. Many members of the Committee, like Robespierre, were Jacobins: Fouché, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varenne, Marat, Danton, Saint-Just.[22] Three other powerful Montagnards[23] were not known as Jacobin: Barère, Hébert and Couthon. In both the political struggle and history writing after 1793 however, the group around Robespierre dominating French politics in June 1793–July 1794 was often designated as 'Jacobins'.[24][25]

    Many of these Montagnards (and Jacobins) entered, or were already, in the de facto executive government of France, the Committee of Public Prosperity (or Public Safety): Barère was a member since April 1793[26] until at least October 1793,[27] Danton served there from April until July 1793, Couthon[28] and Saint-Just[29] had entered the Committee in May, Robespierre entered it in July,[27] Collot d'Herbois[30] in September and Billaud-Varenne[31] also around September 1793. Robespierre for his steadfast adherence to and defense of his views received the nickname and reputation of l'Incorruptible (The Incorruptible or The Unassailable).[32]

    Several deposed Girondin-Jacobin Convention deputies, among them Jean-Marie Roland, Brissot, Pétion, Louvet, Buzot and Guadet, left Paris to help organize revolts in more than 60 of the 83 departments against the politicians and Paris Commune, mainly Montagnards, that had seized power over the Republic. The government in Paris called such revolts 'federalist' although most of the revolts did not strive for regional autonomy but for a different central government.[27]

    Reign of Terror

    In October 1793, 21 former Girondin Convention deputies were sentenced to death for supporting an insurrection in Caen. In March 1794, the Montagnard Hébert and some followers were sentenced to death; in April the Montagnard Danton and 13 of his followers were sentenced to death; in both cases after insinuation by Robespierre in the Convention that those "internal enemies" were promoting "the triumph of tyranny."[33] Meanwhile, the Montagnard-dominated government resorted also to harsh measures to repress what they considered counter-revolution, conspiracy[26][27] and "enemies of freedom" in the provinces outside Paris, resulting in 17,000 death sentences between September 1793 and July 1794 in all of France.[34]

    In late June 1794, three colleagues on the Committee of Public Prosperity/Safety – Billaud-Varenne, Collot d'Herbois and Carnot – called Robespierre a dictator. On 10 Thermidor, Year II (July 28, 1794), at some time in the evening, Louis Legendre was sent out with troops to arrest leading members of the Montagnards at the Hôtel de Ville and the Jacobin Club itself where members had been gathering every Saturday evening,[35] was closed until the next day,[citation needed] Robespierre and 21 associates including the Jacobin Saint-Just and the Montagnard Couthon were sentenced to death by the National Convention and guillotined.[26]

    Probably because of the high level of repressive violence – but also to discredit Robespierre and associates as solely responsible for it[36] – historians have taken up the habit to roughly label the period June 1793–July 1794 as 'Reign of Terror'. Later and modern scholars explain that high level of repressive violence occurred at a time when France was menaced by civil war and by a coalition of foreign hostile powers, requiring the discipline of the Terror to mold France into a united Republic capable of resisting this double peril.[37]

    Closure

    Engraving "Closing of the Jacobin Club, during the night of 27–28 July 1794, or 9–10 Thermidor, year 2 of the Republic"

    In the midst of yet another attempted purge, some the deputies like Fouché fought back. Robespierre and other leading Jacobins were executed in the Thermidorian Reaction. The Jacobins became targets of Thermidorian and anti-Jacobin papers,[38] with Jacobins lamenting counterrevolutionary pamphlets "poisoning public opinion."[39] The Jacobins disavowed the support they gave Robespierre on 9 Thermidor, yet supported an unpopular return to the Terror. Meanwhile, the society's finances fell into disarray and membership dipped to 600.[40] Further, they were linked to ongoing trials of prominent members of the Terror involved in atrocities in Nantes, especially Jean-Baptiste Carrier.[41]

    Organized gangs formed, the jeunesse doree or Muscadins, who harassed and attacked Jacobin members, even assailing the Jacobin Club hall in Paris.[42] On 21 Brumaire, the Convention refused to support enforcement of protection of the club. The Committee of General Security decided to close the Jacobins' meeting hall late that night, padlocking the door at four in the morning.[43]

