Difference between revisions of "Totemism" - New World Encyclopedia

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'''Totemism''' (derived from the root ''-oode'' in the [[Ojibwe language]], which referred to something kinship-related) is a [[religion|religious]] [[belief]] refers to the worship or veneration of totems. A '''totem''' is any animal, plant, or other objects, natural or [[supernatural]], which has personal or social symbolic meaning to an individual and to whose phenomena and energy one feels closely associated with during one's [[life]]. For some tribes, totems can represent larger groups than the individual person, and [[clan]]s and tribes can have a totem. This form of religious activity is most commonly found within tribal cultures and it is frequently associated with [[shamanism|shamanistic]] religions. Often, totems are seen as representative of desirable individual qualities, or the natural power from which a given social group is descended from. Furthermore, totems help to explain the mythical origin of the clan and reinforce clan identity and solidarity.
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[[Image:Totem_Park_pole_1.jpg|thumb|right|100px|A [[totem pole]] located in Totem Park, Victoria, [[British Columbia]], [[Canada]].]]
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Derived from the term "ototeman" in the [[Ojibwe language]], meaning "brother-sister kin," '''Totemism''' is an aspect of [[religion|religious]] [[belief]] centered upon the veneration of sacred objects called totems. A '''totem''' is any animal, plant, or other object, natural or [[supernatural]], which provides deeply [[symbol]]ic meaning for a person or social group. In some cases, totems may imbue particular person with a feeling of power and energy. In other cases, a variety of totems can serve to demarcate particular groups or clans subsumed within larger tribes. Often, totems are seen as representative of desirable individual qualities, or the natural power from which a given social group has descended. Thus, totems help to explain the mythical origin of the [[clan]] while reinforcing clan identity and solidarity, and as such, killing, eating, and even touching a totem is often considered [[taboo]].  
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This form of religious activity is most commonly found within tribal cultures and it is frequently associated with [[shamanism|shamanistic]] religions and their rituals. It is important to note that the concept is generated in the academy by scholars imbued with a sense that European culture is "more civilized." In fact all religions, including modern [[Christianity]], have aspects to them that function ''precisely'' as do "totems" in what nineteenth- and early twentieth-century scholars called "primitive" societies.
  
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[[Image:Totem Pole Thunderbird Park Victoria.jpg|thumb|Southern style totem pole in Victoria, British Columbia]]  
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==Totemism as a Religious Classification==
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Totemism played an active role in the development of nineteenth and early twentieth century theories of [[religion]], initially spurring the interests of many thinkers who wanted to classify totemism as an early stage within an allegedly evolutionary progression of religion. [[John Ferguson McLennan]] (1827-1881), a Scottish ethnographer, argued that the entire human race had passed through a totemic stage at some point in the distant past in which they worshiped animals and plants. [[Edward Burnett Tylor]] (1832–1917), the famous anthropologist, expanded totemism beyond the worship of plants and animals, claiming that it was actually an early exercise in the instinct within humans to classify their surrounding world. Ethnologist [[James Frazer|Sir James G. Frazer]] (1854-1941) put forth the idea that totems bind people together in social groups, and serve as an impetus for the development of civilization. Further, he posited that totemic clans began as a means for explaining the process of conception and birth. Several years later, psychoanalyst [[Sigmund Freud]] would place the totem at the incitation of human religiosity. For Freud, the totem was the projection of a hypothetical tribe's Oedipal guilt for the murder of their patriarch, and subsequently the lynchpin for their systems of taboos and morality that allegedly developed in the aftermath.
  
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===Totemism as a Religious Classification===
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[[Alexander A. Goldenweiser]], a Russian-American ethnologist, provided one of the key criticisms against such evolutionary notions placing totemism at or near the beginning of human religious development. Goldenweiser called into question the notion that there was in fact a "psychic unity of mankind," claiming that broad generalizations about the commonalities between cultures were unfounded, at best. Furthermore, he pointed out that there was not necessarily a connection between the use of totemic classifications, the existence of clans, and the relationships of human being to totems. These three phenomena, he claimed, coexisted only in the most rare occasions, and merging them together under the heading of "totemism" was an academic creation, rather than a description of actual phenomena. This critique created an attitude of skepticism concerning totemism in the span of human religious development. Regardless, additional evolutionary theories placing totemism at the initial stage of human development arose, such as those of [[Émile Durkheim]].
  
