Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland (English) Tuaisceart Éireann (Irish) Norlin Airlann1 (Ulster Scots)
The Union Flag is the official flag used by the government to represent Northern Ireland. The former official flag, the Ulster Banner, continues to be used by groups (such as sports teams) representing the territory in an unofficial manner (see Northern Ireland flags issue).
Motto: Quis separabit? (Latin) "Who shall separate?"
Anthem: "God Save the Queen" "Londonderry Air" (de facto)
Location of  Northern Ireland (orange) – on the European continent (camel  white) – in the United Kingdom (camel)
Capital	Belfast 54°35.456′N 5°50.4′W
Largest city	capital
Official languages	English (de facto), Irish and Ulster Scots2
Government	Constitutional monarchy
- Queen	Queen Elizabeth II
- Prime Minister	Gordon Brown MP
- First Minister	Ian Paisley MLA
- Deputy First Minister	Martin McGuinness MLA
- Secretary of State	Shaun Woodward MP
Establishment
- Government of Ireland Act	1920
Area
- Total	13,843 km² 5,345 sq mi
Population
- 2004 estimate	1,710,300
- 2001 census	1,685,267
- Density	122/km² 315/sq mi
GDP (PPP)	2002 estimate
- Total	$33.2 billion
- Per capita	$19,603
Currency	Pound sterling (GBP)
Time zone	GMT (UTC+0)
- Summer (DST)	BST (UTC+1)
Internet TLD	.uk3
Calling code	+44

Northern Ireland (Irish: Tuaisceart Éireann) is a part of the United Kingdom lying in the northeast of the island of Ireland, covering 5,459 square miles (14,139 km², about a sixth of the island's total area). As of the UK Census in April 2001, its population was 1,685,000, between a quarter and a third of the island's total population.

Northern Ireland consists of six of the nine counties of the province of Ulster. In the UK, it is generally known as one of the four Home Nations that form the Kingdom. Some of these terms have controversial implications in relation to political ideologies concerning the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. The remainder of the island of Ireland is a sovereign state, the Republic of Ireland.

As an administrative division of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland was defined by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and has had its own form of devolved government in a similar manner to Scotland and Wales. The Northern Ireland Assembly, established in 1998, has been suspended multiple times but was restored on 8 May, 2007. Northern Ireland's legal system descends from the pre-1920 Irish legal system (as does the legal system of the Republic of Ireland), and is therefore based on common law. It is separate from the jurisdictions of England and Wales or Scotland.

Northern Ireland has been for many years the site of a violent and bitter ethno-political conflict between those claiming to represent Nationalists, who are predominantly Catholic, and those claiming to represent Unionists, who are predominantly Protestant. In general, Nationalists want Northern Ireland to be unified with the Republic of Ireland, and Unionists want it to remain part of the United Kingdom. Unionists are in the majority in Northern Ireland, though Nationalists represent a significant minority. In general, Protestants consider themselves British and Catholics see themselves as Irish but there are some who claim dual nationality (see Nationality and Identity). The campaigns of violence have become known popularly as The Troubles. The majority of both sides of the community have had no direct involvement in the violent campaigns waged. Since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998, many of the major paramilitary campaigns have either been on ceasefire or have declared their war to be over.

History

Main article: History of Northern Ireland; for events before 1900 see Ulster or History of Ireland.

The area now known as Northern Ireland has had a diverse history. From serving as the bedrock of Irish resistance in the era of the plantations of Queen Elizabeth and James I in other parts of Ireland, it became the subject of major planting of Scottish and English settlers after the Flight of the Earls in 1607 (when the Gaelic aristocracy fled to Catholic Europe).

The all-island Kingdom of Ireland (1541—1800) merged into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801 under the terms of the Act of Union, under which the kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain merged under a government and monarchy based in London. In the early 20th century, Unionists, led by Sir Edward Carson, opposed the introduction of Home Rule in Ireland. Unionists were in a minority on the island of Ireland as a whole, but were a majority in the northern province of Ulster, a very large majority in the counties of Antrim and Down, small majorities in the counties of Armagh and Londonderry (also known as Derry), with substantial numbers also concentrated in the nationalist-majority counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone. These six counties, containing an overall unionist majority, would later form Northern Ireland.