    The next meeting day, 22 Brumaire (November 12, 1794), without debate the National Convention passed a decree permanently closing the Jacobin Club by a nearly unanimous vote.[44][45][46][47] Jacobin clubs were closed throughout the country.[48]

    Reunion of Jacobin adherents

    An attempt to reorganize Jacobin adherents was the foundation of the Réunion d'amis de l'égalité et de la liberté, in July 1799, which had its headquarters in the Salle du Manège of the Tuileries, and was thus known as the Club du Manège. It was patronized by Barras, and some two hundred and fifty members of the two councils of the legislature were enrolled as members, including many notable ex-Jacobins. It published a newspaper called the Journal des Libres, proclaimed the apotheosis of Robespierre and Babeuf, and attacked the Directory as a royauté pentarchique. But public opinion was now preponderantly moderate or royalist, and the club was violently attacked in the press and in the streets. After the suspicions of the government were aroused, it had to change its meeting-place from the Tuileries to the church of the Jacobins (Temple of Peace) in the Rue du Bac. In August it was suppressed, after barely a month's existence. Its members avenged themselves on the Directory by supporting Napoleon Bonaparte.[49]

    Legacy

    Political influence

    Main article: Jacobin (politics)

    The Jacobin movement encouraged sentiments of patriotism and liberty amongst the populace. The movement's contemporaries, such as the King Louis XVI, located the effectiveness of the revolutionary movement not "in the force and bayonets of soldiers, guns, cannons and shells but by the marks of political power."[50] Ultimately, the Jacobins were to control several key political bodies, in particular the Committee of Public Safety and, through it, the National Convention, which was not only a legislature but also took upon itself executive and judicial functions. By their supporters, the Jacobins as a political force were seen as "less selfish, more patriotic, and more sympathetic to the Paris Populace."[51] This gave them a position of charismatic authority that was effective in generating and harnessing public pressure, generating and satisfying sans-culotte pleas for personal freedom and social progress.[citation needed]

    The Jacobin Club developed into a bureau for French republicanism and revolution, rejecting its original laissez-faire economic policy and economic liberal approach in favor of economic interventionism, including price and wage controls.[52] In power, they completed the abolition of feudalism in France that had been formally decided August 4, 1789 but had been held in check by a clause requiring compensation for the abrogation of the feudal privileges.[53]

    Robespierre entered the political arena at the very beginning of the Revolution, having been elected to represent Artois at the Estates General. Robespierre was viewed as the quintessential political force of the Jacobin Movement. As a disciple of Rousseau, Robespierre's political views were rooted in Rousseau's notion of the social contract, which promoted "the rights of man."[54] Robespierre particularly favored the rights of the broader population to eat, for example, over the rights of individual merchants. "I denounce the assassins of the people to you and you respond, "let them act as they will." In such a system, all is against society; all favors the grain merchants." Robespierre famously elaborated this conception in his speech on December 2, 1792: "What is the first goal of society? To maintain the imprescribable rights of man. What is the first of these rights? The right to exist."[55]

    The ultimate political vehicle for the Jacobin movement was the Reign of Terror overseen by the Committee of Public Safety, who were given executive powers to "purify" and unify the Republic.[56] The Committee instituted requisitioning, rationing, and conscription to consolidate new citizen armies. They instituted the Terror as a means of combating those they perceived as enemies within: Robespierre declared, "the first maxim of your policy ought to be to lead the people by reason and the people's enemies by terror."[57]

    The meeting place of the Fraternal Society of Patriots of Both Sexes was an old library room of the convent which hosted the Jacobins, and it was suggested that the Fraternal Society grew out of the regular occupants of a special gallery allotted to women at the Jacobin Club.[58]

    Left-wing politics

    The political rhetoric and populist ideas espoused by the Jacobins would lead to the development of the modern leftist movements throughout the 19th and 20th century, with Jacobinism being the political foundation of almost all leftist schools of thought including anarchism, communism and socialism.[59][60][61]The Paris Commune was seen as the revolutionary successor to the Jacobins.[62][63] The radical and populist actions of the Jacobins created a shock within the governments of Europe. Jacobin rhetoric would lead to increasing secularization and skepticism towards the governments of Europe throughout the 1800s.[64] This revolution in political, societal and cultural structure, caused in part by the Jacobins, had lasting impact throughout Europe, with such societal revolution's throughout the 1800s culminating in the Revolutions of 1848.[65][66]