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Totemism played an active role in the development of 19th and early 20th century theories of religion, especially for thinkers such as [[Émile Durkheim]], who concentrated their study on primitive societies (the term primitive societies was an acceptable description at the time). Drawing on the identification of social group with spiritual totem in Australian aboriginal tribes, Durkheim theorized that all human religious expression was intrinsically founded in the relationship to a group.
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No thinker discussed totemism as thoroughly as did Durkheim, who concentrated his study on supposedly "primitive" societies. Drawing on the identification of social group with spiritual totems in Australian aboriginal tribes, Durkheim theorized that all human religious expression was intrinsically founded in relationship to the group from which it emerges. While Tylor insisted that all religion arises from animism and Frazer put forth the view that religion spawns from an understanding of magic, Durkheim found these theories to be insufficient. Durkheim claimed that practitioners of totemism do not actually worship their chosen plant or animal totem. Instead, totems try to connect tribespeople with an impersonal force that holds enormous power over the solidarity of the clan. Durkheim calls this the "totemic principle," which precedes belief in the supernatural. For Durkheim, totemism was also the rubric for dividing sacred from the profane. For example, Durkheim noted that animals other than the totem could be killed and eaten. However, the totemic animal has a sacred status above the others that creates the taboo against killing it. Since the clan itself is considered to be one with its totem, the clan itself is what is sacred. This reinforces the taboo against killing other people in the clan, as well as other social mores. Hence, when the tribe gathers to worship the emblem representing its chosen totem, it is actually worshiping the tribe itself. The totem is not only the symbol of the clan, but actually the clan itself, represented in the form of the arbitrary animal or plant. The totem god is, according to this theory, a projection of the clan, and devotion to the totem is devotion to the clan. Here, a society can ascertain the commitment of any individual through his or her veneration of the totem. Rituals performed to the totem, then, are performed to promote consciousness of the clan, reminding tribe members that they are committed to a real thing. According to Durkheim, it follows that belief in the soul is really just the implantation of the totemic principle into each individual.  
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In his essay ''Le Totemisme aujourdhui'' (Totemism Today), [[Claude Lévi-Strauss]] shows that [[human cognition]], which is based on analogical thought, is independent of social context. From this, he excludes mathematical thought, which operates primarily through [[logic]]. Totems are chosen arbitrarily for the sole purpose of making the physical world a comprehensive and coherent classificatory system. Lévi-Strauss argues that the use of physical [[analogy|analogies]] is not an indication of a more primitive mental capacity. It is rather, a more efficient way to cope with this particular mode of life in which [[abstraction]]s are rare, and in which the physical environment is in direct friction with the [[society]]. He also holds that scientific explanation entails the discovery of an ''arrangement''; moreover, since ''the science of the concrete'' is a classificatory system enabling individuals to classify the world in a rational fashion, it is neither more nor less a [[science]] than any other in the [[western world]]. It is important to recognise that in this text the egalitarian nature of Lévi-Strauss and his work is manifested in all its force, and more importantly Lévi-Strauss diverts the interest of [[anthropology]] towards the understanding of human cognition.
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[[Claude Lévi-Strauss]] reiterated Goldenweiser's skepticism toward evolutionary theories of totemism, claiming totemism to be an erroneous and outdated ethnological construct. In his book-length essay ''Totemism Today (1963)'', Lévi-Strauss shows that [[human cognition]], which is based on analogical thought, is independent of social context. For Lévi-Strauss, in contrast to the ideas functionalist anthropologist such as Sir Raymond Firth and Meyer Fortes, totems are not based on physical or psychological similarities between the clan and the totemic animal. Rather, totems are chosen arbitrarily for the sole purpose of making the physical world a comprehensive and coherent classificatory system. Lévi-Strauss argues that the use of physical [[analogy|analogies]] is not an indication of a more primitive mental capacity. On the contrary, it is actually a more efficient way to cope with this particular mode of tribal life in which [[abstraction]]s are rare, and in which the physical environment is in direct friction with the [[society]]. The totemic classification system, he noted, was based on relationships of opposition between nature and culture. Dissimilarities among totemic creatures found in nature serve to differentiate otherwise indistinguishable human cultural units. For Lévi-Strauss, this precludes the possibility of any relationship between human social groups and their chosen totem based on analogy. Instead, totemism is simply another means by which groups of human beings classify the world around them. In ''The Savage Mind'' (1966) he put forth the theory that totemic classifications are part of a ''the science of the concrete'', a proto-scientific classificatory system enabling tribal individuals to classify the world in a rational, coherent fashion. This connects with the human instinct for qualitative classification and as such, Lévi-Strauss considers it as neither more nor less a [[science]] than any other classificatory system in the Western world. The strength of Lévi-Strauss' work has rendered somewhat obsolete the theories that implicate totemism in the earliest phases of all human religious development.
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Strauss looked at the ideas of Firth and Fortes, Durkheim, Malinowski, and Evans-Pritchard to reach his conculsions. Firth and Fortes argued that Totemism was based on a physical or psychological similarties between the clan and the totemic animal. Malinowski proposed that it was based on empirical interest or that the totem was 'good to eat.' In other words there was rational interest in preserving the species. Finally Evans-Pritchard argued that the reason for totems was metaphoric. His work with the [[Nuer]] led him to believe that totems are a symbolic representation of the group. Strauss saw Evan-Pritchard's work as the correct explanation.
 
  
 
==Examples of Totemism in Human Culture==
 
==Examples of Totemism in Human Culture==
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===North American===
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===North American Aboriginals===
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The totem poles of North America have many different designs (bears, birds, frogs, people, lizards, see [[pictogram]]). They have arms, wings and legs. The Chinese totim carvings also have many animal forms but are made with greater details; the smaller ones even have legs, arms and costumes.
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Totemism can be said to characterize the religious beliefs of most indigenous peoples in [[Canada]] and the [[United States]]. The [[Sauk people|Sauk]] and [[Osage]] peoples of the northeastern United States, for example, assigned qualities of their clan totems through names to individual members. It was expected that those in clan of the Black Bear or the Wolf, among others, would develop some of the desirable traits of those animals. Among the [[Ojibwa]] people, from whose language the concept of totemism originated, people were divided into a number of clans called ''doodem'' named for various animals. Of the various totemic groups, the crane totem was considered the most vocal. The bear, since it was the largest, was sub-divided into various body parts that also became totemic symbols. These totems were then grouped according to habitat of the given animal, whether it is earth, air or water—and served as a means for governing and dividing labor among the various clans.
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'''Totem Poles''' are monumental [[sculpture]]s carved from great [[tree]]s, typically [[Western Redcedar]], by a number of [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|Native American]] cultures along the [[Pacific]] northwest coast of [[North America]].
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In addition, North American native peoples provide one of the most recognizable examples of totemism in all of human culture—the [[totem pole]]. Totem poles are monumental [[sculpture]]s carved from great [[tree]]s, typically Western Red cedar, by a number of indigenous peoples located along the [[Pacific Ocean|Pacific]] northwest coast of [[North America]]. Some poles are erected to celebrate significant beliefs or events, while others are intended primarily for aesthetic presentation. Poles are also carved to illustrate stories, to commemorate historic persons, to represent shamanic powers, and to provide objects of public ridicule. Certain types of totem poles are part of mortuary structures incorporating grave boxes with carved supporting poles, or recessed backs in which grave boxes were placed. The totem poles of North America have many different designs featuring totemic animals such bears, birds, frogs, people, lizards, and often are endowed with arms, legs, and wings. Such designs themselves are generally considered to be the property of a particular clan or family group, and ownership is not transferable even if someone outside this clan or group possesses the pole. Despite common misconceptions, there has never been any ubiquitous meaning given to the vertical order of the images represented on the totem pole. On the contrary, many poles have significant figures on the top, while others place such figures bottom, or middle. While totem poles can be described as an example of totemism due to their representation of clan lineages, they were never used specifically as objects of worship. Hence, any associations made between "idol worship" and totem poles were introduced upon the arrival of Christian missionaries.
  