The clash between the House of Commons and House of Lords over the controversial budget of Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd-George produced the Parliament Act 1911, which enabled the veto of the Lords to be overturned. Given that the Lords had been the unionists' main guarantee that a home rule act would not be enacted, because of the majority of pro-unionist peers in the House, the Parliament Act made Home Rule a likely prospect in Ireland. Opponents to Home Rule, from Conservative Party leaders like Andrew Bonar Law and Lord Randolph Churchill to militant unionists in Ireland, threatened the use of violence, producing the Larne Gun Running incident in 1912, when they smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition from Imperial Germany for the Ulster Volunteer Force. Lord Randolph Churchill famously told a unionist audience in Ulster that "Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right". Template:NIPMs

The prospect of civil war in Ireland was seen by some as likely.^{[citation needed]} In 1914, the Third Home Rule Act, which contained provision for a temporary partition, received the Royal Assent. Its implementation was suspended for the duration of the intervening First World War, which was expected to last only a few weeks, but, in fact, lasted four years.

By the end of the war, the Act was seen as dead in the water, with public opinion in the majority nationalist community having moved from a demand for home rule to something more substantial: independence. Lloyd-George proposed in 1919 a new bill which would divide Ireland into two Home Rule areas, twenty-six counties being ruled from Dublin, six being ruled from Belfast, with a shared Lord Lieutenant of Ireland appointing both executives and a Council of Ireland, which Lloyd-George believed would evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.^{[citation needed]}

Partition of Ireland, partition of Ulster

Former Governmental Flag of Northern Ireland 1953-72.

In United Kingdom law, Ireland was partitioned in 1921 under the terms of the Government of Ireland Act 1920. Six of the nine Ulster counties in the north-east formed Northern Ireland and the remaining three counties joined those of Leinster, Munster and Connacht to form Southern Ireland. Whilst the former came into being, the latter had only a momentary existence to ratify (in United Kingdom law) the Anglo-Irish Treaty that ended the Anglo-Irish War.

Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Northern Ireland was provisionally scheduled to be included in the Irish Free State, though it could opt out should the Parliament of Northern Ireland elect so to do. As expected, it did so immediately. Once that happened, as provided for, an Irish Boundary Commission came into being, to decide on the territorial boundaries between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Though leaders in Dublin expected a substantial reduction in the territory of Northern Ireland, with nationalist areas like south Armagh, Tyrone, southern Londonderry and urban territories like Derry and Newry moving to the Free State, the Boundary Commission decided against this. This decison was approved by the Dail in Dublin by a vote of 71 to 20. The Council of Ireland provided for in the 1920 Act, and in the Treaty, to link Northern Ireland eventually to the Irish Free State within 50 years was removed.

1925 to the present

Former Coat of Arms of Northern Ireland 1925-72

In June 1940, to encourage the Irish state to join with the Allies, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill indicated to the Taoiseach Éamon de Valera that the United Kingdom would push for Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer. The British did not inform the Northern Ireland government that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and De Valera's rejection was not publicized until 1970.

The Ireland Act 1949 gave the first legal guarantee to the Parliament and Government that Northern Ireland would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without consent of the majority of its citizens, and this was most recently reaffirmed by the Northern Ireland Act 1998. This status was echoed in the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, which was signed by the governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. Bunreacht na hÉireann, the constitution of the Republic, was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the whole of Ireland (in Article 2), a claim qualified by an acknowledgement that the southern state only could exercise legal control over the territory formerly known as the Irish Free State. The new Articles 2 and 3, added to the Bunreacht to replace the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in Northern Ireland. An acknowledgement that a decision on whether to remain in the United Kingdom or join the Republic of Ireland rests with the people of Northern Ireland was also central to the Belfast Agreement, which was signed in 1998 and ratified by plebiscites held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. However, many unionist leaders equivocate when asked if they would peacefully accept a reunited Ireland if a majority in Northern Ireland sought it.^{[citation needed]}

A plebiscite within Northern Ireland on whether it should remain in the United Kingdom, or join the Republic, was held in 1973. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo with approximately 57.5% of the total electorate voting in support, but most nationalists boycotted the poll (see Northern Ireland referendum, 1973 for more). Though legal provision remains for holding another plebiscite, and former Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble some years ago advocated the holding of such a vote, no plans for such a vote have been adopted as of 2007.

8 May 2007 Home rule returned to Northern Ireland. DUP leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Féin's Martin McGuinness took office as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively .

Lives lost and injured in the “Troubles”

Main article: The Troubles

Bombings in Great Britain tended to have had more publicity, since attacks there were comparatively rare (in the context of the troubles); indeed 93% of killings happened in Northern Ireland. Republican paramilitaries have contributed to nearly 60% (2056) of these. Loyalists have killed nearly 28% (1020) while the security forces have killed just over 11% (362) with 9% percent of those attributed to the British Army.