    Jacobin populism and complete structural destruction of the old order led to an increasingly revolutionary spirit throughout Europe and such changes would contribute to new political foundations. For instance, Georges Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party Faisceau,[67] claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the Jacobin movement.[68] This would also lead to far-right reactionary movements to rise in response, including totalitarianism and ultra-nationalism.[citation needed] Leftist organizations would take different elements from Jacobin's core foundation. Anarchists took influence from the Jacobins use of mass movements, direct democracy and left-wing populism which would influence the tactics of direct action.[citation needed] Some Marxists would take influence from the extreme protectionism of the Jacobins and the notion of the vanguard defender of the republic which would later evolve into vanguardism.[citation needed] The Jacobin philosophy of a complete dismantling of an old system, with completely radical and new structures, is historically seen as one of the most revolutionary and important movements throughout modern history.[69][70][71]

    Cultural influence

    The cultural influence of the Jacobin movement during the French Revolution revolved around the creation of the Citizen. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's 1762 book The Social Contract was an important guide for Robespierre and the Jacobins. "Citizenship is the expression of a sublime reciprocity between individual and General will."[72] This view of citizenship and the General Will, once empowered, could simultaneously embrace the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and adopt the French Constitution of 1793, then immediately suspend that constitution and all ordinary legality and institute Revolutionary Tribunals that did not grant a presumption of innocence.[73]

    The Jacobins saw themselves as constitutionalists, dedicated to the Rights of Man and in particular, to the declaration's principle of "preservation of the natural rights of liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression" (Article II of the Declaration). The constitution reassured the protection of personal freedom and social progress within French society. The cultural influence of the Jacobin movement was effective in reinforcing these rudiments, developing a milieu for revolution. The Constitution was admired by most Jacobins as the foundation of the emerging republic and of the rise of citizenship.[74]

    The Jacobins rejected both the church and atheism. They set up new religious cults, the Cult of Reason and later Cult of the Supreme Being, to replace Catholicism.[75] They advocated deliberate government-organized religion as a substitute for both the rule of law and a replacement of mob violence as inheritors of a war that at the time of their rise to power threatened the very existence of the Revolution. Once in power, the Jacobins completed the overthrow of the Ancien Régime and successfully defended the Revolution from military defeat. They consolidated republicanism in France and contributed greatly to the secularism and the sense of nationhood that have marked all French republican regimes to this day. However, their ruthless and unjudicial methods discredited the Revolution in the eyes of many. The resulting Thermidorian Reaction shuttered all of the Jacobin clubs, removed all Jacobins from power and condemned many, well beyond the ranks of the Mountain, to death or exile.[76]

    n the British Empire Jacobin was linked primarily to The Mountain of the French Revolutionary governments and was popular among the established and entrepreneurial classes as a pejorative to deride radical left-wing revolutionary politics, especially when it exhibits dogmatism and violent repression.[77] In Britain the term faintly echoed negative connotations of Jacobitism, the pro-Catholic, monarchist, rarely insurrectional political movement that faded out decades earlier tied to deposed King James II and VII and his descendants. Jacobin reached obsolescence and supersedence before the Russian Revolution, when the terms (Radical) Marxism, Anarchism, Socialism and Communism had overtaken it. In France, Jacobin now generally leans towards moderate authoritarianism, more equal formal rights and centralization.[78] It can, similarly, denote supporters of extensive government intervention to transform society.[79] It is unabashedly used by proponents of a state education system which strongly promotes and inculcates civic values. It is more controversially, and less squarely, used by or for proponents of a strong nation-state capable of resisting undesirable foreign interference.[80]

    List of presidents of the Jacobin Club

    In the beginning every two months, later every two weeks a new president was chosen:[81]

    Electoral results

    Election year No. of
    overall votes     		% of
    overall vote     		No. of
    overall seats won     		+/– Leader
    1791[84] 774,000 (3rd) 18.3
    136 / 745
    New
    Jacques Pierre Brissot
    National Convention
    1792 907,200 (2nd) 26.7
    200 / 749
    Green Arrow Up (Darker).png 64
    Maximilien Robespierre
    Legislative Body
    1795 Did not participate Did not participate
    64 / 750
    Red Arrow Down.svg 136