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The beginnings of totem pole construction are not known. Being made of wood they decay easily in the rain forest environment of the Northwest Coast, so no examples of poles carved before 1800 exist. However [[18th century]] accounts of European explorers along the coast indicate that poles certainly existed at that time, although small and few in number. In all likelihood, the freestanding poles seen by the first European explorers were preceded by a long history of monumental carving, particularly interior house posts. Edward Malin (1986) has proposed a theory of totem pole development which describes totem poles as progressing from house posts, funerary containers, and memorial markers into symbols of clan and family wealth and prestige. He argues that the center of pole construction was centered around the [[Haida]] people of the [[Queen Charlotte Islands]], from whence it spread outward to the [[Tsimshian]] and [[Tlingit]] and then down the coast to the tribes of [[British Columbia]] and northern [[Washington]]. The regional stylistic differences between poles would then be due not to a change in style over time, but instead to application of existing regional artistic styles to a new medium.
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===Nor-Papua===
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Among the Nor-Papua people, who live in the northern region of [[New Guinea]], exogamous patrilineal groups are commonly associated with various species of fish. These totems have an unprecedented cultural presence and appear in numerous representations, including ceremonial flutes within which they take the form of spirit creatures, as well as sculpted figures that are present in every household. Individuals in the various groups are believed to be born from the fish totems. These children come from a holy place, the same holy place to which the totem fish are believed to bring the souls of the dead. Upon reaching responsible age, children are given the choice of whether they will accept the totem of their mother or father. Because of this immense totemic importance, numerous species of fish are classified as taboo for killing or eating.
  
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The disruptions following Euro-American trade and settlement first led to a florescence and then to a decline in the cultures and totem pole carving. The widespread importation of Euro-American iron and steel tools led to much more rapid and accurate production of carved wooden goods, including poles. It is not certain whether iron tools were actually introduced by Europeans, or whether iron tools were already produced aboriginally from drift iron recovered from Oriental shipwrecks; nevertheless Europeans simplified the acquisition of iron tools whose use greatly enhanced totem pole construction. The fur trade gave rise to a tremendous accumulation of wealth among the coastal peoples, and much of this wealth was spent and distributed in lavish [[potlatch]]es frequently associated with the construction and erection of totem poles. Poles were commissioned by many wealthy leaders to represent their social status and the importance of their families and clans. As the fur trade declined the incidence of poverty on the coast increased. Christian missionaries reviled the totem pole as an object of heathen worship—which it was not—and urged converts to cease production and destroy existing poles.
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===Shona===
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In [[Zimbabwe]], totems (''mitupo'') have been in use among the [[Shona]] people ever since the initial stages of their culture. The Shona use totems to identify the different clans that historically made up the ancient civilizations of the dynasties that ruled over them in the city of [[Great Zimbabwe]], which was once the centre of the sprawling Munhumutapa Empire. Clans, which consist of a group of related kinsmen and women who trace their descent from a common founding ancestor, form the core of every Shona chiefdom. Totemic symbols chosen by these clans are primarily associated with animal names. The purposes of a totem are: 1) to guard against incestuous behavior, 2) to reinforce the social identity of the clan, and, 3) to provide praise to someone through recited poetry. In contemporary Shona society there are at least 25 identifiable totems with more than 60 principal names (''zvidawo''). Every Shona clan is identified by a particular totem (specified by the term ''mitupo'') and principal praise name (''chidawo''). The principal praise name in this case is used to distinguish people who share the same totem but are from different clans. For example, clans that share the same totem ''Shumba'' (lion) will identify their different clansmanship by using a particular praise name like ''Murambwe'', or ''Nyamuziwa''. The foundations of the totems are inspired in rhymes that reference the history of the totem.
  
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Totem pole construction underwent a dramatic decline at the end of the [[19th century]] due to American and Canadian urges towards Euro-American enculturation and assimilation. Fortunately, in the mid-twentieth century a combination of cultural, [[Linguistics|linguistic]], and artistic revival along with intense scholarly scrutiny and the continuing fascination and support of an educated and empathetic public led to a renewal and extension of this moribund artistic tradition. Freshly-carved totem poles are being erected up and down the coast. Related artistic production is pouring forth in many new and traditional media, ranging from tourist trinkets to masterful works in wood, stone, [[Glassblowing|blown]] and etched glass, and many other traditional and non-traditional media.
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===Birhor===
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The Birhor tribe inhabits the jungle region of the northeastern corner of the Deccan province in [[India]]. The tribe is organized by way of exogamous groups that are traced through the patrilineal line and represented by totems based on animals, plants, or inanimate objects. Stories tracing the origin of the tribe suggest that the various totems are connected with the birth of distant ancestors. Totems are treated as if they were human beings and strict taboos forbid such acts as the killing or eating of a totem (if it is a plant or animal), or destroying a totem if it is an object. Such behavior represents a failure to conform to the normal rules of relations with ancestors. The consequences for such misappropriations are dire, and the Birhor believe that the subsistence of their people will be placed in jeopardy if transgressions against the totem occur. Furthermore, the Birhor have put elaborate protocol in place concerning reverence for deceased totemic animals.
  
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Today a number of successful native artists carve totem poles on commission, usually taking the opportunity to educate apprentices in the demanding art of traditional carving and its concomitant joinery. Such modern poles are almost always executed in traditional styles, although some artists have felt free to include modern subject matter or use nontraditional styles in their execution. The commission for a modern pole ranges in the tens of thousands of dollars; the time spent carving after initial designs are completed usually lasts about a year, so the commission essentially functions as the artist's primary means of income during the period.
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===Iban===
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The Iban tribes of [[Malaysia]] practice a form of individual totemism based on dreams. If a spirit of a dead ancestor in human form enters the dream of an individual and proceeds to offer protection in the name of an animal, the dreamer must then seek the named animal as their personal totem. The attainment of such a spirit animal is so important that young men will go to such measures as sleeping on graves or fasting in order to aid the dream state. If a dream involving animals has been experienced, then the chosen individual must observe the spirit animal in its natural environment and come to understand its behaviors. Subsequently, the individual will often carry a part (or parts) of their totem animal with them, which represents their protector spirit, and will present sacrificial offerings to its spirit. Strong taboos are placed upon the killing or the eating of the entire species of the spirit animal, which are passed along from the bearer of the spirit to their descendants.  
  