Civilians killed

Civilians account for the highest death toll at 53% or 1798 fatalities. Loyalist paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of civilian deaths (those with no military or paramilitary connection) according to figures published in Malcolm Sutton’s book, “Bear in Mind These Dead: An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland 1969 - 1993”. According to research undertaken by the CAIN organisation, based on Sutton's work, 85.6% (873) of Loyalist killings, 52.9% (190) by the security forces and 35.9% (738) of all killings by Republican paramilitaries took the lives of civilians between 1969 and 2001. The disparity of a relatively high civilian death toll yet low Republican percentage is explained by the fact that they also had a high combatants' death toll.

Combatants killed

Republican paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of combatants killed (those within paramilitaries or the military) Again from Malcolm Sutton's research, Republicans killed 1318 combatants, the security forces killed 192 and the Loyalists killed 147. Both Republicans and Loyalists killed more of their own than each other, over twice as many for Loyalists and nearly four times as many for Republicans.

80 people, mainly civilians, have died without any organisation claiming responsibility. The British Army has also lost 14 soldiers to Loyalists while the security forces overall in the Republic have lost 10 to Republicans.

According to a submission by Marie Smyth to the Northern Ireland Commission on Victims, 40,000 people have also been injured, though she believes that to be a conservative figure.

Demographics and politics

Template:Politics of Northern Ireland

The population of Northern Ireland was estimated as being 1,710,300 on 30 June 2004. In the 2001 census, 53.1% of the Northern Irish population were Protestant, (Presbyterian, Church of Ireland, Methodist and other Protestant denominations), 43.8% of the population were Roman Catholic, 0.4% Other and 2.7% none.

A plurality of the present-day population (40%) define themselves as Unionist, 22% as Nationalist and 35% define themselves as neither. According to a 2005 opinion poll, 58% express long term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom, while 23% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland. This discrepancy can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part of the UK (85%), while Catholic preferences are spread across a number of solutions to the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (25%), a united Ireland (50%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (9%), and "don't know" (14%). Possible explanations for this include disillusionment with Northern Irish politics surrounding the constitutional question, and others who support the Union but only so so]) Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with issues of candidate, geography, personal loyalty and historic voting patterns, show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for Pro-Unionist parties, 42% vote for Pro-Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.

Most of the population of Northern Ireland are at least nominally Christian. The ethno-political loyalties are allied, though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations and these are the labels used to categorise the opposing views. This is, however, becoming increasingly irrelevant as the Irish Question is very complicated. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to Unionism's conservative policies, while other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationalist Sinn Féin & Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and their respecticve party platforms for Democratic Socialism & Social Democracy. For the most part, Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Catholics generally desire a greater connection with the Republic of Ireland, or are less certain about how to solve the constitutional question. In a survey by Northern Ireland Life and Times, quarter of Northern Irish Catholics were said to support Northern Ireland remaining a part of the United Kingdom (see Catholic Unionist). Despite this no Catholics in the survey stated they would vote for the Unionist Parties and only 5% would vote for the Alliance Party.

Protestants have a slight majority in Northern Ireland, according to the latest Northern Ireland Census. The make-up of the Northern Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals of the various parties within the population. Of the 108 members, 59 are Unionists and 42 are Nationalists (the remaining seven are classified as "other"). Although the Protestant population is the majority, the largest religious denomination is the Roman Catholic Church, followed by the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the Church of Ireland (Anglican), and the Methodist Church.

The two opposing views of British unionism and Irish nationalism are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are predominantly Protestant and often descendants of mainly Scottish, English, Welsh and Huguenot settlers and indigenous Irishmen who had converted to one of the Protestant denominations.

Nationalists are predominantly Catholic and usually descend from the population predating the settlement. Discrimination against nationalists under the Stormont government (1921–1972) gave rise to the nationalist civil rights movement in the 1960s. Some Unionists argue that any discrimination was not just because of religious or political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political and geographical factors. Whatever the cause, the existence of discrimination, and the manner in which Nationalist anger at it was handled, was a major contributing factor which led to the long-running conflict known as the Troubles. The political unrest went through its most violent phase in recent times between 1968 and 1994.

The main actors have been the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other republican groups who wish to bring about an end of the union with Great Britain, and various loyalist paramilitary groups who wish to maintain the union. The police force (the Royal Ulster Constabulary) and the British army were charged with maintaining law and order, though were frequently attacked by the nationalist community and republican paramilitaries who claimed that they were protagonists in the conflict.

