Insurrection of August 10, 1792
|The Insurrection of August 10, 1792|
|Part of the French Revolution|
Capture of the Tuileries Palace, Jean Duplessis-Bertaux
| Antoine Santerre
| Louis XVI |
Augustin de Mailly
Karl von Bachmann
|200-400 killed||600 killed |
The Insurrection of August 10, 1792 was a defining event of the French Revolution, when armed revolutionaries in Paris, increasingly in conflict with the French monarchy, stormed the Tuileries Palace. The conflict led France to abolish the monarchy and establish a republic.
Conflict between King Louis XVI of France and the country's new revolutionary Legislative Assembly increased through the spring and summer of 1792 as Louis vetoed radical measures voted upon by the Assembly. Tensions accelerated dramatically on August 1 when news reached Paris that the commander of the allied Prussian and Austrian armies, the Duke of Brunswick, had issued a proclamation, threatening "unforgettable vengeance" on Paris should harm come to the French Monarchy. On August 10, the National Guard of the Paris Commune and fédérés from Marseille and Brittany stormed the King's residence in the Tuileries Palace in Paris, which was defended by the Swiss Guards. Hundreds of Swiss guardsmen and revolutionaries were killed and Louis and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative Assembly. The formal end of the monarchy occurred six weeks later on September 21 as one of the first acts of the new National Convention, which established a Republic on the following day.
The insurrection and its outcomes are most commonly referred to by historians of the Revolution simply as "the August 10"; other common designations include "the day of the August 10th" (French: journée du 10 août) or "the Second Revolution."
On April 20, 1792, France declared war against the King of Bohemia and Hungary (Austria). The initial battles were a disaster for the French, and Prussia joined Austria in active alliance against France, eventually declaring war on France on June 13. The blame for the disaster was put upon the King and his ministers (the Austrian Committee), then later upon the Girondins.
The Legislative Assembly passed decrees sentencing any priest denounced by 20 citizens to immediate deportation (May 27), dissolving the King's guard because it was manned by aristocrats (May 29), and establishing in the vicinity of Paris a camp of 20,000 Fédérés (June 8). The King vetoed the decrees and dismissed Girondists from the Ministry. When the King formed a new cabinet mostly of constitutional monarchists (Feuillants), it widened the breach between the King and the Assembly and the majority of the common people of Paris. These events happened on June 16 when Lafayette sent a letter to the Assembly, recommending suppression of "anarchists" and political clubs in the capital.
The King's veto of the Legislative Assembly's decrees was published on June 19, one day before the third anniversary of the Tennis Court Oath, which had inaugurated the Revolution. The popular Journée du 20 juin 1792 was organized to put pressure on the King. Appearing before the crowd, the King put on the bonnet rouge of liberty and drank to the health of the nation, but refused to ratify decrees or to recall the ministers. The republican mayor of Paris, Pétion, was suspended by the Directory of the Seine département for having neglected to protect the Tuileries Palace on June 20. On June 28, General Lafayette left his post with the army and appeared before the Assembly to call on the deputies to dissolve the Jacobin Club and punish those who were responsible for the demonstration of June 20. The deputies indicted the general for deserting his command. The King rejected all suggestions of escape from Lafayette, the man who had long presided over his imprisonment. The crowd burnt him in effigy at the Palais-Royal. There was no place for Lafayette beside the republican emblem, nor in the country which had adopted it. Within six weeks he was arrested while fleeing to England and placed in an Austrian prison. Lafayette failed because his views clashed with French national sentiment, and his ineffectual leadership of French armies had given the Prussians time to finish their preparations and concentrate upon the Rhine undisturbed.
A decree of July 2 authorized the National Guard, many of whom were already on their way to Paris, to come for the Federation ceremony. A decree of July 5 declared that in the event of danger to the nation all able-bodied men could be called to service and necessary arms requisitioned. Six days later the Assembly declared la patrie est en danger (the homeland is in danger). Banners were placed in the public squares.
Would you allow foreign hordes to spread like a destroying torrent over your countryside! That they ravage our harvest! That they devastate our fatherland through fire and murder! In a word, that they overcome you with chains dyed with the blood of those whom you hold the most dear... Citizens, the country is in danger!
