Difference between revisions of "Coercion" - New World Encyclopedia

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Philosophical discussion of '''coercion''' has focused on three distinct concerns. (1) What is coercion? (2) Is coercion ever [[morality|morally]] or [[politics|politically]] justified? (3) Is a person morally [[responsibility|responsible]] for an action done because of coercion?
  
'''Coercion''' is the practice of compelling a person to involuntarily behave in a certain way (whether through action or inaction) by use of [[threat]]s, [[intimidation]] or some other form of pressure or force. Coercion may typically involve the actual infliction of physical or psychological harm in order to enhance the [[credibility]] of a threat. The threat of further harm may then lead to the [[co-operation|cooperation]] or [[obedience]] of the person being coerced.
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#With respect to the first question, a person is coerced when he acts contrary to his preferences or will because of a threat administered by another agent. A clear example of this is the bank robber putting his gun against a teller’s head and screaming: “The money or your life!”
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#Interest in the second question arises particularly in the context of [[political philosophy]] and legal theory, especially given legitimized state uses of coercion in forcing compliance to the [[law]]. The orthodox view on this question is that state coercion is justified insofar as it promotes (roughly) overall well being. Whether private uses of coercion are ever morally justified is a controversial matter.
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#With respect to the third question, coercion is widely thought to limit a person’s [[freedom]] without depriving her of free agency. Determining moral responsibility requires careful attention to the context of the act, and, in particular, such factors as the severity of the threat and consequences of the coerced action.
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==Historical overview==
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In ''Nicomachean Ethics'' III, [[Aristotle]] explores the conditions under which it is appropriate to hold a [[morality|moral]] agent [[Praise and blame|blameworthy or praiseworthy]] for particular actions. He argues that praise and blame are withheld from involuntary actions, that is, actions committed under force or as a result of ignorance (1110a-1111b4). On the grounds of a discussion of excuses and mitigating conditions, Aristotle formulates a general account of moral [[responsibility]] for action. A moral agent is an appropriate candidate for praise or blame if and only if his action was voluntarily done. A voluntary action is one which has its origin within the doer, and is done knowingly (1110a-1111b4).
  
The term is often associated with circumstances which involve the [[ethics|unethical]] use of threats or harm to achieve some objective. Coercion may also serve as a form of justification for a conclusion in a [[Argumentum ad baculum|logical fallacy or non-logical argument]].
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The interest of [[Aristotle]]’s account for the current discussion is in his understanding of the force condition on moral [[responsibility]]. Aristotle provides two types of examples illustrating this condition. The first type includes a case in which a man is carried off by the wind; the second where is carried off by a band of (for example) robbers. These are cases in which the agent has no choice at all and would today be classified as cases of compulsion. Essentially, compulsion leaves the agent no choice; he is dragged off by physical force.  
  
==Overview==
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Aristotle illustrates the "force" condition on responsibility with two further examples:
Any person’s set of feasible choices is obtained from the combination of two elements: the ''initial endowment'' (the perceived initial state of the world, which the chosen actions are going to affect) and the ''transformation rules'' (which state how any chosen action will change the initial endowment, according to the person’s perception).
 
  
It follows that coercion could in principle take place by purposely manipulating either the transformation rules or the initial endowment (or both). In practice, however, the detailed choice reaction of a victim to a change in initial endowment is generally unpredictable. Hence effective coercion can only be carried out through manipulation of the transformation rules. This is done by the credible ''threat'' of some injury, conditional on the victim’s choice. Often, it involves the ''actual'' inflicting of injury in order to make the threat [[credible]], but it is the threat of (further) injury which brings about the change in transformation rules.  
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<blockquote>
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But with regard to the things that are done from fear of greater evils or for some noble object (such as if a tyrant were to order one to do something base, having ones parents and children in his power, and if one did the action they were to be saved, but otherwise would be put to death), it may be debated as to whether such actions are involuntary or voluntary (''The Nicomachean Ethics,'' Book III).
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</blockquote>
  
Coercion does not remove entirely the victim’s ability to choose, nor does it necessarily affect his or her ranking of potential alternatives. As Roman jurists used to say, ''coactus volui, tamen volui'' (I willed under coercion, but still I willed). In the terminology of [[rational choice]] theory, coercion does not remove a person’s [[objective function]], but only affects the [[constraints]] under which such function is maximised. Yet, the purpose of coercion is to substitute one’s aims to those of the victim. For this reason, many social philosophers have considered coercion as the polar opposite to [[Freedom (philosophy)|freedom]].
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Aristotle’s verdict is that these actions—for example, doing something base to save one’s children—are both voluntary and involuntary. In one respect, the person chooses to perform the action; but in another, he would not have done so had he not thought that the lives of his family members were in danger. Therefore, although action was voluntary, considered at the moment, it was not, in the abstract, voluntary.  
  
One must however distinguish various forms of coercion: first on the basis of the ''kind of injury'' threatened, second according to its ''aims'' and ''scope'', and finally according to its ''effects'', from which its legal, social, and ethical implications mostly depend.
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Such cases involve coercion. Acts done out of coercion are in the strict sense voluntary since a person ultimately has it in his power to choose to do or refrain from acting.Is a person morally responsible for an action done out of coercion? Aristotle’s answer is this: It ''depends'' (though he does argue that certain actions such as matricide are never excusable no matter what the threat). There are no hard and fast rules for determining responsibility; it depends on the context.
  
==Means==
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Saint [[Thomas Aquinas]] also discusses coercion in the context of a discussion of moral [[responsibility]]. He understands coercion in terms of necessity, where a person is forced to act in a way such that he cannot do otherwise. Aquinas here seems to understand coercion in terms of compulsion—coercion is linked with a lack of choice and violence. Aquinas does recognize a distinction between compelled actions and those committed as a result of a threat. According to Aquinas, people are not morally responsible for acts of compulsion although one is responsible for actions done in the face of some sever threat. This is because the latter does not strictly render the action involuntary—and so the person maintained the power of choice.
Looking at the content of the threat, one can distinguish between physical, psychological and economic coercion.
 
  
===Physical coercion===
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Aquinas argues that the state’s is justified in its use of coercion and compulsion in the form of violent force and fear. This is because it must aim to control the vicious and irrational in order to preserve a state of harmony for non-offenders. However, he maintains that the use of power and force is, in general, the right of the state and not of private groups or individuals. One significant exception is the case of "imperfect coercive power" in which the head of the household–usually the father—is justified in delivering [[punishment]]s that do not inflict irreparable harm. Aquinas therefore advocates the use of coercion/compulsion in the form of patriarchy in both state and private sphere.
Physical coercion is the most commonly considered form, where the content of the conditional threat is the use of force against the person, the dear ones or the property of the victim, An oft-used example is "putting a gun to someone's head" to compel action. Armed forces in many countries use [[firing squad]]s to maintain [[discipline]] and intimidate the masses or opposition into submission or silent compliance.
 
  
However, there also are non-physical forms of coercion, where the threatened injury does not immediately imply the use of force.
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Later thinkers such as [[Thomas Hobbes]], in basic agreement with Aquinas, argued that coercion plays a central, justified and necessary part in the functioning of the state. Hobbes holds (again in agreement with Aquinas) that acts performed under threat are strictly voluntary so that one is fully responsible for them. This implies, for example, that contracts signed because of fear are legitimate; the use of bargaining ''power'' is a rational way of effecting contracts so long as it does not conflict with the rule of law.  
  