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[[Image:Moa-2.jpg|thumb|Totem poles at the [[Museum of Anthropology at UBC|Museum of Anthropology]] at the [[University of British Columbia]].]]
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===Maori===
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<!-- Image with unknown copyright status removed: [[Image:Totems.jpg|thumb|right|400px|Southern style totem poles in Vancouver, BC]] —>
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The [[Maori]], the aboriginal people of [[New Zealand]], practice a form of religion that is generally classified as totemism. Maori religion conceives of everything, including natural elements, as connected by common descent through ''whakapapa'' (genealogy). Due to the importance of genealogy, ancestors, of both the mythical and actual variety, are of the utmost importance, serving as individual totems. People are thought to behave as they do because of the presence within them of ancestors. For instance, Rangi and Papa, the progenitor god and goddess of sky and the earth respectively, are seen not only as establishers of the sky and earth, but also as prototypes for the basic natures of men and women. In addition, Tane, the son of Rangi and Papa and creator of the world in the form we know it, provides an archetypal character for Maori males. Maoris also identify numerous animals, insects and natural forces as totems, including most importantly kangaroos, honey-ants, the sun and the rain. Maoris construct totem pole-like objects in honor of these totemic groups.
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Poles of all types share a common graphic style with carved and painted containers, housefronts, canoes, masks, intricately-woven blankets, ceremonial dress, weapons, armor, and many other tools and implements. Two distinct systems of art were developed for two-dimensional and three-dimensional figures, but both were maintained within a complex design system. This artistic system was developed by Northwest Coast Native Peoples (see Native Americans) over many thousands of years, as evinced by stone and bone artifacts uncovered in archeological studies which display clear examples of the same design.
 
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The meanings of the designs on totem poles are as varied as the cultures which produce them. Totem poles may recount familiar legends, clan lineages, or notable events. Some poles are erected to celebrate cultural beliefs, but others are intended mostly as artistic presentations. Certain types of totem pole are part of mortuary structures incorporating grave boxes with carved supporting poles, or recessed backs in which grave boxes were placed. Poles are also carved to illustrate stories, to commemorate historic persons, to represent shamanic powers, and to provide objects of public ridicule. "Some of the figures on the poles constitute symbolic reminders of quarrels, murders, debts, and other unpleasant occurrences about which the Indians prefer to remain silent... The most widely known tales, like those of the exploits of Raven and of Kats who married the bear woman, are familiar to almost every native of the area. Carvings which symbolize these tales are sufficiently conventionalized to be readily recognizable even by persons whose lineage did not recount them as their own legendary history." (Reed 2003).
 
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Totem poles were never objects of worship; the association with "idol worship" was an idea from local Christian missionaries. The same assumption was made by very early European explorers, but later explorers such as [[Jean-François de La Pérouse]] noted that totem poles were never treated reverently; they seemed only occasionally to generate allusions or illustrate stories and were usually left to rot in place when people abandoned a village.
 
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Vertical order of images is widely believed to be a significant representation of importance. This idea is so pervasive that it has entered into common parlance with the phrase "low man on the totem pole". This phrase is indicative of the most common belief of ordering importance, that the higher figures on the pole are more important or prestigious. A counterargument frequently heard is that figures are arranged in a "reverse hierarchy" style, with the most important representations being on the bottom, and the least important being on top. Actually there have never been any restrictions on vertical order, many poles have significant figures on the top, others on the bottom, and some in the middle. Other poles have no vertical arrangement at all, consisting of a lone figure atop an undecorated column.
 
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The poles used for public ridicule are usually called "shame poles", and were erected to shame individuals or groups for unpaid debts. Shame poles are today rarely discussed, and their meanings have in many places been forgotten. However they formed an important subset of poles carved throughout the 19th century.
 
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One famous shame pole is the Lincoln Pole in [[Saxman, Alaska]]; it was apparently created to shame the U.S. government into repaying the Tlingit people for the value of slaves which were freed after the [[Emancipation Proclamation]]. Other explanations for it have arisen as the original reason was forgotten or suppressed, however this meaning is still clearly recounted by a number of Tlingit elders today.
 
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Another example of the shame pole is the Three Frogs Pole in [[Wrangell, Alaska]]. This pole was erected by [[Chief Shakes]] to shame the Kiks.ádi [[clan]] into repaying a debt incurred by three of their slaves who impregnated some young women in Shakes's clan. When the Kiks.ádi leaders refused to pay support for the illegitimate children Shakes had the pole commissioned to represent the three slaves as frogs, the frog being the primary crest of the Kiks.ádi clan. This debt was never repaid, and thus the pole still stands next to the Chief Shakes Tribal House in Wrangell. This particular pole's unique crossbar shape has become popularly associated with the town of Wrangell. It was thus used, without recognizing the meaning of the pole, as part of the title design of the Wrangell Sentinel newspaper, where it is still seen today.
 
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The construction of shame poles has essentially ceased within the last century. This is attributable to a decline in interclan rivalries and clan relationships in general, and to a desire for solidarity among most native tribes. However, as feelings of independence and nationalism increase among Northwest coast people, erecting shame poles against the American and Canadian governments has been occasionally proposed, though usually in a facetious manner. If outrage against some political decision is strong enough among the people of a particular Northwest coast tribe the erection of a new shame pole may again become a possibility, although the cost of construction will likely be a major inhibition.
 
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Erection of a totem pole is almost never done using modern methods, even for poles installed in modern settings on the outside of public and private buildings. Instead the traditional ceremony and process of erection is still followed scrupulously by most artists, in that a great wooden scaffold is built and hundreds of strong men haul the pole upright into its footing while others steady the pole from side ropes and brace it with cross beams. Once the pole is erected a potlatch is typically held where the carver is formally paid and other traditional activities are conducted. The carver will usually, once the pole is freestanding, perform a celebratory and propitiary dance next to the pole while wielding the tools used to carve it. Also, the base of the pole is burnt before erection to provide a sort of rot resistance, and the fire is made with chips carved from the pole.
 
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Totem poles are typically not well maintained after their erection. Traditionally once the wood rots so badly that it begins to lean and pose a threat to passersby, the pole is either destroyed or pushed over and removed. Older poles typically fall over during the winter storms that batter the coast. A totem pole rarely lasts over 100 years. A collapsed pole may be replaced by a new one carved more or less the same as the original, with the same subject matter, but this requires a new payment and potlatch and is thus not always done. The beliefs behind the lack of maintenance vary among individuals, but generally it is believed that the deterioration of the pole is representative of natural processes of decay and death that occur with all living things, and attempts to prevent this are seen as somehow denying or ignoring the nature of the world. That has not however prevented many people from occasionally renewing the paint on poles or performing further restorations, mostly because the expense of a new pole is beyond feasibility for the owner. Also, owners of poles who are not familiar with cultural traditions may see upkeep as a necessary investment for property, and ignore the philosophical implications. It is best to treat the question of totem pole maintenance on a case by case basis, especially asking the artist for their opinion on the matter during or just after the production process.
 