Criticism of Louis XVI
On July 3 Pierre Vergniaud issued a threat against the King's person:
It is in the King's name that the French princes have tried to rouse all the courts of Europe against the nation, it is to avenge the dignity of the King that the treaty of Pillnitz was concluded and the monstrous alliance formed between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin; it is to defend the King that we have seen what were formerly companies of the Gardes du Corps hurrying to join the standard of rebellion in Germany; it is to come to the assistance of the King that the émigrés are soliciting and obtaining employment in the Austrian army and preparing to stab their fatherland to the heart... it is in the name of the King that liberty is being attacked... yet I read in the Constitution, chapter II, section i, article 6: 'If the king place himself at the head of an army and turn its forces against the nation, or if he do not explicitly manifest his opposition to any such enterprise carried out in his name, he shall be considered to have abdicated his royal office.'
Vergniaud recalled the royal veto, the disorders it had caused in the provinces, and the deliberate inaction of the generals who had opened the way to invasion. He implied that Louis XVI came within the scope of this article of the Constitution. By this means he put the idea of deposing the King into the minds of the public. His speech was circulated by the Assembly through all the departments.
Evading the royal veto on an armed camp, the Assembly had invited National Guards from the provinces, on their way to the front, to come to Paris, ostensibly for Bastille day celebrations. By mid-July the Fédérés were petitioning the Assembly to dethrone the king. The Fédérés were reluctant to leave Paris before a decisive blow had been struck, and the arrival on July 25 of 300 from Brest and five days later of 500 Marseillais, who made the streets of Paris echo with the revolutionary anthem to which they gave their name, provided the revolutionaries with a formidable force.
The Fédérés set up a central committee and a secret directory that included some of the Parisian leaders and to assure direct contact with the sections. A coordinating committee had been formed of one federal representative from each department. Within this body soon appeared a secret committee of five largely unknown members. Vaugeois of Blois, Debesse of The Drome, Guillaume of Caen, and Simon of Strasbourg met at Maurice Duplay's house in the Rue Saint-Honoré, where their fifth member, Antoine, the mayor of Metz, lived. Robespierre also lodged there. They conferred with a group of section leaders hardly better known than themselves—the journalists Carra and Gorsas, Alexandre and Lazowski of the Faubourg Saint-Marceau, Fournier "the American", Westermann (the only soldier among them), the baker Garin, Anaxagoras Chaumette and Santerre of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. Daily meetings were held by the individual sections, and on July 25 the assembly authorized continuous sessions for them. On the 27th Pétion, who had been reinstated as Paris mayor by the Assembly on July 13, permitted a "correspondence office" to be set up in the Hôtel de Ville. Not all sections opposed the king, but passive citizens joined them, and on the 30th the section of the Théâtre Français gave all its members the right to vote. At the section meetings, Jacobins and sans-culottes clashed with moderates and gradually gained the upper hand. On July 30 a decree admitted passive citizens to the National Guard.
On August 1 came news of a manifesto signed by the Duke of Brunswick, threatening summary justice on the people of Paris if Louis and his family were harmed. "They will wreak an exemplary and forever memorable vengeance, by giving up the city of Paris to a military execution, and total destruction, and the rebels guilty of assassinations, to the execution that they have merited." The Brunswick Manifesto became known in Paris on August 1 and heated the republican spirit to revolutionary fury.
Insurrection threatened to break out on July 26, again on July 30. It was postponed both times through the efforts of Mayor Pétion, who was to present the section petitions to the Assembly on August 3. On August 4, the section of the Quinze-Vingts, the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, gave the Legislative assembly an ultimatum. It had until August 9 to prove itself. Of the forty-eight sections of Paris, all but one concurred. Pétion informed the Legislative Assembly that the sections had "resumed their sovereignty" and that he had no power over the people other than that of persuasion. On the 9th the Assembly refused to indict Lafayette. That night the tocsin rang.
Throughout the night of August 10, the sections sat in consultation. At 11 o'clock the Quinze-Vingts section proposed that each section should appoint three of its members to a body with instructions "to recommend immediate steps to save the state." (sauver la chose publique) During the night 28 sections answered this invitation. Their representatives constituted the Insurrectional Commune. Carra and Chaumette went to the barracks of the Marseilles Fédérés in the section of the Cordeliers, while Santerre roused the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, and Alexandre the Faubourg Saint-Marceau.
The municipality was already in session. From midnight until three o'clock the next morning the legally constituted and the insurrectional communes, sat in adjoining rooms at the Town Hall (Hôtel de Ville). The latter organized the attack on the Tuileries. The legal body, by recalling the officer in charge of the troops at the Tuileries, disorganized its defense. Between six and seven in the morning this unusual situation was brought to an end. The Insurrectional Commune informed the municipal body, in a formally worded resolution, that they had decided upon its suspension. They agreed to retain the mayor (Pétion), the prosecutor (Manuel), the deputy-prosecutor (Danton), and the administrators in their executive functions. The resolution stated that "When the People puts itself into a state of insurrection, it withdraws all powers and takes it to itself."