    See also

    • Jacobin Club of Mysore
    • Jeanne Odo
    • Maximilien de Robespierre
    • Pierre-Antoine Antonelle

    References
    ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

    1. ↑ Jordan, David P. (2013). The Revolutionary Career of Maximilien Robespierre. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9781476725710. “[Robespierre] was always more comfortable at the Jacobin Club than standing before the National Assembly. Not only had the Jacobins been formed in his own image, but he was assured of a sympathetic hearing before his friends. Robespierre had been a member of the Jacobins from its earliest Versailles days when it began inconspicuously as a gathering of deputies from the province of Brittany, along with some other interested adherents [...]. The group did not acquire its famous nickname, the Jacobins, until it rented an abandoned Dominican monastery, in the rue Saint-Honoré in Paris, whose monks had been known as Jacobins and whose building also shared the name.” 
    2. ↑ Brinton, Crane (2011). The Jacobins: An Essay in the New History. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 9781412848107. 
    3. ↑ Journal de la Montagne. Bibliothèque nationale de France (January 1, 2021).Retrieved May 10, 2021
    4. ↑ Micah Alpaugh, "The British Origins of the French Jacobins: Radical Sociability and the Development of Political Club Networks," European History Quarterly volume 44, 2014, 594.
    5. ↑ Michael L. Kennedy, "The Foundation of the Jacobin Clubs and the Development of the Jacobin Club Network, 1789-1791," The Journal of Modern History 51(4), December 1979, 701–733.
    6. ↑ Kennedy, 701-733.
    7. ↑ "World History: The Modern Era," Worldhistory.abc-clio.com Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    8. ↑ Crane Brinton, The Jacobins: An Essay in the New History (1930; Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 2011, ISBN 978-1412818339) xix.
    9. ↑ Noah Shusterman, The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics (London, UK and New York, NY: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 978-0415660204), 95–139.
    10. ↑ Shusterman, 141–186.
    11. ↑ Shusterman, 141-186.
    12. ↑ Loomis, 186.
    13. ↑ Shusterman, 187–221.
    14. ↑ Shusterman, 187-221.
    15. ↑ Shusterman, 223–269.
    16. ↑ Charles Brockden Brown, Ormond; or The Secret Witness: with Related Texts (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 2009, ISBN 978-1603841269), 360.
    17. ↑ David Shariatmadari, "Is it time to stop using the word 'terrorist'? The Guardian January 27, 2015. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    18. ↑ Shusterman, 223-269.
    19. ↑ Shusterman, 223-269.
    20. ↑ Shusterman, 223.269.
    21. ↑ "Historic Figures: Maximilien Robespierre (1758–1794)," BBC. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    22. ↑ Norman Hampson, Saint-Just (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, Ltd., 1991, ISBN 978-0631162339), 78–79.
    23. ↑ Shusterman, 271–312.
    24. ↑ Brown, 360.
    25. ↑ Shariatmadari
    26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 26.2 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Shus-8
    27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 27.2 27.3 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Shus-7
    28. ↑ Colin Jones, The Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London, UK: Longman Publishing Group, 1990, ISBN 978-0582494176), 90-91
    29. ↑ Hampson, 111.
    30. ↑ {{#invoke:template wrapper|wrap|_template=cite encyclopedia |_exclude=display, no-icon, noicon, short, wstitle, language, lang, _debug |_reuse=chapter, title, url |_alias-map=name-list-format:name-list-style,accessdate:access-date,authorlink:author-link |editor-first=Hugh |editor-last=Chisholm |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |title=Collot d'Herbois, Jean Marie |chapter= |url= |edition=11th |date=1911 |language=en |publisher=Cambridge University Press }}
    31. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Billaud
    32. ↑ J. M. Thompson, Robespierre (New York, NY: B. Blackwell, 1988, ISBN 978-0631155041), 174.
    33. ↑ Shusterman, 313–356.
    34. ↑ "Principal Dates and Time Line of the French Revolution," marxists.org. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    35. ↑ Projet de réglement pour la Société des amis de la Constitution: séante aux Jacobins de Paris trans. Draft regulation for the Society of Friends of the Constitution: meeting at the Jacobins of Paris Paris, Fr: The French Patriot, 1791. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    36. ↑ Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (New York, NY: Alfred Knopf, 1989, ISBN 0394559487), 851.
    37. ↑ Colin Haydon and William Doyle, eds., Robespierre (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0521026055), 260-261.
    38. ↑ François Gendron, The Gilded Youth of Thermidor (Montreal, QU: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993, ISBN 077350902X, |translator=James Cookson|chapter= 1. The Awakening of Moderate Opinion: The Closure of the Jacobin Club|location=|}} Originally in French.
    39. ↑ Gendron, 18.
    40. ↑ Gendron, 23-24.
    41. ↑ Gendron, 19.
    42. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named chapter
    43. ↑ Gendron, 26-8.
    44. ↑ "Archives Parlementaires de 1787 à 1860 - Première série (1787-1799)," Archives Parlementaires de la Révolution Française volume 101, |pages=167–8|url=https://www.persee.fr/doc/arcpa_0000-0000_2005_num_101_1_18097_t1_0167_0000_2%7Clocation=Lyon, France|publisher=Persée|language=fr|editor1=Marie-Claude Baron|editor2=Corinne Gomez-Le Chevanton|editor3=Françoise Brunel|year=2005|issue=1}}