As a consequence of the worsening security situation, self-government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Since mid-1997, the main paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, has observed a ceasefire. Following negotiations, the Belfast Agreement of 1998 provides for an elected Northern Ireland Assembly, and a power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive comprising representatives of all the main parties. These institutions were suspended by the British Government in 2002 after Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly (Stormontgate). The resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed and the defendant later admitted to being a British agent. Politicians elected to the Assembly at the 2003 Assembly Election were called together on 15 May, 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006 for the purpose of electing a First Minister and Deputy First Minister and choosing the members of an Executive (before 25 November, 2006) as a preliminary to the restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland. Another election was held on 7 March 2007 and this Assembly sat following the return of devolved government in May 2007

On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought to be all of its arsenal. This final act of decommissioning was performed in accordance with the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and under the watch of the International Decommissioning Body and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remain sceptical. This IRA decommissioning is in contrast to Loyalist paramilitaries who have so far failed to decommission many weapons. It is not thought that this will have a major effect on further political progress as political parties linked to Loyalist paramilitaries do not attract significant support and will not be in a position to form part of a government in the near future. See Independent International Commission on Decommissioning

Citizenship and identity

Further information: Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland

People from Northern Ireland are British citizens on the same basis as people from any other part of the United Kingdom (e.g. by birth in the UK to at least one parent who is a UK permanent resident or citizen, or by naturalisation).

In addition to British citizenship, people who were born in Northern Ireland on or before 31 December 2004 (and most persons born after this date) are entitled to claim Irish citizenship. This is as a result of the Republic of Ireland extending Irish nationality law on an extra-territorial basis. Originally passed in 1956, the legislation was further developed in 2001 as a result of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, which stated that:

The two governments recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.

This was subsequently qualified by the Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland, which stated that, "notwithstanding any other provision of [the] Constitution," no-one would be automatically entitled to Irish citizenship unless they had at least one parent who was (or was entitled to be) an Irish citizen. The subsequent legislation (Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act of 2004) came into effect on 1 January 2005 and brought Irish nationality law broadly into line with British nationality law.

Today, a constitutional right to Irish citizenship still exists for anyone who is both:

• Born on the island of Ireland (including its "isles and seas").
• Born to at least one parent who is, or is entitled to be, an Irish citizen.

In general, Protestants in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as being British citizens, while Catholics regard themselves primarily as being Irish citizens. Several studies and surveys performed between 1971 and 2006 show this.

This does not however, account for the complex identities within Northern Ireland, given that many of the population regard themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern Irish", either primarily, or as a secondary identity. In addition, many regard themselves as both British and Irish.

Not everyone in Northern Ireland regards themselves as being Irish, particularly not Protestants. A 1999 survey showed that 51% of Protestants felt "Not at all Irish" and 41% only "weakly Irish"

Symbols

The Union Flag

Flag of Ireland

Today, Northern Ireland comprises a diverse patchwork of communities, whose national loyalties are represented in some areas by flags flown from lamp posts. The Union Flag and former governmental Flag of Northern Ireland therefore appear in some loyalist areas, with the Irish national flag of the Republic of Ireland, the tricolour, appearing in some republican areas. Even kerbstones in some areas are painted red-white-blue or green-white-orange, depending on whether local people express unionist/loyalist or nationalist/republican sympathies.

The only official flag is the Union Flag. The former Northern Ireland Flag (also known as the 'Ulster Banner' or 'Red Hand Flag') was based on the arms of the former Parliament of Northern Ireland, and was used by the Government of Northern Ireland and its agencies between 1953 and 1972. The Ulster Banner has not been used by the government since the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland under the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973. It remains, however used uniquely to represent Northern Ireland in certain sporting events. The arms from which the Ulster Banner derives were themselves based on the flag of Ulster.

The Union Flag and the Ulster Banner are typically only used by Unionists. Nationalists generally eschew symbols which uniquely represent Northern Ireland; some instead use the Irish Tricolour, particularly at sporting events. Many people, however, prefer to avoid flags altogether because of their divisive nature. Paramilitary groups on both sides have also developed their own flags. Some unionists also occasionally use the flags of secular and religious organisations to which they belong.

Some groups, including the Irish Rugby Football Union and the Church of Ireland have used the Flag of St. Patrick as a symbol of Ireland which lacks nationalist or unionist connotations. However, it is felt by some to be a loyalist flag, as it was used to represent Ireland when the whole island was part of the UK and is used by some British army regiments. Foreign flags are also found, such as the Palestinian flags in some Nationalist areas and Israeli flags in some Unionist areas, which represent general comparisons made by both sides with conflicts in the wider world.

The national anthem played at state events in Northern Ireland is "God Save the Queen". At some cross-community events, however, the "Londonderry Air", also known as the tune of "Danny Boy", may be played as a neutral, though unofficial, substitute. At some sporting events, such as GAA matches the Irish national anthem Amhran na bhFiann is played.