The king rejected the last-minute advice, of not only Vergniaud and Guadet, now alarmed by a turn of affairs they brought about, but also of his loyal old minister Malesherbes, to abdicate the throne. He was determined to defend the Tuileries. His supporters had anticipated and prepared for the attack long beforehand, and were confident of success. A plan of defense, drawn up by a professional soldier, had been adopted by the Paris department on June 25. It was their official duty to safeguard the Executive Power. The palace was easy to defend. It was garrisoned by the only regular troops on either side of the conflict—950 veteran Swiss mercenaries of the Gardes Suisse. These were backed by 930 gendarmes, 2,000 national guards, and 200–300 Chevaliers de Saint Louis, and other royalist volunteers. Five thousand men would have been an ample defense, though it appears that, by some oversight, they were seriously short of ammunition. Police spies reported to the Commune that underground passages had been constructed by which additional troops could be secretly introduced from their barracks. Mandat, the commander of the National Guard, was not very sure of his forces, but the tone of his orders was so resolute that it seemed to steady the troops. He had stationed some troops on the Pont Neuf so as to prevent a junction between the insurgents on the two sides of the river, which could prevent any combined movement on their part.
Dislocation of the defense
Pétion, Roederer, the prosecutor of the Paris department, and Mandat, the commander of the National Guard and the officer in charge of the troops, were detailed for the defense of the Tuileries. Pétion professed that he had to come to defend the royal family. At about 2 a.m. though, after he was threatened by a group of royalist gunners, he obeyed a summons to the Parliament-house, reported that all precautions had been taken to keep the peace, and retired to the Mairie where he was confined on the orders of the Insurrectional Commune. Roederer's first act was to assure the royal family that there would be no attack. His second act, when a series of bulletins from Blondel, the secretary of the department, made it clear that an attack was imminent, was to persuade Louis to abandon the defense of the palace and to put himself under the protection of the assembly. Mandat, after seeing to the defense of the palace, was persuaded by Roederer (in the third and fatal mistake of the Tuileries defense) to obey a treacherous summons from the Town Hall. Mandat knew nothing of the formation of the Insurrectional Commune, and thus he departed without any escort. He was put under arrest, and murdered shortly afterwards. His command was transferred to Santerre.
At about 7 a.m. the head of the federal column was seen debouching on the back of the palace. There was no one to order the defense. Louis, sleepily reviewing his garrison, "in full dress, with his sword at his side, but with the powder falling out his hair," was greeted by some of the National Guards with cries of "Vive la nation!" and "A bas le véto!". Louis made no reply and went back to the Tuileries. Behind him, quarrels were breaking out in the ranks. The gunners declared they would not fire on their brethren.
Hating violence, and dreading bloodshed, Louis listened willingly to Roederer's suggestion that he should abandon the defense of the palace. The queen urged in vain that they should stay and fight. Before even a single shot had been fired, the royal family were in retreat across the gardens to the door of the Assembly. "Gentlemen," said the king, "I come here to avoid a great crime; I think I cannot be safer than with you." "Sire," replied Vergniaud, who filled the chair, "you may rely on the firmness of the national assembly. Its members have sworn to die in maintaining the rights of the people, and the constituted authorities." The king then took his seat next to the president. But Chabot reminded him that the assembly could not deliberate in the presence of the king, and Louis retired with his family and ministers into the reporter's box behind the president. There, the king was given a seat and he listened, with his customary air of bland indifference, while the deputies discussed his fate. The queen sat at the bar of the House, with the Dauphin on her knees.
Assault on the Tuileries
The incentive for resistance fell away with the king's departure. The means of defense had been diminished by the departure of a detachment of National Guardsmen who escorted the royal family to the National Assembly. The gendarmerie left their posts, crying "Vive la nation!", and the National Guard's inclination began to move towards the insurgents. On the right bank of the river, the battalions of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, and, on the left, those of the Faubourg Saint-Marcel, the Bretons, and the Marseilles fédérés, marched freely. At many places that had been ordered guarded, like at the Arcade Saint-Jean, the passages of the bridges, alongside the quays, and in the court of the Louvre, no resistance was put up at all. An advance guard consisting of men, women, and children, all armed with cutters, cudgels, and pikes, spread over the abandoned Carrousel, and around eight o'clock the advance column, led by Westermann, was in front of the palace.