===Psychological coercion===
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Hobbes’ countryman, [[John Locke]], argued that although state use of coercion is necessary, this depends on the state’s control itself reflecting the consent of the people. There is in his view, therefore, a fine line between law and tyranny. A tyrant’s use of coercion is unjustified; the state’s use of coercion is justified only insofar as it protects the majority rather than terrorizes them.  
In psychological coercion, the threatened injury regards the victim’s relationships with other people. The most obvious example is ''[[blackmail]]'', where the threat consists of the dissemination of damaging information. But many other cases are possible, including purposeful threats of rejection from or disapproval by a peers group, or even mere anger or displeasure by a loved one. Another instance is [[coercive persuasion]].
 
  
Psychological coercion – along with the other varieties - was extensively and systematically used by the government of the [[People’s Republic of China]] during the “Thought Reform” campaign of [[1951]]-[[1952]]. The process – carried out partly at “revolutionary universities” and partly within prisons – was investigated and reported upon by [[Robert Jay Lifton]], then Research Professor of Psychiatry at Yale University: see Lifton (1961). The techniques used by the Chinese authorities included standard [[group psychotherapy]], aimed at forcing the victims (who were generally intellectuals) to produce detailed and sincere ideological “confessions”. For instance, a professor of [[formal logic]] called Chin Yueh-lin – who was then regarded as China’s leading authority on his subject – was induced to write: “The new philosophy [of [[Marxism-Leninism]]], being scientific, is the supreme truth”. [Lifton (1961) p. 545].
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[[Immanuel Kant]] emphasizes the use of state coercion in securing the rights and freedoms of the people. He argues that people are inclined to obey the law for two reasons: Firstly an ethical or rational motivation: One has a duty to obey the law so as to preserve an orderly society; secondly, a judicial motivation, which applies to those who do not have respect for the law but follow it to avoid punishment. Although Kant acknowledges that coercion impinges upon freedom, he maintains that when used in a proper manner by the state it also secures freedom. Impinging on the freedom of a few is justified to secure freedom for the majority.
  
====Usage====
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[[John Stuart Mill]] ''(On Liberty)'' represents to some extent a departure from the concerns of his predecessors by focusing on unjustified forms of coercion. His central understanding of coercion appears closely tied to the notion of interference. State coercion/compulsion is justified in so far as it is used to protect the general population. However, the state (or anyone else for that matter) should not be allowed to force (rational) people to do what may in fact be in their own best interests. This would constitute an unacceptable interference and infringement on individual liberty. In this respect, Mill is an opponent of strong forms of paternalism.
Some people speak of '''cultural coercion''' when the fear of falling out with the group may force people into wearing a certain style of dress, publicly reciting a [[creed]] or a pledge of allegiance they find ethically reprehensible, starting to smoke when they'd rather not, etc. Within the definitional framework adopted here, all such things amount to (psychological) coercion if and only if the fear of falling out with the group is the result of ''purposeful'' threats by someone. See [[Peer pressure]], [[Sociology of religion]], [[Pledge of Allegiance]].  
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Mill discussion of coercion also includes the power of public opinion in forcing adherence to the law, such as, for example and that the stigma attached to law breaking and its punishments. For example, the threat of ruined reputation may itself be a coercive influence in its own right. Furthermore, and again in contrast with his predecessors, Mill recognizes that civil institutions are just as capable of coercion as the state. He observes that the "despotism of custom" has a strong hold over people in that they are frequently coerced to act in a certain way (against their inclinations) due to civil, social (and often religious) conventions and rules. His examples include the position of a wife in the family, who had at the time (nineteenth century Britain) very limited rights. Mill also presents the phenomenon of child labor as an example of coerciveness. Mill therefore shows the extent to which coercion occurs in ways other than by direct state interference.
  
Some people include [[deception]] in their definition of (psychological) coercion. Yet deception does not generally involve ''any'' threat at all, as it works by creating a mere ''false perception'' by the victim of his or her ''given'' transformation rules. Although its effects may sometimes be very similar to those of a conditional threat, it may hence be useful to treat deception as separate phenomenon.
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==The nature of coercion==
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While the notion of coercion has played a significant role in the history of legal and political philosophy—especially with reference to the state’s use of coercion in forcing compliance with its laws—sustained analysis of the concept itself is a relatively recent occurrence. It is only in twentieth century philosophy and legal theory, probably as a result of an increasing focus on human rights, that it has received significant scholarly attention.  
  
===Economic coercion===
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===Coercion and compulsion===
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To begin, it is worthwhile recalling the distinction between coercion and compulsion. Compulsion works through direct force—recall [[Aristotle]]’s example of the man ''carried off'' by a band of robbers In contrast with compulsion, which deprives an agent of a choice, coercion does not. Coercion works through threat of some harm or negative consequence. Consider: “Your money or your life!” Acts done from compulsion are (almost) always excused, whereas, while actions done under coercion are often excused, they are certainly not always.
Economic coercion is when a controller of a vital resource uses his advantage to compel a person to do something he would not do if this resource were not monopolized. If someone is the owner of the only water supply, then the owner can compel the thirsty person to pay an exhorbitant price for that water or have him perform enormous labor. This is also referred to as a form of [[exploitation]].
 
  
Economic coercion requires [[market power]]. In the above example, the coercer's refusal to [[supply]] the coercee would be meaningless if the coercee had access to other independent sources of [[supply]]. But the coercer can turn his conditional refusal into a vital threat only because of his [[coercive monopoly]] over an essential resource, with no other substitutes. In a competitive marketplace, the possibility of economic coercion is much reduced as suppliers are compelled by competition to accept less money or labor for their goods.
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Although there is a sharp distinction between compulsion and coercion above the two are often closely associated. [[Torture]] is a clear example: Coercion (threats) is used to (for example) extract information; these threats are then backed up by physical inducements such as truth serum. The state too uses both coercion and force (to maintain law). The threat of state punishment (for example, prison) is used to induce compliance. However, state [[punishment]] may also involve compulsion as for example when someone’s property is forcibly confiscated.
  
An analogous result can also be obtained through pure [[monopsony]] power (where there is only one buyer as opposed to one seller in a monopoly). To reverse the above example, suppose that there are numerous independent suppliers of water, who sell it at a [[competitive|competition]] [[market price]]. If someone can only sell potatoes (to get money to buy water), and there is only one potato buyer he can sell to, then the buyer's simple conditional refusal to buy his potatoes would be a death threat, just as before.
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===Nozick’s analysis of coercion===
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So much then for the distinction between coercion and compulsion; what about the nature of coercion itself?  In significant measure the current state of understanding of coercion is due to [[Robert Nozick]]’s landmark work ''Coercion'' and the writings it inspired. Nozick’s analysis has been enormously influential—accepted in large measure by almost all significant contributors to the debate. It accommodates the most commonly consider examples of coercion such as the "money or your life" scenario and instances of "psychological coercion," in which the threatened injury concerns the victim’s relationships with other people. (The most obvious example is ''[[blackmail]],'' where the threat consists of the dissemination of damaging information.)
  
The idea that monopoly control may facilitate coercion has been underlined by some business ethicists and economists. It shows that in some cases the social effects of market power goes beyond those on economic [[distribution (business)|distribution]] and [[efficiency (economics)]].
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[[Robert Nozick|Nozick]] analyses coercion as follows: Person P coerces Q into not doing (refraining from doing) act A if and only if: (1). P (the coercer) threatens to bring about some consequence if Q (the coercee) does A; Q understands this threat; (2) Action A, as a result of the threatened consequence, is made substantially less eligible as a course of conduct for Q than A ‘’without’’ this threatened consequence; (3) P’s threat is credible; (4) Q does not do A; (5). At least part of Q's reason for not doing A is to avoid the consequence that P has threatened to bring about (adapted from Ryan, 1980: 483, Nozick, 1969: 441-445).
  