At the Commonwealth Games, the Northern Ireland team uses the Ulster Banner as its flag and Danny Boy is used as its National Anthem. The Northern Ireland football team also uses the Ulster Banner as its flag.

Northern Irish murals have become well-known features of Northern Ireland, depicting past and present divisions. Almost 2,000 murals have been documented in Northern Ireland since the 1970s.

Geography and climate

Map of Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland was covered by an ice sheet for most of the last ice age and on numerous previous occasions, the legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage of drumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim and particularly Down. The centrepiece of Northern Ireland's geography is Lough Neagh, at 151 square miles (392 km²) the largest freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in the British Isles. A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and Upper Lough Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern Ireland is Rathlin, off the Antrim coast. Strangford Lough is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering 150 square kilometres.

There are substantial uplands in the Sperrin Mountains (an extension of the Caledonian fold mountains) with extensive gold deposits, granite Mourne Mountains and basalt Antrim Plateau, as well as smaller ranges in South Armagh and along the Fermanagh–Tyrone border. None of the hills are especially high, with Slieve Donard in the dramatic Mournes reaching 848 m (2782 ft), Northern Ireland's highest point. Belfast's most prominent peak is Cave Hill. The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau also formed the eerily geometric pillars of the Giant's Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim are the Carrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge, Mussenden Temple and the Glens of Antrim.

The Lower and Upper River Bann, River Foyle and River Blackwater form extensive fertile lowlands, with excellent arable land also found in North and East Down, although much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely for animal husbandry.

The valley of the River Lagan is dominated by Belfast, whose metropolitan area includes over a third of the population of Northern Ireland, with heavy urbanisation and industrialisation along the Lagan Valley and both shores of Belfast Lough.

The whole of Northern Ireland has a temperate maritime climate, rather wetter in the west than the east, although cloud cover is persistent across the region. The weather is unpredictable at all times of the year, and although the seasons are distinct, they are considerably less pronounced than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North America. Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5 °C (43.7 °F) in January and 17.5 °C (63.5 °F) in July. The damp climate and extensive deforestation in the 16^th and 17^th centuries resulted in much of the region being covered in rich green grassland.

Highest maximum temperature: 30.8 °C (87.4 °F) at Knockarevan, near Garrison, County Fermanagh on 30 June 1976 and at Belfast on 12 July 1983.

Lowest minimum temperature: -17.5 °C (0.5 °F) at Magherally, near Banbridge, County Down on 1 January 1979.

Counties

The Giant's Causeway.

Northern Ireland consists of six counties:

• County Antrim
• County Armagh
• County Down
• County Fermanagh
• County Londonderry
• County Tyrone

These counties are no longer used for local government purposes; instead there are twenty-six districts of Northern Ireland which have different geographical extents, even in the case of those named after the counties from which they derive their name. Fermanagh District Council most closely follows the borders of the county from which it takes its name. Coleraine Borough Council, on the other hand, derives its name from the town of Coleraine in County Londonderry.

Cities

There are 5 settlements with city status in Northern Ireland:

• Armagh
• Belfast
• Derry
• Lisburn
• Newry

Towns and villages

See also the list of places in Northern Ireland for all villages, towns and cities

• Ahoghill, Antrim, Annalong, Annaclone
• Ballycastle, Ballyclare, Ballykelly, Ballymena, Ballymoney, Ballynahinch, Banbridge, Bangor, Bushmills
• Carnmoney, Carrickfergus, Castledawson, Castlerock, Comber, Coleraine, Cookstown, Craigavon, Crossmaglen, Crumlin,

Corbet

• Donaghadee, Downpatrick, Dromore, Dundonald, Dungannon, Dungiven, Dromore, Donaghcloney
• Enniskillen
• Glengormley, Garvagh, Gilford
• Garrison
• Hillsborough, Holywood
• Kilkeel
• Larne, Limavady, Lurgan, Loughbrickland
• Magherafelt, Macosquin
• Newcastle, Newtownards, Newtownstewart
• Omagh
• Portrush, Portstewart, Portadown, Portaferry, Poyntzpass, Portballintrae
• Rasharkin, Rathfriland
• Strabane, Scarva, Seapatrick
• Warrenpoint

Variations in geographic nomenclature

Many people inside and outside Northern Ireland use other names for Northern Ireland, depending on their point of view.

Unionist/Loyalist

• Ulster - this is used by some to suggest that the border of the province of Ulster, one of four provinces on the island of Ireland, was redrawn due to partition. The historic province of Ulster covers a greater landmass than Northern Ireland: six of its counties are in Northern Ireland, three in the Republic of Ireland.