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Each culture typically has complex rules and customs regarding the designs which are represented on poles. The designs themselves are generally considered the property of a particular clan or family group, and this ownership may not be transferred to the owner of a pole. As such, pictures, paintings, and other copies of the designs may be an infringement of posessory rights of a certain family or cultural group. Thus it is important that the ownership of the artistic designs represented on a pole are respected as private property to the same extent that the pole itself is property. Public display and sale of pictures and other representations of totem pole designs should be cleared with both the owners of the pole and the cultural group or tribal government associated with the designs on the pole.
 
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However totem poles in general are not the exclusive cultural property of a single culture, so the designs are not easily protected. The art and tourist trinket worlds have become inundated by cheap imitations of totem poles executed with little or no knowledge of the complex stylistic conventions demanded by Northwest Coast art. This proliferation of "totem junk" has diluted the public interest and respect for the artistic skill and deep cultural knowledge required to produce a pole.
 
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[[Image:World's Tallest Totem Pole, Victoria, British Columbia.JPG|thumb|175px|Victoria's "World's Tallest Totem Pole"]]
 
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The title of "The World's Largest Totem Pole" is or has been claimed by several towns along the coast:
 
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* [[Alert Bay, British Columbia]] &mdash; 173 ft (56.4 m), Kwakiutl
 
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* [[Vancouver, British Columbia]] (Maritime Museum) &mdash; 100 ft (30.5 m), Kwakiutl, carved by Mungo Martin with Henry Hunt and David Martin
 
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* [[Victoria, British Columbia]] (Beacon Hill Park) &mdash; 127.5 ft (38.9 m), Kwakiutl, carved by Mungo Martin with Henry Hunt and David Martin
 
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* [[Kalama, Washington]] &mdash; 140 ft (42.6 m), carved by Chief Lalooska
 
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* [[Kake, Alaska]] &mdash; 137.5 ft (41.9 m), Tlingit
 
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There are disputes over which is genuinely the tallest, depending on constraints such as construction from a single log or the affiliation of the carver. Competition for making the tallest pole is still prevalent, although it is becoming more difficult to procure trees of such heights.
 
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The thickest totem pole ever carved to date is in [[Duncan, British Columbia]], carved by Richard Hunt in [[1988]], and measures over 6 ft (1.8 m) in diameter. It is carved in the Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) style, and represents Cedar Man transforming into his human form.
 
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Standing a total of 173 feet tall, the world's tallest totem pole is comprised of two pieces of 168 and 5 feet. This one is in Alert Bay, British Columbia.
 
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===Oceanic===
 
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Although the term is of Native American origin, totemistic beliefs are not limited to Native Americans.  Similar totemism-like beliefs have been historically found throughout much of the world, including Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Africa, Australia and the Arctic polar region. Poles similar to totem poles are also found elsewhere in the world.  Due to their similarities to totem poles, they are often described as being totem poles. Two most notable cultures with such example of having a totem pole-like objects are those by the [[Māori]] and the [[Ainu people|Ainu]].
 
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===Asia===
 
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The oldest surviving totem culture (''totim'' in Chinese) may be found in [[Sanxingdui]], China, dating back more than 5000 years. Metal masks in gold or bronze were mounted on wood poles. It is possible that totem culture may have spread from China to the rest of the world.
 
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===African===
 
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In [[Zimbabwe]] totems (mitupo) have been in use among the [[Shona]] people from the initial stages of their culture. The use of totems identifies the different clans that historically made up the ancient civilizations of the dynasties that ruled the Shona people from [[Great Zimbabwe]]. Most notably these symbols were associated with animal names. The purpose of the totem was meant to guard against incestuous behaviour; for the social identity of the clan; and also to praise someone in recited poetry. In contemporary Shona society there are at least 25 identifiable totems (mitupo) with at least 60 principal names (zvidawo).Every Shona clan is identified by a particular totem (mutupo) and principal praise name (chidawo). The principal praise name in this case is used to disitinguish people who have the same totem but are from different clans; for example clans that share the same totem '''Shumba''' (lion) will show their different clansmanship by using a particular praise name like '''Murambwe''', or '''Nyamuziwa'''. The foundations of the totems are inspired in rhymes that reference the history of the totem.
 
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The ''Clan'' is the core of every Shona chiefdom. It is a group of agnatically related kinsmen and women who trace their descent from a common founding ancestor.
 
  
 
===Recent Developments===
 
===Recent Developments===
−
In modern times, some individuals, not otherwise involved in the practice of a tribal religion, have chosen to adopt as a personal totem an animal which has some kind of special meaning to them. This practice is prevalent in, but not limited to, the New Age movement. Beliefs regarding totems can vary, from merely adopting one as a whim, to adopting an animal that a person sees representing favorable traits reflected in their own behavior or appearance. A few believe their totem acts as a literal spirit guide. Some Native Americans and other followers of tribal religions take a dim view of New Agers' and others' adoption of totem animals, arguing that a non-adherent cannot truly understand totemism apart from the cultural context, and that at worst, it represents a commercialization of their religious beliefs
+
In modern times, some individuals not otherwise involved in the practice of a tribal religion have chosen to adopt animals which have some kind of special meaning to them as a personal totem. This practice is prevalent in, but not limited to, the [[New Age movement]]. Beliefs regarding totems can vary, from merely adopting one as a whim, to adopting an animal that a person sees representing favorable traits reflected in their own behavior or appearance. Some believe their totem functions as a literal spirit guide. Some Native Americans and other followers of tribal religions take a dim view of New Agers' and others' adoption of totemic animals, arguing that a non-adherent cannot truly understand totemism apart from its original cultural context, and that, at worst, such appropriation represents a commercialization of their religious beliefs. It also bears mentioning that totemistic sentiments exist within such modern activities as the naming of sports teams, and in the choosing national symbols, among other activities. In such cases, the character of the animal or natural force described in the name comes to have significance in symbolically bestowing desirable traits upon members of the given team, club or state.
  
−
==Signifigance of Totemism==
+
==Significance of Totemism==
 +
While the works of ethnologists such as Goldenweiser and Lévi-Strauss have brought into question the importance and even the plausibility of totemism as an adequate classification in religious scholarship, the disposal of the concept altogether is hardly warranted. While it may not represent the base phase of human religiosity, as put forth by thinkers such as Durkheim and Freud, among others, it cannot be reduced merely to a mode of designation and nothing else. Undeniably, the urge to label various plants, animals, objects and forces of nature as totemic is a persistent one among human beings. Whether it is a tribal group labeling various clans by way of animals in their environment, or sports teams choosing powerful forces of nature for their insignias, the totemic reflex has remained a universal human activity until the present. As long as the surrounding environment provides a wellspring of imagery and symbolism for assisting humans in the act of summoning identity for their groups as well as their individual selves, the concept of the totem will continue to be important.
  