== Aims==
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Thee central features of this analysis are the following: firstly coercion uses of threats rather than physical force; secondly, coercion’s taking place is dependent on whether the coercer’s threat is credible to the coercee (even if the coercer is bluffing, the crucial factor is whether the coercee believes the threat to be credible); thirdly, the coercee has to accept the proposal in order for coercion to take place; if he does not accept the proposal, then coercion, strictly, has not occurred. In this way, Nozick builds in a success condition into his analysis.  
The aims of coercion can vary widely from totally "selfish" to totally ''altruistic'' ones: from attempts to gain personal wealth and power at the expense of others to efforts aimed at saving other people’s souls.
 
  
===Predatory coercion===
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Each of these features may be questioned. On the first point, can coercion proceed by means of offers rather than threats? (Threats and offers are both proposals.) Consider the following example:
The purely selfish kinds of coercion are a form of [[predatory behaviour]] by the coercing party, whose aim is to narrow down the scope of other people’s actions so as to make them instrumental to its own personal interests. According to many social philosophers, this sort of predatory behaviour would become the prevailing one under conditions of social [[Anomie|anarchy]].
 
  
===Pedagogic and thought coercion===
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<blockquote>
At the other extreme of the spectrum one finds attempts to use coercion altruistically, as a pedagogical device to improve – in some supposedly objective sense – the way other people ''think'', with particular regard to their basic attitudes and values. Pedagogic coercion may be applied within a strictly educational context, and it is then mostly directed towards children. In this article, however, attention will focus on ''thought coercion'', i.e. the attempt to use coercion to affect the basic values of grown-up people in general.
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If a man is drowning in a lake and another man offers to help him only if he gives him all his money, then the drowning man’s situation is indeed not worse off, as one would presume that he would rather have his life than his money, and the offer of the second man has actually increased the drowning man’s options. Another example of the same sort would be that of the millionaire who offers to pay for the life saving operation of a poor woman’s child only if the woman agrees to be his mistress. (Feinberg 1986)
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</blockquote>
  
In all forms of ''thought coercion'' the immediate objective is to force other people to act ''as if'' their basic choice rules were identical to those of the coercing party. However, this mere conformity of “outward” behaviour is but a first step. The true and final aim of thought coercion is to induce a change in the victim’s objective function itself, i.e. the basic set of values and rules by which the victim determines his or her own choice among the alternatives of ''any'' feasible set. Thought coercion is thus generally meant to be only ''temporary''. Once the desired change in values has been brought about, the victim is expected to conform spontaneously, without any need for further coercion.
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Is this an example of a coercive offer? According to [[Joel Feinberg]] the answer is "yes": There is no relevant difference between the above scenario and typical cases of coercion. Both use superior power and may be assimilated to the “your money or your life” type case. So coercion may proceed by means of offers or threats; therefore, Nozick’s analysis must be supplemented.
  
Whether and under what conditions this final aim can in fact be stably achieved is a difficult question, and it will be considered in the section devoted to the effects of coercion. Here it is necessary to point out that, whatever its effectiveness, thought coercion has in fact been used very extensively throughout history.
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[[David Zimmerman]] argues that these are examples of exploitation, rather than of coercion. Although the man in the above example and the millionaire take advantage of their respective situations they are opportunistic and not coercive. According to Zimmerman, in order for these to be coercive actions, they would have had to manufacture the situations (for example, paying someone to throw the man in the lake); only then will these cases qualify as coercive offers.
  
====Religious coercion====
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===The problem of setting a baseline===
The most ancient, extensive and durable kind of thought coercion has concerned [[religion]]. Religious coercion is a subset of predatory coercion, in which the selfish entity is a supernatural one. The threat typically manifests as a promise by the entity to respond to incorrect behavior with '''damnation'''—eternal discomfort.  This coercion has taken the form of religious [[discrimination]] and [[persecution]], including forced conversions, and on many occasions it has led to [[religious wars]].  
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One further feature of [[Robert Nozick|Nozick]]’s treatment of coercion, not directly encapsulated in the above analysis is the notion of a baseline (Nozick, 1969: 447). Nozick introduces this concept in order to capture the sense in which the coerced individual becomes worse off than he would have been. In most cases it is relatively clear to see how this works. For example, in the “your money or your life” case, the threat has made the person’s normal course of events worse than they should have been—she hands over her money. If one essential condition for a threat to be characterized as coercive is that it needs to make the coercee’s situation worse one needs a way to specify the sense in which the victim would become worse off. One way of doing this would be to establish whether the coerced action deviates from reasonable expectations on a normal course of events.
  
[[Christianity]]'s early persecution by [[Rome]] had in fact political rather than strictly religious objectives. But its subsequent expansion was associated with a substantial amount of purely religious coercion, mainly by Christians against members of other religions and [[heretics]]. Moreover, Christianity’s tendency to strong and systematic religious coercion – particularly but not only by the [[Roman Catholic Church]] – has long outlived its first few centuries, and has only been finally checked – though by no means extinguished - by the emergence of modern [[liberal democracy|liberal democracies]], with their principle of firm separation between Church and State.
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However, as [[Robert Nozick|Nozick]] himself realized, the phrase "normal course of events" is not unproblematic. Consider, for example, a case in which a slave owner, who regularly beats his slave, offers to refrain from beating him if he agrees to do X. Given that being beaten is part of the "normal course of events" the offer will not count as coercive because the slave will be better off as a result of the offer. But this seems wrong: For surely there is a sense in which the slave is being coerced. One possible response to this problem is to claim, along with [[Alan Wertheimer]], that regular unjustified beatings are not "normal" because they already involve the violations of rights. Essentially Wertheimer moralizes the concept of coercion itself by employing the notion of rights in his formulation of a baseline.
  
====Ideological coercion====
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==The legitimacy of coercion ==
''Ideological coercion'' is the use of thought coercion in the attempt to modify people’s [[social philosophy|social]] and [[political philosophy]]. This is of course quite different from plain propaganda, or even the simple persecution of political opponents, because its objective is to force individual ideological conversions. Unlike religious coercion, it is a quite recent phenomenon, confined to some of the [[totalitarian]] regimes of the [[twentieth century]].
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While the previous section discussed the nature of coercion itself, this section considers two central ethical questions surrounding the concept of coercion.  
  
The most notable single example of ideological coercion was the already mentioned Chinese “Thought Reform” campaign of 1951-52, which signalled itself for both thoroughness and number of people involved. Yet, it must be noticed that by [[1966]] the Chinese authorities found it necessary to follow that up with a new – albeit slightly milder – campaign, as part of the [[Maoist]] “Cultural Revolution” of [[1966]]-[[1968]].
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===The political justification of coercion===
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Intuitively, coercion would seem to involve a moral wrong. This is so, at least in the most commonly considered cases such as “your money or your life” or blackmail. However, this answer is incompatible with the apparent legitimacy of regulated forms of state coercion, which continue to be firmly entrenched in almost every nation. Governments use coercion in order to maintain law and order; the penal system is a system of threats and inducements. But if state coercion is justified, then coercion cannot always be wrong.  
  