• The Province - to again link to the historic Irish province of Ulster, with its mythology. Also refers to the fact that NI is a province of the UK.

Nationalist/Republican

• North of Ireland (Tuaisceart na hÉireann) - to link Northern Ireland to the rest of the island, by describing it as being in the 'north of Ireland' and so by implication playing down Northern Ireland's links with Great Britain. (The northernmost point in Ireland, in County Donegal, is in fact in the Republic.)

• North-East Ireland - used in the same way as the "North of Ireland" is used.

• The Six Counties (na Sé Chontae) - language used by republicans e.g. Republican Sinn Féin, which avoids using the name given by the British-enacted Government of Ireland Act, 1920. (The Republic is similarly described as the Twenty-Six Counties.) Some of the users of these terms contend that using the official name of the region would imply acceptance of the legitimacy of the Government of Ireland Act.

• The Occupied Six Counties. The Republic, whose legitimacy is not recognised by republicans opposed to the Belfast Agreement, is described as being "The Free State", referring to the Irish Free State, the Republic's old name.

• British-Occupied Ireland. Similar in tone to the Occupied Six Counties this term is used by more dogmatic anti-Good Friday Agreement republicans who still hold that the First Dáil was the last legitimate government of Ireland and that all governments since have been foreign imposed usurpations of Irish national self-determination.

• Fourth Green Field. From the song Four Green Fields by Tommy Makem which describes Ireland as divided with one of the four green fields (the traditional provinces of Ireland) being In strangers hands, referring to the partition of Ireland.

Other

• The North - used to describe Northern Ireland in the same way that "The South" is used to describe the Republic of Ireland.
• The Black North - a term sometimes used in different ways - either pejoratively or ironically, depending on one's political affiliation/sympathies. Often used by people from the Republic of Ireland.

• Norn Iron - is an informal and affectionate local nickname used by both nationalists and unionists to refer to Northern Ireland, derived from the pronunciation of the words "Northern Ireland" in an exaggerated Ulster accent (particularly one from the Greater Belfast area). The phrase is seen as a light-hearted way to refer to the province, based as it is on regional pronunciation. Often refers to the Northern Ireland national football team.

Use of language for geography

File:Derry.JPG

Free Derry mural (July 31, 2007).

Notwithstanding the ancient realm of Dal Riata which extended into Scotland, disagreement on names, and the reading of political symbolism into the use or non-use of a word, also attaches itself to some urban centres. The most famous example is whether Northern Ireland's second city should be called "Derry" or "Londonderry".

Choice of language and nomenclature in Northern Ireland often reveals the cultural, ethnic and religious identity of the speaker. The first Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Seamus Mallon, was criticised by unionist politicians for calling the region the "North of Ireland" while Sinn Féin has been criticised in some newspapers in the Republic for still referring to the "Six Counties".

Those who do not belong to any group but lean towards one side often tend to use the language of that group. Supporters of unionism in the British media (notably the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Express) regularly call Northern Ireland "Ulster". Some nationalist and republican-leaning media outlets in Ireland (such as Daily Ireland) almost always use "North of Ireland" or the "Six Counties".

Government and cultural organizations in Northern Ireland, particularly those pre-dating the 1980s, often use the word "Ulster" in their title; for example, the University of Ulster, the Ulster Museum the Ulster Orchestra, and BBC Radio Ulster.

Many news bulletins since the 1990s have opted to avoid all contentious terms and use the official name, Northern Ireland. The North is still used by some news bulletins in the Republic of Ireland, to the annoyance of some Unionists. For Northern Ireland's second largest city, broadcasting outlets which are unaligned to either community and broadcast to both use both names interchangeably, often starting a report with "Londonderry" and then using "Derry" in the rest of the report. However, within Northern Ireland, print media which are aligned to either community (the News Letter is aligned to the unionist community while the Irish News is aligned to the nationalist community) generally use their community's preferred term. British newspapers with unionist leanings, such as the Daily Telegraph, usually use the language of the unionist community, while others, such as The Guardian use the terms interchangeably. The media in the Republic of Ireland use the names preferred by nationalists. Whether this is an official editorial policy or a personal preference by the writers is unknown.

The division in nomenclature is seen particularly in sports and religions associated with one of the communities. Gaelic games use Derry, for example. Nor is there clear agreement on how to decide on a name. When the nationalist-controlled local council voted to re-name the city "Derry" unionists objected, stating that as it owed its city status to a Royal Charter, only a charter issued by the Queen could change the name. The Queen has not intervened on the matter and thus the council is now called "Derry City Council" while the city is still officially "Londonderry". Nevertheless, the council has printed two sets of stationery - one for each term - and their policy is to reply to correspondence using whichever term the original sender used.