    45. ↑ de La Touche, Méhée (November 13, 1794). Convention Nationale: Séance du 22 Brumaire. L'Ami des Citoyens: Journal du Commerce et des Arts.
    46. ↑ (July 2015)The National Convention as Reflected in the Parliamentary Archives. Annales historiques de la Révolution française 381.
    47. ↑ Gendron 1993.
    48. ↑ Will and Ariel Durant, The Age of Napoleon – A History of European Civilization from 1789-1815 (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1975, 83. |url=https://archive.org/details/TheStoryOfCivilizationcomplete/Durant_Will_-_The_story_of_civilization_11/page/n7/mode/2up%7Cseries=The Story of Civilization Part XI|location=New York|publisher=r|year=1975|page=83}}
    49. ↑ "Modern History Sourcebook: Maximilien Robespierre: Justification of the Use of Terror," Internet Modern History Sourcebook. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    50. ↑ Schama, 279.
    51. ↑ John F. Bosher, The French Revolution (New York, NY: W. W. Norton, 1989, ISBN 978-0393959970), 186.
    52. ↑ Claire Martin, "Friend of the People, Enemy to the Cause: Jean Paul Marat, Charlotte Corday, and the Consolidation of Jacobin Power in Revolutionary France," Young Historians Conference 2013, May 2, 2013. Retrieved July 23, 2022.
    53. ↑ Daron Acemoglu et. al., "The Consequences of Radical Reform: the French Revolution,", National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2009. Retrieved July 23, 2022.
    54. ↑ Schama, 475.
    55. ↑ "Robespierre," by Mazauric, C., in "Dictionnaire historique de la Revolution francaise," ed. Albert Soboul. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris: 1989.
    56. ↑ Nick Redfern, Secret Societies: The Complete Guide to Histories, Rites, and Rituals (Canton, MI: Visible Ink Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1578596461)
    57. ↑ "Modern History Sourcebook: Maximilien Robespierre: Justification of the Use of Terror," Internet Modern History Sourcebook. Retrieved July 22, 2022.
    58. ↑ John Goldworth Alger, Glimpses of the French Revolution: Myths, Ideals, and Realities, Sampson Low, Marston & Company, 1894, 144. Retrieved July 23, 2022.
    59. ↑ Robert M. Cutler, "Bakunin's Anti-Jacobinism: 'Secret Societies' For Self-Emancipating Collectivist Social Revolution," Anarchist Studies 22(2), Retrieved July 23, 2022.
    60. ↑ Donny Gluckstein, The Paris Commune: A Revolution in Democracy (Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2011, ISBN 978-1608461189)
    61. ↑ Leo A. Loubère, "The Intellectual Origins of French Jacobin Socialism," International Review of Social History 4(3), December 1959, 415–431.
    62. ↑ R. D. Price, "Ideology and Motivation in the Paris Commune of 1871," The Historical Journal 15(1), 1972, 75–86. Retrieved July 23, 2022.
    63. ↑ "The Paris Commune and the Idea of the State,"
    64. ↑ Thomas M. Keefe, "Review of The Jacobin Republic 1792-1794, ; The Thermidorean Regime and the Directory 1794-1799," The History Teacher 20(1), 1986, 131–133.
    65. ↑ Paul R. Hanson, "From Jacobin to Liberal," Historical Reflections, 37(3), Winter 2011, 86–100.
    66. ↑ Marc-Antoine Jullien, From Jacobin to Liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775-1848 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1400821013
    67. ↑ Sternhell, Zeev (1976). Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de Georges Valois. Revue française de science politique 26 (1): 5–40.
    68. ↑ (2017-03-20) Far-Right Politics in Europe (in en). Harvard University Press, 20. ISBN 9780674971530. 
    69. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Gluckstein 2011
    70. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Keefe 1986
    71. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Jullien 1993
    72. ↑ Schama, 354.
    73. ↑ (28 September 2012) in Peter McPhee: A Companion to the French Revolution. Wiley. ISBN 9781118316412. 
    74. ↑ Brinton, Crane (2011). The Jacobins: An Essay in the New History. Transaction Publishers, 212–213. ISBN 9781412848107. 
    75. ↑ Gottschalk, Louis R. (1929). The Era of the French Revolution (1715–1815). Houghton Mifflin Company, 258–259. 
    76. ↑ Bosher, John F. (1988). The French Revolution. W. W. Norton, 191–208. ISBN 9780393025880. 
    77. ↑ Brown, Charles Brockden (2009). Ormond; or The Secret Witness: with Related Texts. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. ISBN 978-1-6038-4126-9. 
    78. ↑ (1992) Dictionnaire historique de la langue française (in fr). Dictionnaires Le Robert. ISBN 978-2321000679. 
    79. ↑ (2007) Dictionnaire critique de la Révolution française: Idées, Champs (in fr). Paris: Flammarion. ISBN 978-2081202955. 
    80. ↑ (1988) "Jacobinism", A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674177284. “The semantic elasticity of the term in late twentieth-century French politics attests to the work of time. 'Jacobinism' or 'Jacobin' can now refer to a wide range of predilections: indivisible national sovereignty, a state role in the transformation of society, centralization of the government and bureaucracy, equality among citizens guaranteed by uniformity of the law, regeneration through education in republican schools, or simply an anxious concern for national independence. This vague range of meanings is still dominated, however, by the central figure of a sovereign and indivisible public authority with power over civil society [...].” 
    81. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Reglement1791
    82. ↑ A. Aulard (1897) La Société des Jacobins p. 714
    83. ↑ A. Aulard (1897) La Société des Jacobins p. 717
    84. ↑ Kennedy, Michael L. (1984). The Best and the Worst of Times: The Jacobin Club Network from October 1791 to June 2, 1793. The Journal of Modern History 56 (4): 635–666.