Starting from the [[Soviet]] purges of the Thirties, similar “brainwashing” techniques were intermittently and less systematically used by most [[Communist]] regimes of the twentieth century. By contrast, the [[Fascist]] and [[Nazism|Nazi]] regimes of [[Italy]] and [[Germany]] tended to confine their coercive activities to purely [[political]] aims, without any serious attempt to force the ideological conversion of their opponents. The use of (physical) ideological coercion was however theorised by some Fascist philosophers, like [[Giovanni Gentile]] and Jared Harfield.
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One reason why acts of coercion may seem wrong is that they limit somebody’s [[freedom]]. However, as evidenced by the penal system, state coercion limits particular freedoms in order to enhance overall freedom. For example, insofar as the state endorses capital punishment, citizens are faced with a supreme threat should they perform certain unwanted actions. However, the fact that they are deterred from (coerced into not) doing these, secures the freedom of other citizens to walk their streets in safety. As [[Kant]] noted, coercion impinges upon freedom, but when used in a proper manner by the state also secures freedom; therefore the impingement on the freedom of a few is justified to secure greater freedom. Indeed, it is sometimes said (see Lamond 2000) that state has the right to coerce because, in a certain sense, people give over their freedom to the state (or even school, or church) to be protected.  
  
===Disciplinary coercion===
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[[Libertarianism |Libertarians]] such as [[Robert Nozick|Nozick]] and [[John Stuart Mill]] argue state interference with personal liberty should be as minimal as possible; state intervention should be a purely protective measure. According to Mill, state coercion is justified only insofar as it conforms to the "harm principle," that is, is justified only when it prevents harm; similarly, the use of force is justified if it punishes those that cause harm.  
Somewhere in the middle between predatory and pedagogic coercion one finds the forms of coercion that are used as the main coordination tools of command systems. These are organisations that use coercion to enforce on their members patterns of division of labour aimed at reaching the organisation’s goals, which for a variety of reasons may not always be consistent with each member’s personal aims. The most typical example of a command system is a military organisation, but any large production team may easily fall into this category.  
 
  
Through the punishment system of disciplinary coercion, each individual member is typically forced into altruistic behaviour in the interest of the whole group. This is why this kind of coercion is not predatory, and – unlike thought coercion – may often be accepted in advance by the members of the group.
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[[Libertarianism]] is opposed to [[paternalism]] in the following way. For a libertarian, coercion is justified only if it prevents harm to others; however, one is free to do as one likes with one’s ''own''' health, life, liberty, property, and possessions. Therefore, outlawing gambling or prostitution illegal, would be, on the libertarian view, an unjustified use of state coercion—it would be using penal threats to coerce people into refraining from “victimless crimes,” that is, acts that harm no one other than the agent of the act. However, this view is by no means restricted to Libertarians. Even non-Libertarian thinkers accept that the use of coercion by the state is justified only as a protective measure. For example, Alan Wertheimer argues that coercion is justified in so far as it protects individual rights; in all other cases coercion involves merely violating somebody’s rights.
  
==Scope==
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===Coercion in the private sphere===
The scope of coercion has to do with who uses a conditional threat against whom. It is closely linked with some of the other aspects already surveyed above, and may be of paramount importance in determining coercion’s effects and implications.
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[[Robert Nozick|Nozick]] and [[John Stuart Mill|Mill]] hold that although state use of coercion is in principle justified, private uses of coercion are not. But this seems somewhat counter-intuitive. Imagine, for example, that a man arrives home to find an intruder about to [[rape]] his wife; recoiling in horror, the man threatens to shoot the burglar unless he aborts his plans; and the burglar complies. This would seem to entail, at least on Nozick’s analysis, has been coerced into leaving the house and foregoing his opportunity for rape (Ryan, 1980: 483). However, surely this is a case in which the private use of coercion is justified.
  
===Specific coercion===
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The moral to draw from these types of cases may be the intentions of the coercer are relevant to the morality of coercer. Coercion is justified (or even required) to the extent that it furthers certain justifiable aims such as self-protection, or the protection of loved ones. These aims may include forms of non-violent protest (such as sit-ins where one refuses to move unless certain demands are met, or Mohatma Ghandi’s hunger strike), instances of "tough love," where a parent coerces a drug-addicted child into rehabilitation by some sort of threat (such as losing his inheritance). (This may be better described as [[blackmail]] or manipulation rather than coercion.)  Alternatively, Grant Lamond argues that coercion requires that the coercer make a proposal deliberately disadvantaging the coercee. Therefore while state coercion will still qualify as justified coercion (as it could be argued that for the thief it is disadvantageous for them not to steal), the example of tough love used above would not be considered coercive because the coercer’s intention was in fact to advantage the coercee.
Specific or ''personal'' coercion is the most commonly considered kind. It takes place when the conditional threat is decided upon by one particular individual or small group, and/or directed against some other individual or small group. All forms of predatory and thought coercion fall into this category.
 
  
=== Unspecific coercion===
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===Coercion and moral responsibility===
Under unspecific or ''impersonal'' coercion the conditional threats come from well-known and socially accepted general rules – rather than any individual or sub-group – and are directed against anybody in the stated conditions, according to clearly stated principles of due process. In practice, the narrowing down of individual choice may be here principally aimed at reducing the incidence of specific coercion, rather than forcing on everybody some special sub-set of positive goals. More generally, unspecific coercion may be the form taken by disciplinary coercion, and this appears to be in fact the case within the most effective command systems of the modern world.  
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On [[Aristotle]]’s theory of moral [[responsibility]] there is no hard and fast rule for determining whether a person who has acted from coercion is blameworthy. It is important to notice that since coerced acts are always strictly voluntary, they are never automatically disqualified from responsibility. Responsibility depends on facts about the situation such as the gravity of the threat and the nature of the coerced act. For example, Aristotle holds it absurd that one could be coerced into killing one’s mother.
  
Unspecific coercion is thus the same thing as the [[rule of law]] in its widest sense. This must not however be confused with the ''monopoly of coercion by the State''. First, State coercion may very easily be arbitrary – indeed technically very ''specific'', according to the above definition. Second, there are well-documented historical examples of (small) societies that have practiced unspecific coercion ''without'' the help of State institutions – like [[Iceland]] in the early [[Middle Ages]]. The identification between State and law is but a special ''normative'' principle introduced by (public) Roman law, which according to some, like [[Maitland]], was for this very reason to be treated as the quintessential “law of tyranny”.
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Most contemporary philosophers would agree with Aristotle: Coercion excuses at least some of the time. However, they have sought a specification of the conditions under which it does so. According to Harry Frankfurt, “a coercive threat arouses in its victim a desire—that is, to avoid the penalty—so powerful that it will move him to perform the required action whether he wants to perform it or considers that it would be reasonable for him to do so” (1988: p. 78). Most philosophers reject Frankfurt’s analysis—at least as specifying a necessary condition for coercion—on the grounds that there are less extreme cases in which a person’s will is hardly over-ridden, and yet she can be said to have been coerced. In other words, Frankfurt’s analysis picks out certain extreme cases, but fails to accommodate others.
  