At times of high communal tension, each side regularly complains of the use of the nomenclature associated with the other community by a third party such as a media organisation, claiming such usage indicates evident "bias" against their community.

Law

Northern Ireland's legal and administrative systems were adopted from those in place in pre-partition United Kingdom, and was developed by its government from 1922 until 1972. Thereafter, laws, administration and foreign affairs relating to Northern Ireland have been handled directly from Westminster.

Economy

The Northern Ireland economy is the smallest of the four economies making up the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland has traditionally had an industrial economy, most notably in shipbuilding, rope manufacture and textiles, but most heavy industry has since been replaced by services, primarily the public sector. Tourism also plays a big role in the local economy. More recently the economy has benefited from major investment by many large multi-national corporations into high tech industry. These large organisations are attracted by government subsidies and the highly skilled workforce in Northern Ireland.

East/West Bias

For some time there have been allegations that the east of the province (mainly the Belfast area) has been given preferential treatment over the towns and cities in the western region (mainly Derry/Londonderry), the divisionary boundary being seen as the Bann River which divides Northern Ireland into two regions.

This belief was further advanced when, in 1969, plans were revealed for a second university (Queens University in Belfast being the first). The decision to place this into Coleraine, rather than the second largest city - Derry/Londonderry, was taken against the wishes of many of the unionist leaders in Stormont at the time.

According to figures obtained from Hansard, and questions raised by Foyle MP Mark Durkan in the House of Commons, the parliamentary area of South Belfast has received more funding from Invest NI than all the council areas in the west of the province combined. Furthermore, in terms of civil service jobs, the vast majority are centered in the greater Belfast area.

Culture

With its improved international reputation, Northern Ireland has recently witnessed rising numbers of tourists who come to appreciate the area's unique heritage. Attractions include cultural festivals, musical and artistic traditions, countryside and geographical sites of interest, pubs, welcoming hospitality and sports (especially golf and fishing). Since 1987 pubs have been allowed to open on Sundays, despite some limited vocal opposition.

Mythology

Ulster Cycle

The Ulster Cycle is a large body of prose and verse centering around the traditional heroes of the Ulaid in what is now eastern Ulster. This is one of the four major cycles of Irish Mythology. The cycle centres around the reign of Conchobar mac Nessa, who is said to have been king of Ulster around the time of Christ. He ruled from Emain Macha (now Navan Fort near Armagh), and had a fierce rivalry with queen Medb and king Ailill of Connacht and their ally, Fergus mac Róich, former king of Ulster. The foremost hero of the cycle is Conchobar's nephew Cúchulainn.

Languages

English language

The Mid Ulster dialect of English spoken in Northern Ireland shows influence from both the West Midlands and Scotland, thereby giving it a distinct accent compared to Hiberno-English, along with the use of such Scots words as wee for 'little' and aye for 'yes'. Some jocularly call this dialect phonetically by the name Norn Iron. There are supposedly some minute differences in pronunciation between Protestants and Catholics, the best known of which is the name of the letter h, which Protestants tend to pronounce as "aitch", as in British English, and Catholics tend to pronounce as "haitch", as in Hiberno-English. However, geography is a much more important determinant of dialect than ethnic background. English is spoken as a first language by almost 100% of the Northern Irish population, though under the Good Friday Agreement, Irish and Ulster Scots (one of the dialects of the Scots language), sometimes known as Ullans, have recognition as "part of the cultural wealth of Northern Ireland".

Irish language

Often the use of the Irish language in Northern Ireland has met with considerable suspicion from Unionists, who have associated it with the largely Catholic Republic of Ireland, and more recently, with the republican movement in Northern Ireland itself. Catholic areas of Belfast have road signs in Irish, as they are in the Republic, however some Protestants feel that they are not welcome in these areas as a result, in similar ways that Catholics do not feel welcome in some Protestant areas where British and Loyalist paramilitary flags are raised on lamp posts. Approximately 14% of the population speak Irish, but only 1% speak it as their main language at home. Under the St Andrews Agreement, the British government has agreed to introduce an Irish language Bill, and a consultation period ending on the 2 March 2007 could see Irish becoming an official language, having equal validity with English, recognised as an indigenous language, or aspire to become an official language in the future.