 
==References==
 
==References==
−
* Garfield, Viola E. and Forrest, Linn A. ''The Wolf and the Raven: Totem poles of Southeastern Alaska''. Revised edition. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1961. ISBN 0-295-73998-3.
+
* Adhikary, Ashim Kumar. "The Birhor Universe." Primal Elements: The Oral Tradition.
−
* Malin, Edward. ''Totem poles of the Pacific Northwest coast''. Portland, Oregon: Timber Press, 1986. ISBN 0-88192-295-1.
+
* Garfield, Viola E. and Forrest, Linn A. ''The Wolf and the Raven: Totem poles of Southeastern Alaska''. Revised edition. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1961. ISBN 0295739983
−
* Stewart, Hillary. ''Looking at totem poles''. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1993. ISBN 0-295-97259-9.
+
* Goldenweiser, Alexander A. ''Early Civilization: An Introduction to Anthropology''. Nabu Press, 2010. ISBN 978-1147025521
 +
* Lévi-Strauss, Claude. ''Totemism''. Rodney Needham, trans. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1971. ISBN 978-0807046715
 +
* Lévi-Strauss, Claude. ''The Savage Mind''. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. ISBN 978-0226474847
 +
* Malin, Edward. ''Totem poles of the Pacific Northwest coast''. Portland, OR: Timber Press, 1986. ISBN 0881922951
 +
* Orbell, Margaret. ''A Concise Encyclopedia of Maori Myth and Legend''. Christchurch, New Zealand: University of Canterbury Press, 1998.
 +
* Pals, Daniel L. ''Seven Theories of Religion''. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ISBN 0195087240
 +
* Stewart, Hillary. ''Looking at Totem Poles''. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1993. ISBN 0295972599
 +
* "Systems of Religious and Spiritual Belief." The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Volume 26 Macropaedia. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 2002. 530-577.
 +
* Wagner, Roy. "Totemism." Encyclopedia of Religion, Mercia Eliade, ed. New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1987. 573-576.
  
 
==See also==
 
==See also==
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*[[Charge (heraldry)]]
+
* [[Animism]]
 +
* [[Shamanism]]
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* [[Anthropology]]
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
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+
All links retrieved May 1, 2023.
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* [http://www.starstuffs.com/animal_totems/ Totem Spirit Animals: Discovering Animal Totems, Dictionaries, Feathers]
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* [http://www.starstuffs.com/animal_totems/ Animal Totems]
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* [http://www.china.org.cn/e-sanxingdui/ Historical Wonders of Sanxingdui]
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* [http://www.yale.edu/ynhti/curriculum/units/1985/6/85.06.01.x.html Totem Poles of the North American Northwest Coast Indians] Yale.edu
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* [http://www.sanxingdui.com/ Welcome to Sanxingdui] (with history of excavation)
 
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* [http://zimbabwe.poetryinternational.org/cwolk/view/20894/ Totems in Zimbabwe]
 
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* [http://www.yale.edu/ynhti/curriculum/units/1985/6/85.06.01.x.html Yale.edu] Totem Poles of the North American Northwest Coast Indians
 
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* [http://www.nativeonline.com/totem_poles.htm Native online.com]
 
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* [http://www.royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/totems/totems1b.html Royal BC Museum]
 
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[[Category:Philosophy and religion]] [[Category:religion]]
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[[Category:Philosophy and religion]]  
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[[Category:religion]]
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[[Category:Politics and social sciences]]
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[[Category:Anthropology]]
  
 
{{Credit2|Totem|53937419|Totem_pole|56783466}}
 
{{Credit2|Totem|53937419|Totem_pole|56783466}}

Latest revision as of 04:44, 1 May 2023


A totem pole located in Totem Park, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada.

Derived from the term "ototeman" in the Ojibwe language, meaning "brother-sister kin," Totemism is an aspect of religious belief centered upon the veneration of sacred objects called totems. A totem is any animal, plant, or other object, natural or supernatural, which provides deeply symbolic meaning for a person or social group. In some cases, totems may imbue particular person with a feeling of power and energy. In other cases, a variety of totems can serve to demarcate particular groups or clans subsumed within larger tribes. Often, totems are seen as representative of desirable individual qualities, or the natural power from which a given social group has descended. Thus, totems help to explain the mythical origin of the clan while reinforcing clan identity and solidarity, and as such, killing, eating, and even touching a totem is often considered taboo.

This form of religious activity is most commonly found within tribal cultures and it is frequently associated with shamanistic religions and their rituals. It is important to note that the concept is generated in the academy by scholars imbued with a sense that European culture is "more civilized." In fact all religions, including modern Christianity, have aspects to them that function precisely as do "totems" in what nineteenth- and early twentieth-century scholars called "primitive" societies.

Totemism as a Religious Classification

Totemism played an active role in the development of nineteenth and early twentieth century theories of religion, initially spurring the interests of many thinkers who wanted to classify totemism as an early stage within an allegedly evolutionary progression of religion. John Ferguson McLennan (1827-1881), a Scottish ethnographer, argued that the entire human race had passed through a totemic stage at some point in the distant past in which they worshiped animals and plants. Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917), the famous anthropologist, expanded totemism beyond the worship of plants and animals, claiming that it was actually an early exercise in the instinct within humans to classify their surrounding world. Ethnologist Sir James G. Frazer (1854-1941) put forth the idea that totems bind people together in social groups, and serve as an impetus for the development of civilization. Further, he posited that totemic clans began as a means for explaining the process of conception and birth. Several years later, psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud would place the totem at the incitation of human religiosity. For Freud, the totem was the projection of a hypothetical tribe's Oedipal guilt for the murder of their patriarch, and subsequently the lynchpin for their systems of taboos and morality that allegedly developed in the aftermath.