==Effects==
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Frankfurt’s view attempts to locate the conditions of moral responsibility for coercion in structural features of the coercee’s will. In particular, a person is coerced insofar as his will is overridden by a powerful desire arising from the coercive threat. However, many other theorists have insisted that this is incomplete: Features of the ''environment'' in which the agent acts are crucial in determining responsibility. One of the most important aspects in attributing blame is whether the act or acts committed bring about harm to others; and if this could reasonably have been avoided by the coercee. Moreover, the strength of the threat, as well as severity of the consequences of non-compliance, in relation to the result (harm) of the demanded action must be weighed. For example, one may be excused for (for example) stealing a car under the threat of being killed, but not if one were merely threatened with a slap on the wrist. It is generally agreed that a person is not responsible for an action insofar he or she is unaware of negative consequences of committing the coerced act. Though the laws of most countries accept coercion as an excusing condition, the individual circumstances in each case are needed to determine culpability.
The effects of coercion may differ substantially according to its type and scope. Here they will be considered from the legal, psychological, social and ethical points of view.
 
  
===Legal effects===
+
==See also==
In most legal systems, the use of ''physical'' specific coercion by private individuals is a [[criminal offence]] in all cases not involving self defence.
+
*[[Praise and blame]]
 
+
*[[Morality]]
The picture is less simple for ''psychological'' specific coercion, owing to the general difficulty in finding clear evidence for it. In most systems psychological coercion is treated as a criminal offence when it is aimed at ''extortion'', as is typical of blackmail. It is also punished when it leads to ''undue influence'', defined as a master-slave relationship.
+
*[[Responsibility]]
 
 
Finally, ''economic'' coercion is generally unlawful under most systems of anti-trust legislation, where it can amount to either a criminal offence – as under the Sherman Act of the US – or an administrative offence liable to a mere fine – as under EU legislation on the abuse of a dominant position. It is important however to remember that [[trade unions]] and other groups of organised workers are mostly exempted from this general principle for acts of economic coercion (like strikes) against their employers.
 
 
 
Legal methods themselves may employ coercion, such as when a lawsuit is threatened if a person does not comply with the wishes of the plaintiff.
 
 
 
====Exculpation and nullity====
 
Specific coercion may be used as a legal defence in criminal cases for acts committed under threat of injury.  Similarly, one may claim the legal nullity of a [[contract]] signed under duress.
 
 
 
In both cases, however, the question arises of whether a "[[reasonable person]]" would have perceived a threat, and reacted in the same way. Moreover, under most modern legal systems ''disciplinary'' coercion cannot be claimed as an exculpating circumstance for [[war crimes]] committed under unlawful orders.
 
 
 
===Psychological effects: the effectiveness of thought coercion===
 
As already stated, thought coercion – either religious or ideological – is defined by its ultimate end to alter the fundamental values and beliefs of its victims. To ask whether this can in fact be done is to put a fundamental and age-old question: can [[conscience]] be coerced?
 
 
 
At the beginning of the sixth century, in a famous letter to the Jews of [[Genoa]], the [[Goths|Gothic]] king [[Theodoric the Great]], who was an [[Arian]] Christian, wrote: “...We cannot command the religion of our subjects, since no-one can be forced to believe against his will”: Hodgkin (1886) p. 219. This idea that conscience ''cannot'' in fact be coerced originated among the [[Stoic]] philosophers of ancient [[Greece]], and resurfaced many centuries later during and after the European [[Renaissance]], as one of the basic tenets of classic (or Whig) [[liberalism]].
 
 
 
The opposite view was however the dominant one within what [[Karl Popper]] (1945) has called the [[Platonic]] tradition, which included among other things both mainstream Christianity and [[Hegel]]’s philosophy, with its later polar developments of [[Marxism]] and [[Fascism]].
 
 
 
Yet, though these opposite answers may lead to divergent ethical and political prescriptions, the question itself is about a matter of mere psychological fact, which can be addressed empirically, looking at experience. Lifton (1961) on Chinese thought reform is one of the very few such works, and its findings are thus highly relevant here. Very broadly and on the whole, these findings were that on most victims the impact of thought reform tended to be temporary. In the short run it might be considerable, even leading to something close to a profound religious experience – particularly in subjects of relatively younger age (under thirty). But after a few years, and left to themselves, the victims tended to question the principles they had been indoctrinated with, reverting in most cases to their former values and convictions.
 
 
 
If correct, these findings would suggest that thought coercion cannot generally achieve its ultimate goal to ''permanently'' affect people’s basic values. In the Chinese case, this prediction came soon true, with the unorthodox outcomes of the “[[Hundred Flowers Campaign|Hundred Flowers]]” episode of 1957. More generally, one would hence be led to expect that – far from being temporary – thought coercion would have to become a ''stable'' feature of society, in order to produce any long-lasting result. And indeed – as seen above – such predicted tendency to repeat and institutionalise itself appears to be borne out by the historical record of thought coercion in both Communist regimes and the Catholic Church.
 
 
 
===Social effects: coercion and progress===
 
====Whig-liberal tradition====
 
According to the Whig-liberal tradition, due to the Scottish moral philosophers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, widespread specific coercion has the general effect of limiting society’s ability to find new and better ways of doing things: see e.g. Hayek (1960). This follows from the view of social culture as the outcome of an [[evolutionary process]] of adaptation and selection through trial and error. Since specific coercion restricts the range of potential choices to the whims of only a few individuals, it narrows down society’s chances to experiment and select new solutions, and hence its ability to adapt. Thus, it is predicted that ''in the long run'' the most successful societies would mainly be those where the incidence of specific coercion was less.
 
 
 
However, this only applies to ''specific'' coercion. By contrast, it is argued that ''unspecific'' coercion – brought about by the rule of law – does not in itself hinder adaptation in any important way, because it is as uniform and predictable as the constraints following from natural laws. Moreover, the rule of law is the only available way to curb specific coercion. Hence, far from being a hindrance, unspecific coercion is in this view a necessary condition for human progress.
 
 
 
====Platonic tradition====
 
Needless to say, those who believe they already know what is best for society, and thus feel no need to rely on any evolutionary process, do not share the Whig-liberal negative view of the social effects of specific coercion. They often opt instead for a so-called [[social engineering]] approach, whereby a [[command]] system steered by a few competent individuals – and buttressed up by quite specific coercion – is assumed to be the most “rational” way to ensure social progress.
 
 
 
The earliest formulation of this alternative view is found in [[Plato]]’s ''Republic''. In modern times the idea re-surfaced during the French Revolution, thanks to Rousseau’s famous distinction between the will of all and a supposed “’’general will’’”, which – unlike the former – was defined as embodying the objective “good” for society. According to Rousseau and his followers, social progress required that those who are somehow inspired by the “general will” should be entitled to enforce it through revolutionary coercion on the will of all. Later on, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this French revolutionary principle – though not of course its specific way to identify the “general will” – percolated into first [[Socialist]] and then [[Fascist]] political thinking.
 
 
 
===Ethical effects: coercion and freedom===
 
To most people, the ethical implications of individual predatory coercion are straightforward. In recent times, some have attempted to extend a similar ethical judgement to non-predatory forms of coercion by individuals. Thus, for instance, the [[Taking Children Seriously]] movement has criticised pedagogic coercion by adults, including parents, on children, holding that it is possible and desirable to act with a child in such a way that all activities are consensual.
 
 
 
The ethical standing of wider forms of supposedly “altruistic” specific coercion – like political and thought coercion – is however much more controversial, along lines relating to the assumed relationship between coercion and [[Freedom (philosophy)|freedom]], which is often regarded as an ethical value in itself.
 
 
 
====Coercion as the negation of freedom====
 
The Whig-liberal tradition has led to the well-known notion of (negative) freedom as lack of specific coercion. According to this view, any form of specific coercion is then unethical in itself as an injury to freedom, quite apart from its damaging effects on social progress. Indeed, the ethical value of (negative) freedom is grounded on the idea that conscience cannot be coerced, and is thus the ultimate standard of morality. It hence follows that – from an ethical point of view – coercion cannot even be regarded as a lesser evil: since it cannot produce conscientious behaviour, it can never bring about the fulfilment of ''any'' ethical value.
 