The assault on the Palace began at eight o'clock in the morning. As per the King's orders, the regulars of the Swiss Guard had retired into the interior of the building, and the defense of the courtyard had been left to the National Guard. The Marseillais rushed in, fraternized with the gunners of the National Guard, reached the vestibule, ascended the grand staircase, and called on the Swiss Guard to surrender. "Surrender to the Nation!" shouted Westermann in German. "We should think ourselves dishonored!" was the reply. "We are Swiss, the Swiss do not part with their arms but with their lives. We think that we do not merit such an insult. If the regiment is no longer wanted, let it be legally discharged. But we will not leave our post, nor will we let our arms be taken from us."
The Swiss filled the windows of the château and stood motionless. The two bodies confronted each other for some time, without either of them making a definitive move. A few of the assailants advanced amicably, and, in what was taken by the revolutionaries to be a gesture of encouragement, some of the Swiss threw some cartridges from the windows as a token of peace. The insurgents penetrated as far as the vestibule, where they were met by a less friendly group of Swiss defenders of the château, commanded by officers of the Court. The two bodies of troops remained facing each other on the staircase for forty-five minutes. A barrier separated them, and there the combat began. It is unclear which side initiated the conflict. The Swiss, firing from above, cleaned out the vestibule and the courts, rushed down into the square and seized the cannon. The insurgents scattered out of range. The Marseillais, nevertheless, rallied behind the entrances of the houses on the Carrousel, threw cartridges into the courts of the small buildings and set them on fire. Then the Swiss attacked, stepped over the corpses, seized the cannon, recovered possession of the royal entrance, crossed the Place du Carrousel, and even carried off the guns drawn up there. As at the Bastille, the cry of "Treachery!" went up. The attackers assumed that they had been drawn into a deliberate ambush and henceforth the Swiss were the subject of violent hatred on the part of sans-culottes.
At that moment the battalions of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine arrived, and the reinforced insurgents pushed the Swiss back into the palace. Louis, hearing from the manége the sound of firing, wrote on a scrap of paper: "The king orders the Swiss to lay down their arms at once, and to retire to their barracks." To obey this order in the midst of heavy fighting meant almost certain death and the Swiss officers in command did not immediately act upon it. However, the position of the Swiss Guard soon became untenable as their ammunition ran low and casualties mounted. The King's note was then produced and the defenders were ordered to disengage. The main body of Swiss Guards fell back through the palace and retreated under fire through the gardens at the rear of the building. They were brought to a halt near the central Round Pond, broken into smaller groups and slaughtered. Some sought sanctuary in the Parliament House. About sixty were surrounded, taken as prisoners to the Town Hall, and put to death by the crowd there, beneath the statue of Louis XIV. In the Tuileries palace, others of the Swiss, commanded by the officers of the Court and posted on the great staircase of the chief entrance, fired upon the crowd, and in a few minutes four hundred of the assailants lay dead in heaps at the foot of the stairs. Soon the Swiss, under the furious assault of the people, were either disarmed or massacred.
Over half of the Legislative Assembly's members fled and on the evening August 10 only 284 deputies were in their seats. The Assembly looked on anxiously at the vicissitudes of the struggle. So long as the outcome was in doubt, Louis XVI was treated like a king. As soon as the insurrection was definitely victorious, the Assembly announced the suspension of the King. The King was placed under a strong guard. The Assembly would have liked to assign him the Luxembourg Palace, but the insurgent Commune demanded that he should be taken to the Temple, a smaller prison, which would be easier to guard. Five months later he would be summarily executed without a trial.
Out of the nine hundred Swiss on duty at the palace only about three hundred survived the fighting, and of these an estimated two hundred either died of their wounds in prison or during the September Massacres that followed three weeks later. Another three hundred Swiss Guards had been sent to Normandy to escort grain convoys a few days before August 10 and escaped the massacre.
The victims of the massacre also included some of the male courtiers and members of the palace staff, although less conspicuous than the red-coated Swiss Guards, some were able to escape. No female members of the court seem to have been killed during the massacre. According to Jeanne-Louise-Henriette Campan, after the royal family left the palace only in the company of Princess de Lamballe and Madame de Tourzel, the remaining ladies-in-waiting were gathered in a room in the queen's apartment, and when they were spotted, a man prevented an attack upon them by exclaiming, in the name of Pétion: "Spare the women! Don't disgrace the nation!" As the queen's entire household was gathered in her apartment, it may also have included female servants. Campan also mentioned two maids outside of this room, neither of whom was killed despite the murder of a male member of the staff next to them.