Ulster Scots

Ulster Scots comprises varieties of the Scots language spoken in Northern Ireland. Aodan Mac Poilin states that "While most argue that Ulster-Scots is a dialect or variant of Scots, some have argued or implied that Ulster-Scots is a separate language from Scots. The case for Ulster-Scots being a distinct language, made at a time when the status of Scots itself was insecure, is so bizarre that it is unlikely to have been a linguistic argument." Approximately 2% of the population speak Ulster Scots, however the number speaking it as their main language in their home is negligible. Night classes at colleges can now be taken and it is likely that, in a potential united Ireland, language would become the main focal point of resistance to the regime.^{[citation needed]} This seems unlikely, however, as for a native English speaker "[it] is comparatively accessible, and even at its most intense can be understood fairly easily with the help of a glossary." The St Andrews Agreement recognises the need to "enhance and develop the Ulster Scots language, heritage and culture".

Ethnic minority languages

There are an increasing number of Ethnic Minorities in Northern Ireland. Chinese and Urdu are spoken by Northern Ireland's Asian communities; though the Chinese community is often referred to as the "third largest" community in Northern Ireland, it is tiny by international standards. Since the accession of new member states to the European Union in 2004, Central and Eastern European languages, particularly Polish, are becoming increasingly common.

Sign language

The most common sign language in Northern Ireland is British Sign Language (BSL), but as Catholics tended to send their deaf children to schools in Dublin (St Joseph's Institute for Deaf Boys and St Mary's Institute for Deaf Girls, in Cabra)^{[citation needed]}, Irish Sign Language (ISL) is commonly used in the Nationalist community. The two languages are not related: BSL is in the British family (which also includes Auslan), and ISL is in the French family (which also includes ASL/Amerislan). A third language, Northern Ireland Sign Language, is also attested by some.

Education

Education in Northern Ireland differs slightly from systems used elsewhere in the United Kingdom. Unlike most areas of the United Kingdom, in the last year of Primary school, children can sit the eleven plus transfer test, and the results determine whether they attend Grammar schools or Secondary schools. This system is due to be changed in 2008 amidst some controversy. Irish Gaelic medium and Integrated Education are increasing. Northern Ireland still has a highly religiously segregated education system.

See:

• List of Gaelic medium Primary schools in Northern Ireland
• List of Primary schools in Northern Ireland
• List of Grammar schools in Northern Ireland
• List of Secondary schools in Northern Ireland
• List of Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland

See also

Northern Ireland Portal

Boundary Commission (Ireland) British nationality law Catholic Unionist / Protestant Nationalist Church of Ireland Common Travel Area Democratic Unionist Party Irish nationality law

National parks of Northern Ireland National Trust Properties in Northern Ireland Northern Irish murals Republic of Ireland-United Kingdom border The Ireland Funds Ulster Scots Ulster Unionist

Lists

• List of Ireland-related topics
• List of Northern Irish people
• List of topics related to Northern Ireland
• List of United Kingdom-related topics

Further reading

• Jonathan Bardon, A History of Ulster (Blackstaff Press, Belfast, 1992), ISBN 0-85640-476-4
• Brian E. Barton, The Government of Northern Ireland, 1920—1923 (Athol Books, 1980).
• Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson The State in Northern Ireland, 1921—72: Political Forces and Social Classes, Manchester (Manchester University Press, 1979)
• Tony Geraghty (2000). The Irish War. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-7117-4. 
• Robert Kee, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism (Penguin, 1972–2000), ISBN 0-14-029165-2
• Osborne Morton, 1994. Marine Algae of Northern Ireland Ulster Museum, Belfast.

External links

General

• BBC Northern Ireland News The Northern Ireland news from BBC News Online
• Online NI Local Government Portal
• ni-photos.jmcwd.com Photos From Around Northern Ireland
• NICVA Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action
• Community NI Community NI: Northern Ireland voluntary and community sector.

Geography

• Geography in Action The geology of Northern Ireland

History

• Northern Ireland Elections
• BBC Nations History of Ireland on bbc.co.uk
• Conflict Archive on the Internet from the University of Ulster
• PDF by Prof. Philip Payton
• From Partition to Direct Rule: 50 Years of Northern Ireland Parliamentary Papers Online

Tourism

• Discover Northern Ireland Northern Ireland Tourist Board
• Outdoor Activities NI Directory of outdoor activities and activity providers in Northern Ireland. Provided by the Countryside Access & Activities Network and The Northern Ireland Tourist Board
• Walk NI The definitive guide to walking in Northern Ireland from the Countryside Access & Activities Network and The Northern Ireland Tourist Board
• Northern Ireland Tourist Guide What has Northern Ireland got to offer tourists?
• The Northern Ireland Guide - a travel guide to Northern Ireland for tourists and residents alike
• Armagh Down Tourism
• Go To Belfast
• Fermanagh Lakelands
• Mourne Mountains
• culturenorthernireland.org

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