 
 
====Coercion as a source of freedom====
 
However, the basing of all ethical values on conscience has also produced a diametrically opposed view. Developing the Socratic idea that moral evil is a result of ignorance, the Stoic philosophers had argued that one’s “true” conscience – and hence virtue – could only be attained by freeing oneself from irrationality and passions, through the stern self-control that is typical of wise men. This principle was then fitted into the Christian framework of original sin and the need for “outside” redemption, to produce the idea that on many occasions external specific coercion could and should take the place of self-control in setting ordinary people free from their sinful tendencies. Almost paradoxically, personal spiritual freedom came thus to be often based on specific thought coercion by the inspired few,
 
 
 
This alternative approach has percolated far beyond the religious field, and is shared to-day by all those who think they have a privileged access to “true” conscience, thanks to divine revelation, superior “scientific” knowledge or some other special circumstance. Apart from religious principles, the “true” conscience involved may be class-consciousness, patriotism, altruism, “social” values, political correctness or any other strongly held ethical world-view. The common element is the firm belief that coercion – ranging from legal State-coercion to terrorism – can and should be used to realize “true” freedom for all.
 
 
 
==Examples of coercion in media==
 
* In the first season of ''[[24 (television)|24]]'', [[Jack Bauer]] was coerced into assisting a political assassination, by threat of harm to his wife and daughter.
 
 
 
* By threat of [[blackmail]], the five main characters in ''[[The Usual Suspects]]'' are coerced into paying back a debt to [[Keyser Soze]].
 
 
 
* In ''[[The Empire Strikes Back]]'', [[Lando Calrissian]] is coerced by [[Darth Vader]] into [[double cross]]ing [[Han Solo]], as bait to trap [[Luke Skywalker]].
 
 
 
* In the [[Alex Rider]] [[spy novel]] series, [[Alex Rider (character)|Alex]] is coerced into becoming a [[spy]] for [[MI6]], by threat of him losing his guardian and being sent to an [[institution]].
 
  
 
==References==
 
==References==
*Anderson, Scott A. (undated), "Towards a Better Theory of Coercion, and a Use for It", The University of Chicago [http://ptw.uchicago.edu/Anderson02.pdf]
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*Carr, Craig L. 1988. “Coercion and Freedom.” In ''American Philosophical Quarterly'' 25: 59-67.
*Hayek, Friedrich A. (1960) ''The Constitution of Liberty'', University of Chicago Press.
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*Edmundson, William. 1995. “Is Law Coercive?” In ''Legal Theory'' 1: 81-111.
*Hodgkin, Thomas (1886) (trans.) ''Letters of Cassiodorus'', London: H. Frowde.
+
*Feinberg, Joel. 1986. ''Harm to Self''. New York: Oxford University Press.  
*Lifton, Robert J. (1961) ''Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism'', Penguin Books.
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*Feinberg, Joel. 2001. "Coercion." In ''Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy.'' London: Routledge.
*Popper, Karl R. (1945) ''The Open Society and Its Enemies''  
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*Fowler, Mark. 1982. “Coercion and Practical Reason.” In ''Social Theory and Practice.'' 8: 329-355.
*Rhodes, Michael R. (2000), "The Nature of Coercion", ''Journal of Value Inquiry'', 34 (2/3)
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*Frankfurt, Harry. 1988. “Coercion and Moral Responsibility.” In ''The Importance of What We Care About''. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521333245.  
*Rothbard, Murray N. (1982), "F. A. Hayek and the Concept of Coercion", in ''The Ethics of Liberty'', Humanities Press [http://www.mises.org/rothbard/ethics/twentyeight.asp]
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*Hayek, Friedrich A. 1960. ''The Constitution of Liberty.'' University of Chicago Press.
 
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*Lamond, Grant. 2000. “The Coerciveness of Law.” In ''Oxford Journal of Legal Studies'' 20: 39-62.
[[Category:Legal terms]]
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*McCloskey, H. J. 1980. “Coercion: Its Nature and Significance.” In ''Southern Journal of Philosophy'' 18: 335-352.
[[Category:Liberalism]]
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*Lifton, Robert J. 1961. ''Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism.'' Penguin Books.
[[Category:Political theories]]
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*Mill, John Stuart. 1909-14 [1859]. ''On Liberty''. Edited by Charles W. Eliot. New York: P.F. Collier & Son.
[[Category:Psychological abuse]]
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*Nozick, Robert. 1969. “Coercion.” in ''Philosophy, Science, and Method: Essays in Honor of Ernest Nagel''. Edited by Sidney Morgenbesser, Patrick Suppes, and Morton White. New York: St. Martin's Press.
[[Category:Social philosophy]]
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*Popper, Karl R. 1945. ''The Open Society and Its Enemies.''  
 
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*Rhodes, Michael R. 2000. "The Nature of Coercion." In ''Journal of Value Inquiry'' 34 (2/3).
[[da:Tvang]]
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*Rothbard, Murray N. 1982. "F. A. Hayek and the Concept of Coercion." In ''The Ethics of Liberty.'' Humanities Press.
[[de:Nötigung]]
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*Ryan, Cheyney C. 1980. “The Normative Concept of Coercion.” In ''Mind'' 89: 481-498.
[[es:Coerción]]
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*Warner, Stuart. D. 1989. "Review of Coercion" by Alan Wertheimer. In ''Ethics'' 99 (3): 642-644.
[[fr:Coercition]]
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*Wertheimer, Alan. 1987. ''Coercion''. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691077598.
[[ja:強制]]
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*Zimmerman, David. 1981. “Coercive Wage Offers.” In ''Philosophy and Public Affairs'' 10: 121-145.
[[ru:Насилие]]
 
[[fi:Pakkovalta]]
 
[[tr:Baskı]]
 
  
 +
==External links==
 +
All links retrieved January 7, 2024.
 +
*Scott Anderson. [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/coercion/ Coercion], Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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*John Stanton. [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/law-limits/ The Limits of Law], Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
 +
===General philosophy sources===
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*[http://plato.stanford.edu/ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy].
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*[http://www.iep.utm.edu/ The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy].
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*[http://www.bu.edu/wcp/PaidArch.html Paideia Project Online].
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*[http://www.gutenberg.org/ Project Gutenberg].
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[[category:Philosophy and religion]]
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[[Category:philosophy]]
  
 
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Latest revision as of 22:25, 7 January 2024

Philosophical discussion of coercion has focused on three distinct concerns. (1) What is coercion? (2) Is coercion ever morally or politically justified? (3) Is a person morally responsible for an action done because of coercion?

  1. With respect to the first question, a person is coerced when he acts contrary to his preferences or will because of a threat administered by another agent. A clear example of this is the bank robber putting his gun against a teller’s head and screaming: “The money or your life!”
  2. Interest in the second question arises particularly in the context of political philosophy and legal theory, especially given legitimized state uses of coercion in forcing compliance to the law. The orthodox view on this question is that state coercion is justified insofar as it promotes (roughly) overall well being. Whether private uses of coercion are ever morally justified is a controversial matter.
  3. With respect to the third question, coercion is widely thought to limit a person’s freedom without depriving her of free agency. Determining moral responsibility requires careful attention to the context of the act, and, in particular, such factors as the severity of the threat and consequences of the coerced action.