The total losses on the king's side were perhaps eight hundred. On the side of the insurgents, three hundred and seventy-six were either killed or wounded. Eighty-three of these were fédérés, and two hundred and eighty-five members of these were the National Guard - common citizens from every branch of the trading and working classes of Paris, including hair-dressers, harness-makers, carpenters, joiners, house-painters, tailors, hatters, boot-makers, locksmiths, laundry-men, and domestic servants. Two female combatants were among the wounded.
Among the Swiss Guards who survived the insurrection, around 350 later joined the Revolutionary Army of the First French Republic, while others joined the counter-revolutionaries in the War in the Vendée. In 1817, the Swiss Federal Diet awarded 389 of the survivors with the commemorative medal Treue und Ehre (Loyalty and Honor).
To convince the revolutionaries that the insurrection of August 10 had decided nothing, the Prussian army crossed the French frontier on the 16th. A week later the powerful fortress of Longwy fell so quickly that Vergniaud declared it to "have been handed over to the enemy." By the end of the month the Prussians were at Verdun, the last fortress barring the road to Paris. In the capital, there was a well-justified belief that Verdun would offer no more than a token resistance. The war, which had appeared to bring the triumph of the Revolution, now seemed likely to lead it to disaster.
On September 2 the alarm gun was fired and drums beat the citizens to their Sections again. The walls of Paris were plastered with recruiting posters whose opening sentence, "To arms, citizens, the enemy is at our gates!" was taken literally by many readers. In the Assembly, Danton concluded the most famous of all his speeches: "De l’audace, encore de l’audace, toujours de l’audace, et la France est sauvée!" (Audacity, and yet more audacity, and always audacity, and France will be saved!) Once more the sans-culottes responded and in the next three weeks, 20,000 marched from Paris for the defense of the Revolution.
The crisis of the summer of 1792 was a major turning-point of the Revolution. The removal of the monarch and subsequent execution in January 1793 effectively issued a challenge to the whole of Europe. Within France the declaration of war and overthrow of the monarchy radicalized the Revolution. If the Revolution was to survive it would have to call on all of the nation's reserves.
Often called a second revolution, it ushered in a number of political changes, including universal suffrage for men and a republic, at least until the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. However, it did not have the warm and virtually unanimous support as the first revolution. Events since 1789 had brought difference and divisions. Many people had followed the refractory priests who had refused to swear their allegiance to the government, not the Pope. Of those who remained loyal to the revolution some criticized August 10 while others stood by, fearing the day's aftermath. Those who had participated in the insurrection or who approved it were few in number, a minority resolved to crush counter-revolution by any means necessary.
July 14 had saved the Constitutional Assembly; August 10 passed sentence on the Legislative Assembly. The day's victors intended to dissolve the Assembly and keep power in their own hands. However, the new Commune, composed of unknowns, hesitated to alarm the provinces and the Girondins remained in charge of the government. The Revolution became increasingly mired in the struggle between the radicals and the moderates. The Assembly remained for the time being but recognized the Commune, increased through elections to 288 members. The Assembly appointed a provisional Executive Council and put Monge and Lebrun-Tondu on it, along with several former Girondin ministers. The Assembly voted that the Convention should be summoned and elected by universal suffrage to decide on the future organization of the State. One of its first acts was to abolish the monarchy.
With the fall of the Tuileries, the face of Parisian society underwent an abrupt change. The August insurrection greatly increased sans-culotte influence in Paris. Whereas the old Commune had been predominantly middle class, the new one contained twice as many artisans as lawyers—and the latter were often obscure men, very different from the brilliant barristers of 1789. Moreover, the Commune itself was little more than "a sort of federal parliament in a federal republic of 48 states." It had only a tenuous control over the Sections, which began practicing Rousseaun style direct democracy. "Passive" citizens were admitted to meetings, justices of the peace and police officers dismissed and the assemblée générale of the Section became, in some cases, a "people's court," while a new comité de surveillance hunted down counter-revolutionaries. For the Parisian nobility, it was August 10, 1792 rather than July 14, 1789 that marked the end of the ancien régime.