Alexander A. Goldenweiser, a Russian-American ethnologist, provided one of the key criticisms against such evolutionary notions placing totemism at or near the beginning of human religious development. Goldenweiser called into question the notion that there was in fact a "psychic unity of mankind," claiming that broad generalizations about the commonalities between cultures were unfounded, at best. Furthermore, he pointed out that there was not necessarily a connection between the use of totemic classifications, the existence of clans, and the relationships of human being to totems. These three phenomena, he claimed, coexisted only in the most rare occasions, and merging them together under the heading of "totemism" was an academic creation, rather than a description of actual phenomena. This critique created an attitude of skepticism concerning totemism in the span of human religious development. Regardless, additional evolutionary theories placing totemism at the initial stage of human development arose, such as those of Émile Durkheim.

No thinker discussed totemism as thoroughly as did Durkheim, who concentrated his study on supposedly "primitive" societies. Drawing on the identification of social group with spiritual totems in Australian aboriginal tribes, Durkheim theorized that all human religious expression was intrinsically founded in relationship to the group from which it emerges. While Tylor insisted that all religion arises from animism and Frazer put forth the view that religion spawns from an understanding of magic, Durkheim found these theories to be insufficient. Durkheim claimed that practitioners of totemism do not actually worship their chosen plant or animal totem. Instead, totems try to connect tribespeople with an impersonal force that holds enormous power over the solidarity of the clan. Durkheim calls this the "totemic principle," which precedes belief in the supernatural. For Durkheim, totemism was also the rubric for dividing sacred from the profane. For example, Durkheim noted that animals other than the totem could be killed and eaten. However, the totemic animal has a sacred status above the others that creates the taboo against killing it. Since the clan itself is considered to be one with its totem, the clan itself is what is sacred. This reinforces the taboo against killing other people in the clan, as well as other social mores. Hence, when the tribe gathers to worship the emblem representing its chosen totem, it is actually worshiping the tribe itself. The totem is not only the symbol of the clan, but actually the clan itself, represented in the form of the arbitrary animal or plant. The totem god is, according to this theory, a projection of the clan, and devotion to the totem is devotion to the clan. Here, a society can ascertain the commitment of any individual through his or her veneration of the totem. Rituals performed to the totem, then, are performed to promote consciousness of the clan, reminding tribe members that they are committed to a real thing. According to Durkheim, it follows that belief in the soul is really just the implantation of the totemic principle into each individual.

Claude Lévi-Strauss reiterated Goldenweiser's skepticism toward evolutionary theories of totemism, claiming totemism to be an erroneous and outdated ethnological construct. In his book-length essay Totemism Today (1963), Lévi-Strauss shows that human cognition, which is based on analogical thought, is independent of social context. For Lévi-Strauss, in contrast to the ideas functionalist anthropologist such as Sir Raymond Firth and Meyer Fortes, totems are not based on physical or psychological similarities between the clan and the totemic animal. Rather, totems are chosen arbitrarily for the sole purpose of making the physical world a comprehensive and coherent classificatory system. Lévi-Strauss argues that the use of physical analogies is not an indication of a more primitive mental capacity. On the contrary, it is actually a more efficient way to cope with this particular mode of tribal life in which abstractions are rare, and in which the physical environment is in direct friction with the society. The totemic classification system, he noted, was based on relationships of opposition between nature and culture. Dissimilarities among totemic creatures found in nature serve to differentiate otherwise indistinguishable human cultural units. For Lévi-Strauss, this precludes the possibility of any relationship between human social groups and their chosen totem based on analogy. Instead, totemism is simply another means by which groups of human beings classify the world around them. In The Savage Mind (1966) he put forth the theory that totemic classifications are part of a the science of the concrete, a proto-scientific classificatory system enabling tribal individuals to classify the world in a rational, coherent fashion. This connects with the human instinct for qualitative classification and as such, Lévi-Strauss considers it as neither more nor less a science than any other classificatory system in the Western world. The strength of Lévi-Strauss' work has rendered somewhat obsolete the theories that implicate totemism in the earliest phases of all human religious development.

Examples of Totemism in Human Culture

North American Aboriginals

Totemism can be said to characterize the religious beliefs of most indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States. The Sauk and Osage peoples of the northeastern United States, for example, assigned qualities of their clan totems through names to individual members. It was expected that those in clan of the Black Bear or the Wolf, among others, would develop some of the desirable traits of those animals. Among the Ojibwa people, from whose language the concept of totemism originated, people were divided into a number of clans called doodem named for various animals. Of the various totemic groups, the crane totem was considered the most vocal. The bear, since it was the largest, was sub-divided into various body parts that also became totemic symbols. These totems were then grouped according to habitat of the given animal, whether it is earth, air or water—and served as a means for governing and dividing labor among the various clans.

In addition, North American native peoples provide one of the most recognizable examples of totemism in all of human culture—the totem pole. Totem poles are monumental sculptures carved from great trees, typically Western Red cedar, by a number of indigenous peoples located along the Pacific northwest coast of North America. Some poles are erected to celebrate significant beliefs or events, while others are intended primarily for aesthetic presentation. Poles are also carved to illustrate stories, to commemorate historic persons, to represent shamanic powers, and to provide objects of public ridicule. Certain types of totem poles are part of mortuary structures incorporating grave boxes with carved supporting poles, or recessed backs in which grave boxes were placed. The totem poles of North America have many different designs featuring totemic animals such bears, birds, frogs, people, lizards, and often are endowed with arms, legs, and wings. Such designs themselves are generally considered to be the property of a particular clan or family group, and ownership is not transferable even if someone outside this clan or group possesses the pole. Despite common misconceptions, there has never been any ubiquitous meaning given to the vertical order of the images represented on the totem pole. On the contrary, many poles have significant figures on the top, while others place such figures bottom, or middle. While totem poles can be described as an example of totemism due to their representation of clan lineages, they were never used specifically as objects of worship. Hence, any associations made between "idol worship" and totem poles were introduced upon the arrival of Christian missionaries.

Nor-Papua

Among the Nor-Papua people, who live in the northern region of New Guinea, exogamous patrilineal groups are commonly associated with various species of fish. These totems have an unprecedented cultural presence and appear in numerous representations, including ceremonial flutes within which they take the form of spirit creatures, as well as sculpted figures that are present in every household. Individuals in the various groups are believed to be born from the fish totems. These children come from a holy place, the same holy place to which the totem fish are believed to bring the souls of the dead. Upon reaching responsible age, children are given the choice of whether they will accept the totem of their mother or father. Because of this immense totemic importance, numerous species of fish are classified as taboo for killing or eating.