Historical overview

In Nicomachean Ethics III, Aristotle explores the conditions under which it is appropriate to hold a moral agent blameworthy or praiseworthy for particular actions. He argues that praise and blame are withheld from involuntary actions, that is, actions committed under force or as a result of ignorance (1110a-1111b4). On the grounds of a discussion of excuses and mitigating conditions, Aristotle formulates a general account of moral responsibility for action. A moral agent is an appropriate candidate for praise or blame if and only if his action was voluntarily done. A voluntary action is one which has its origin within the doer, and is done knowingly (1110a-1111b4).

The interest of Aristotle’s account for the current discussion is in his understanding of the force condition on moral responsibility. Aristotle provides two types of examples illustrating this condition. The first type includes a case in which a man is carried off by the wind; the second where is carried off by a band of (for example) robbers. These are cases in which the agent has no choice at all and would today be classified as cases of compulsion. Essentially, compulsion leaves the agent no choice; he is dragged off by physical force.

Aristotle illustrates the "force" condition on responsibility with two further examples:

But with regard to the things that are done from fear of greater evils or for some noble object (such as if a tyrant were to order one to do something base, having ones parents and children in his power, and if one did the action they were to be saved, but otherwise would be put to death), it may be debated as to whether such actions are involuntary or voluntary (The Nicomachean Ethics, Book III).

Aristotle’s verdict is that these actions—for example, doing something base to save one’s children—are both voluntary and involuntary. In one respect, the person chooses to perform the action; but in another, he would not have done so had he not thought that the lives of his family members were in danger. Therefore, although action was voluntary, considered at the moment, it was not, in the abstract, voluntary.

Such cases involve coercion. Acts done out of coercion are in the strict sense voluntary since a person ultimately has it in his power to choose to do or refrain from acting.Is a person morally responsible for an action done out of coercion? Aristotle’s answer is this: It depends (though he does argue that certain actions such as matricide are never excusable no matter what the threat). There are no hard and fast rules for determining responsibility; it depends on the context.

Saint Thomas Aquinas also discusses coercion in the context of a discussion of moral responsibility. He understands coercion in terms of necessity, where a person is forced to act in a way such that he cannot do otherwise. Aquinas here seems to understand coercion in terms of compulsion—coercion is linked with a lack of choice and violence. Aquinas does recognize a distinction between compelled actions and those committed as a result of a threat. According to Aquinas, people are not morally responsible for acts of compulsion although one is responsible for actions done in the face of some sever threat. This is because the latter does not strictly render the action involuntary—and so the person maintained the power of choice.

Aquinas argues that the state’s is justified in its use of coercion and compulsion in the form of violent force and fear. This is because it must aim to control the vicious and irrational in order to preserve a state of harmony for non-offenders. However, he maintains that the use of power and force is, in general, the right of the state and not of private groups or individuals. One significant exception is the case of "imperfect coercive power" in which the head of the household–usually the father—is justified in delivering punishments that do not inflict irreparable harm. Aquinas therefore advocates the use of coercion/compulsion in the form of patriarchy in both state and private sphere.

Later thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, in basic agreement with Aquinas, argued that coercion plays a central, justified and necessary part in the functioning of the state. Hobbes holds (again in agreement with Aquinas) that acts performed under threat are strictly voluntary so that one is fully responsible for them. This implies, for example, that contracts signed because of fear are legitimate; the use of bargaining power is a rational way of effecting contracts so long as it does not conflict with the rule of law.

Hobbes’ countryman, John Locke, argued that although state use of coercion is necessary, this depends on the state’s control itself reflecting the consent of the people. There is in his view, therefore, a fine line between law and tyranny. A tyrant’s use of coercion is unjustified; the state’s use of coercion is justified only insofar as it protects the majority rather than terrorizes them.

Immanuel Kant emphasizes the use of state coercion in securing the rights and freedoms of the people. He argues that people are inclined to obey the law for two reasons: Firstly an ethical or rational motivation: One has a duty to obey the law so as to preserve an orderly society; secondly, a judicial motivation, which applies to those who do not have respect for the law but follow it to avoid punishment. Although Kant acknowledges that coercion impinges upon freedom, he maintains that when used in a proper manner by the state it also secures freedom. Impinging on the freedom of a few is justified to secure freedom for the majority.

John Stuart Mill (On Liberty) represents to some extent a departure from the concerns of his predecessors by focusing on unjustified forms of coercion. His central understanding of coercion appears closely tied to the notion of interference. State coercion/compulsion is justified in so far as it is used to protect the general population. However, the state (or anyone else for that matter) should not be allowed to force (rational) people to do what may in fact be in their own best interests. This would constitute an unacceptable interference and infringement on individual liberty. In this respect, Mill is an opponent of strong forms of paternalism.

Mill discussion of coercion also includes the power of public opinion in forcing adherence to the law, such as, for example and that the stigma attached to law breaking and its punishments. For example, the threat of ruined reputation may itself be a coercive influence in its own right. Furthermore, and again in contrast with his predecessors, Mill recognizes that civil institutions are just as capable of coercion as the state. He observes that the "despotism of custom" has a strong hold over people in that they are frequently coerced to act in a certain way (against their inclinations) due to civil, social (and often religious) conventions and rules. His examples include the position of a wife in the family, who had at the time (nineteenth century Britain) very limited rights. Mill also presents the phenomenon of child labor as an example of coerciveness. Mill therefore shows the extent to which coercion occurs in ways other than by direct state interference.

The nature of coercion

While the notion of coercion has played a significant role in the history of legal and political philosophy—especially with reference to the state’s use of coercion in forcing compliance with its laws—sustained analysis of the concept itself is a relatively recent occurrence. It is only in twentieth century philosophy and legal theory, probably as a result of an increasing focus on human rights, that it has received significant scholarly attention.

Coercion and compulsion

To begin, it is worthwhile recalling the distinction between coercion and compulsion. Compulsion works through direct force—recall Aristotle’s example of the man carried off by a band of robbers In contrast with compulsion, which deprives an agent of a choice, coercion does not. Coercion works through threat of some harm or negative consequence. Consider: “Your money or your life!” Acts done from compulsion are (almost) always excused, whereas, while actions done under coercion are often excused, they are certainly not always.

Although there is a sharp distinction between compulsion and coercion above the two are often closely associated. Torture is a clear example: Coercion (threats) is used to (for example) extract information; these threats are then backed up by physical inducements such as truth serum. The state too uses both coercion and force (to maintain law). The threat of state punishment (for example, prison) is used to induce compliance. However, state punishment may also involve compulsion as for example when someone’s property is forcibly confiscated.

Nozick’s analysis of coercion

So much then for the distinction between coercion and compulsion; what about the nature of coercion itself? In significant measure the current state of understanding of coercion is due to Robert Nozick’s landmark work Coercion and the writings it inspired. Nozick’s analysis has been enormously influential—accepted in large measure by almost all significant contributors to the debate. It accommodates the most commonly consider examples of coercion such as the "money or your life" scenario and instances of "psychological coercion," in which the threatened injury concerns the victim’s relationships with other people. (The most obvious example is blackmail, where the threat consists of the dissemination of damaging information.)

Nozick analyses coercion as follows: Person P coerces Q into not doing (refraining from doing) act A if and only if: (1). P (the coercer) threatens to bring about some consequence if Q (the coercee) does A; Q understands this threat; (2) Action A, as a result of the threatened consequence, is made substantially less eligible as a course of conduct for Q than A ‘’without’’ this threatened consequence; (3) P’s threat is credible; (4) Q does not do A; (5). At least part of Q's reason for not doing A is to avoid the consequence that P has threatened to bring about (adapted from Ryan, 1980: 483, Nozick, 1969: 441-445).