The victors of August 10 were concerned with establishing their often dictatorial power. The Commune silenced the opposition press, closed the toll gates, and seized a number of refractory priests and aristocratic notables. On August 11 the Legislative Assembly gave municipalities the authority to arrest suspects. The volunteers were preparing to leave to the front and the rumors spread rapidly that their departure was to be the signal for prisoners to stage an uprising. The wave of executions in prisons followed three weeks later, what later was known as The September Massacres. The Revolution had entered a more violent phase that would end in the Reign of Terror.
- J. M. Thompson, The French Revolution (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1959), 267.
- Albert Soboul, The French Revolution: 1787–1799 (New York, NY: Random House, 1974, ISBN 0394473922245.
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- Soboul, 246.
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- Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution (New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1929), 159.
- Norman Hampson, A Social History of the French Revolution (Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 1988, ISBN 0710065256), 145.
- Peter McPhee, The French Revolution 1789–1799 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002, ISBN 0199244146), 96.
- Mathiez, 155.
- Hampson, 146.
- Thompson, 280.
- Georges Lefebvre, The French Revolution: from its Origins to 1793 volume I (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1962, ISBN 0231085990), 230.
- McPhee, 97.
- Lefebvre, 230.
- F.-A. Aulard, La Révolution Française, Vol. 27: Revue d'Histoire Contemporaine; Juillet-Décembre 1894, ed. Camille Bloch, (London, UK: Forgotten Books, 2018, ISBN 978-1334851469), 177–182.
- Lefebvre, 231.
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- Thompson, 286.
- Louis Madelin, The French Revolution (London, UK: William Heinemann Ltd., 1926), 267.
- M.J. Sydenham, The French Revolution (London, UK: B.T. Batesford Ltd, 1965), 109.
- Thompson, 286.
- Madelin, 267.
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- François Mignet, History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814 (Palala Press, 2015, ISBN 978-1343084070), 287.
- Thompson, 287.
- Hippolyte Taine, The Origins of Contemporary France, Volume 3, trans. John Durand, Project Gutenberg EBook, 2008, 298. Retrieved August 29, 2022.
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- Peter Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution 1789-1793, Vol. I (New York, NY: Vanguard Press, 1929, 176. But here, others of the Swiss, commanded by the officers of the Court and posted on the great staircase of the chief entrance....
- Mignet, 298.
- Madelin, 270.
- Kropotkin, 176. [I]n a few minutes four hundred of the assailants lay dead in heaps at the foot of the stairs. This shooting decided the issue of the day.
- Hampson, 147.
- George Rude, The Crowd in the French Revolution (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1972, ISBN 978-0195003703), 104.
- Sydenham, 111.
- Thompson, 288.
- Kropotkin, 176.
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- Christopher J. Tozzi, Nationalizing France's Army: Foreign, Black, and Jewish Troops in the French Military, 1715-1831 (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2016, ISBN 978-0813938332), 80.
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- Madame Campan, Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France,] Project Gutenberg, 1900. Retrieved August 18, 2022.
- Thompson, 288.
- Leo Schelbert, "Insurrection of 10 August 1792" in Historical Dictionary of Switzerland 2nd. ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2014, ISBN 978-1442233515)
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ReferencesISBN links support NWE through referral fees
- Bodin, Jerome. Les Suisses au Service de la France: De Louis XI à la Légion étrangère (A.M. HISTOIRE). Paris, FR: Albin Michel, 2016. ISBN 2226033343
- Hampson, Norman. A Social History of the French Revolution. Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 1988. ISBN 0710065256
- Kropotkin, Peter. The Great French Revolution 1789-1793, Vol. I. New York, Franklin Classics, 2018 (original 1929). ISBN 978-0341955160
- Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution: from its Origins to 1793 volume I. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1962. ISBN 0231085990
- Madelin, Louis, The French Revolution. London, UK: William Heinemann Ltd., 1926
- Mathiez, Albert. The French Revolution. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1929.
- McPhee, Peter. The French Revolution 1789–1799. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0199244146
- Mignet, François. History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814. Palala Press, 2015. ISBN 978-1343084070
- Pfeiffer, L. B. The Uprising of June 20, 1792. Lincoln, NE, New Era Printing Company, 1913.
- Rude, George. The Crowd in the French Revolution. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1972. ISBN 978-0195003703
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- Tozzi, Christopher J. Nationalizing France's Army: Foreign, Black, and Jewish Troops in the French Military, 1715-1831. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2016. ISBN 978-0813938332
Retrieved August 22, 2022.
- The document by which the National Assembly formally deposed Louis XVI and called for the Convention, translated into English.
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