Shona

In Zimbabwe, totems (mitupo) have been in use among the Shona people ever since the initial stages of their culture. The Shona use totems to identify the different clans that historically made up the ancient civilizations of the dynasties that ruled over them in the city of Great Zimbabwe, which was once the centre of the sprawling Munhumutapa Empire. Clans, which consist of a group of related kinsmen and women who trace their descent from a common founding ancestor, form the core of every Shona chiefdom. Totemic symbols chosen by these clans are primarily associated with animal names. The purposes of a totem are: 1) to guard against incestuous behavior, 2) to reinforce the social identity of the clan, and, 3) to provide praise to someone through recited poetry. In contemporary Shona society there are at least 25 identifiable totems with more than 60 principal names (zvidawo). Every Shona clan is identified by a particular totem (specified by the term mitupo) and principal praise name (chidawo). The principal praise name in this case is used to distinguish people who share the same totem but are from different clans. For example, clans that share the same totem Shumba (lion) will identify their different clansmanship by using a particular praise name like Murambwe, or Nyamuziwa. The foundations of the totems are inspired in rhymes that reference the history of the totem.

Birhor

The Birhor tribe inhabits the jungle region of the northeastern corner of the Deccan province in India. The tribe is organized by way of exogamous groups that are traced through the patrilineal line and represented by totems based on animals, plants, or inanimate objects. Stories tracing the origin of the tribe suggest that the various totems are connected with the birth of distant ancestors. Totems are treated as if they were human beings and strict taboos forbid such acts as the killing or eating of a totem (if it is a plant or animal), or destroying a totem if it is an object. Such behavior represents a failure to conform to the normal rules of relations with ancestors. The consequences for such misappropriations are dire, and the Birhor believe that the subsistence of their people will be placed in jeopardy if transgressions against the totem occur. Furthermore, the Birhor have put elaborate protocol in place concerning reverence for deceased totemic animals.

Iban

The Iban tribes of Malaysia practice a form of individual totemism based on dreams. If a spirit of a dead ancestor in human form enters the dream of an individual and proceeds to offer protection in the name of an animal, the dreamer must then seek the named animal as their personal totem. The attainment of such a spirit animal is so important that young men will go to such measures as sleeping on graves or fasting in order to aid the dream state. If a dream involving animals has been experienced, then the chosen individual must observe the spirit animal in its natural environment and come to understand its behaviors. Subsequently, the individual will often carry a part (or parts) of their totem animal with them, which represents their protector spirit, and will present sacrificial offerings to its spirit. Strong taboos are placed upon the killing or the eating of the entire species of the spirit animal, which are passed along from the bearer of the spirit to their descendants.

Maori

The Maori, the aboriginal people of New Zealand, practice a form of religion that is generally classified as totemism. Maori religion conceives of everything, including natural elements, as connected by common descent through whakapapa (genealogy). Due to the importance of genealogy, ancestors, of both the mythical and actual variety, are of the utmost importance, serving as individual totems. People are thought to behave as they do because of the presence within them of ancestors. For instance, Rangi and Papa, the progenitor god and goddess of sky and the earth respectively, are seen not only as establishers of the sky and earth, but also as prototypes for the basic natures of men and women. In addition, Tane, the son of Rangi and Papa and creator of the world in the form we know it, provides an archetypal character for Maori males. Maoris also identify numerous animals, insects and natural forces as totems, including most importantly kangaroos, honey-ants, the sun and the rain. Maoris construct totem pole-like objects in honor of these totemic groups.

Recent Developments

In modern times, some individuals not otherwise involved in the practice of a tribal religion have chosen to adopt animals which have some kind of special meaning to them as a personal totem. This practice is prevalent in, but not limited to, the New Age movement. Beliefs regarding totems can vary, from merely adopting one as a whim, to adopting an animal that a person sees representing favorable traits reflected in their own behavior or appearance. Some believe their totem functions as a literal spirit guide. Some Native Americans and other followers of tribal religions take a dim view of New Agers' and others' adoption of totemic animals, arguing that a non-adherent cannot truly understand totemism apart from its original cultural context, and that, at worst, such appropriation represents a commercialization of their religious beliefs. It also bears mentioning that totemistic sentiments exist within such modern activities as the naming of sports teams, and in the choosing national symbols, among other activities. In such cases, the character of the animal or natural force described in the name comes to have significance in symbolically bestowing desirable traits upon members of the given team, club or state.

Significance of Totemism

While the works of ethnologists such as Goldenweiser and Lévi-Strauss have brought into question the importance and even the plausibility of totemism as an adequate classification in religious scholarship, the disposal of the concept altogether is hardly warranted. While it may not represent the base phase of human religiosity, as put forth by thinkers such as Durkheim and Freud, among others, it cannot be reduced merely to a mode of designation and nothing else. Undeniably, the urge to label various plants, animals, objects and forces of nature as totemic is a persistent one among human beings. Whether it is a tribal group labeling various clans by way of animals in their environment, or sports teams choosing powerful forces of nature for their insignias, the totemic reflex has remained a universal human activity until the present. As long as the surrounding environment provides a wellspring of imagery and symbolism for assisting humans in the act of summoning identity for their groups as well as their individual selves, the concept of the totem will continue to be important.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Adhikary, Ashim Kumar. "The Birhor Universe." Primal Elements: The Oral Tradition.
  • Garfield, Viola E. and Forrest, Linn A. The Wolf and the Raven: Totem poles of Southeastern Alaska. Revised edition. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1961. ISBN 0295739983
  • Goldenweiser, Alexander A. Early Civilization: An Introduction to Anthropology. Nabu Press, 2010. ISBN 978-1147025521
  • Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Totemism. Rodney Needham, trans. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1971. ISBN 978-0807046715
  • Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. ISBN 978-0226474847
  • Malin, Edward. Totem poles of the Pacific Northwest coast. Portland, OR: Timber Press, 1986. ISBN 0881922951
  • Orbell, Margaret. A Concise Encyclopedia of Maori Myth and Legend. Christchurch, New Zealand: University of Canterbury Press, 1998.
  • Pals, Daniel L. Seven Theories of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ISBN 0195087240
  • Stewart, Hillary. Looking at Totem Poles. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1993. ISBN 0295972599
  • "Systems of Religious and Spiritual Belief." The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Volume 26 Macropaedia. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 2002. 530-577.
  • Wagner, Roy. "Totemism." Encyclopedia of Religion, Mercia Eliade, ed. New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1987. 573-576.

See also

External links

All links retrieved May 1, 2023.

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