    Bibliography

    • Schama, Simon, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, NY: Alfred Knopf, 1989, ISBN 0394559487
    • Shusterman, Noah (2014). The French Revolution. Faith, Desire, and Politics. Routledge: London/New York.
    • Thompson, J.M., Robespierre. New York, NY: B. Blackwell, 1988, ISBN 978-0631155041

    Further reading

    • Brinton, Crane, The Jacobins: An Essay in the New History. Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 2011 (original 1930), ISBN 978-1412818339
    • Desan, Suzanne. "'Constitutional Amazons': Jacobin Women's Clubs in the French Revolution." in Re-creating Authority in Revolutionary France ed. Bryant T. Ragan, Jr., and Elizabeth Williams. (Rutgers UP, 1992).
    • Harrison, Paul R. The Jacobin Republic Under Fire: The Federalist Revolt in the French Revolution (2012) excerpt and text search.
    • Higonnet, Patrice L.-R. Goodness beyond Virtue: Jacobins during the French Revolution (1998) excerpt and text search.
    • Kennedy, Michael A. The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution, 1793–1795 (2000) .
    • Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution: From 1793 to 1799 (Vol. 2. Columbia University Press, 1964).
    • Marisa Linton, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2013).
    • McPhee, Peter. Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (Yale University Press, 2012) excerpt and text search
    • Palmer, Robert Roswell. Twelve who ruled: the year of the Terror in the French Revolution (1941).
    • Soboul, Albert. The French revolution: 1787–1799 (1975) pp. 313–416.

    Primary sources

    External links

    • The Jacobins {{#invoke:webarchive|webarchive}} Mount Holyoke college course site

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