Thee central features of this analysis are the following: firstly coercion uses of threats rather than physical force; secondly, coercion’s taking place is dependent on whether the coercer’s threat is credible to the coercee (even if the coercer is bluffing, the crucial factor is whether the coercee believes the threat to be credible); thirdly, the coercee has to accept the proposal in order for coercion to take place; if he does not accept the proposal, then coercion, strictly, has not occurred. In this way, Nozick builds in a success condition into his analysis.

Each of these features may be questioned. On the first point, can coercion proceed by means of offers rather than threats? (Threats and offers are both proposals.) Consider the following example:

If a man is drowning in a lake and another man offers to help him only if he gives him all his money, then the drowning man’s situation is indeed not worse off, as one would presume that he would rather have his life than his money, and the offer of the second man has actually increased the drowning man’s options. Another example of the same sort would be that of the millionaire who offers to pay for the life saving operation of a poor woman’s child only if the woman agrees to be his mistress. (Feinberg 1986)

Is this an example of a coercive offer? According to Joel Feinberg the answer is "yes": There is no relevant difference between the above scenario and typical cases of coercion. Both use superior power and may be assimilated to the “your money or your life” type case. So coercion may proceed by means of offers or threats; therefore, Nozick’s analysis must be supplemented.

David Zimmerman argues that these are examples of exploitation, rather than of coercion. Although the man in the above example and the millionaire take advantage of their respective situations they are opportunistic and not coercive. According to Zimmerman, in order for these to be coercive actions, they would have had to manufacture the situations (for example, paying someone to throw the man in the lake); only then will these cases qualify as coercive offers.

The problem of setting a baseline

One further feature of Nozick’s treatment of coercion, not directly encapsulated in the above analysis is the notion of a baseline (Nozick, 1969: 447). Nozick introduces this concept in order to capture the sense in which the coerced individual becomes worse off than he would have been. In most cases it is relatively clear to see how this works. For example, in the “your money or your life” case, the threat has made the person’s normal course of events worse than they should have been—she hands over her money. If one essential condition for a threat to be characterized as coercive is that it needs to make the coercee’s situation worse one needs a way to specify the sense in which the victim would become worse off. One way of doing this would be to establish whether the coerced action deviates from reasonable expectations on a normal course of events.

However, as Nozick himself realized, the phrase "normal course of events" is not unproblematic. Consider, for example, a case in which a slave owner, who regularly beats his slave, offers to refrain from beating him if he agrees to do X. Given that being beaten is part of the "normal course of events" the offer will not count as coercive because the slave will be better off as a result of the offer. But this seems wrong: For surely there is a sense in which the slave is being coerced. One possible response to this problem is to claim, along with Alan Wertheimer, that regular unjustified beatings are not "normal" because they already involve the violations of rights. Essentially Wertheimer moralizes the concept of coercion itself by employing the notion of rights in his formulation of a baseline.

The legitimacy of coercion

While the previous section discussed the nature of coercion itself, this section considers two central ethical questions surrounding the concept of coercion.

The political justification of coercion

Intuitively, coercion would seem to involve a moral wrong. This is so, at least in the most commonly considered cases such as “your money or your life” or blackmail. However, this answer is incompatible with the apparent legitimacy of regulated forms of state coercion, which continue to be firmly entrenched in almost every nation. Governments use coercion in order to maintain law and order; the penal system is a system of threats and inducements. But if state coercion is justified, then coercion cannot always be wrong.

One reason why acts of coercion may seem wrong is that they limit somebody’s freedom. However, as evidenced by the penal system, state coercion limits particular freedoms in order to enhance overall freedom. For example, insofar as the state endorses capital punishment, citizens are faced with a supreme threat should they perform certain unwanted actions. However, the fact that they are deterred from (coerced into not) doing these, secures the freedom of other citizens to walk their streets in safety. As Kant noted, coercion impinges upon freedom, but when used in a proper manner by the state also secures freedom; therefore the impingement on the freedom of a few is justified to secure greater freedom. Indeed, it is sometimes said (see Lamond 2000) that state has the right to coerce because, in a certain sense, people give over their freedom to the state (or even school, or church) to be protected.

Libertarians such as Nozick and John Stuart Mill argue state interference with personal liberty should be as minimal as possible; state intervention should be a purely protective measure. According to Mill, state coercion is justified only insofar as it conforms to the "harm principle," that is, is justified only when it prevents harm; similarly, the use of force is justified if it punishes those that cause harm.

Libertarianism is opposed to paternalism in the following way. For a libertarian, coercion is justified only if it prevents harm to others; however, one is free to do as one likes with one’s own' health, life, liberty, property, and possessions. Therefore, outlawing gambling or prostitution illegal, would be, on the libertarian view, an unjustified use of state coercion—it would be using penal threats to coerce people into refraining from “victimless crimes,” that is, acts that harm no one other than the agent of the act. However, this view is by no means restricted to Libertarians. Even non-Libertarian thinkers accept that the use of coercion by the state is justified only as a protective measure. For example, Alan Wertheimer argues that coercion is justified in so far as it protects individual rights; in all other cases coercion involves merely violating somebody’s rights.

Coercion in the private sphere

Nozick and Mill hold that although state use of coercion is in principle justified, private uses of coercion are not. But this seems somewhat counter-intuitive. Imagine, for example, that a man arrives home to find an intruder about to rape his wife; recoiling in horror, the man threatens to shoot the burglar unless he aborts his plans; and the burglar complies. This would seem to entail, at least on Nozick’s analysis, has been coerced into leaving the house and foregoing his opportunity for rape (Ryan, 1980: 483). However, surely this is a case in which the private use of coercion is justified.

The moral to draw from these types of cases may be the intentions of the coercer are relevant to the morality of coercer. Coercion is justified (or even required) to the extent that it furthers certain justifiable aims such as self-protection, or the protection of loved ones. These aims may include forms of non-violent protest (such as sit-ins where one refuses to move unless certain demands are met, or Mohatma Ghandi’s hunger strike), instances of "tough love," where a parent coerces a drug-addicted child into rehabilitation by some sort of threat (such as losing his inheritance). (This may be better described as blackmail or manipulation rather than coercion.) Alternatively, Grant Lamond argues that coercion requires that the coercer make a proposal deliberately disadvantaging the coercee. Therefore while state coercion will still qualify as justified coercion (as it could be argued that for the thief it is disadvantageous for them not to steal), the example of tough love used above would not be considered coercive because the coercer’s intention was in fact to advantage the coercee.

Coercion and moral responsibility

On Aristotle’s theory of moral responsibility there is no hard and fast rule for determining whether a person who has acted from coercion is blameworthy. It is important to notice that since coerced acts are always strictly voluntary, they are never automatically disqualified from responsibility. Responsibility depends on facts about the situation such as the gravity of the threat and the nature of the coerced act. For example, Aristotle holds it absurd that one could be coerced into killing one’s mother.

Most contemporary philosophers would agree with Aristotle: Coercion excuses at least some of the time. However, they have sought a specification of the conditions under which it does so. According to Harry Frankfurt, “a coercive threat arouses in its victim a desire—that is, to avoid the penalty—so powerful that it will move him to perform the required action whether he wants to perform it or considers that it would be reasonable for him to do so” (1988: p. 78). Most philosophers reject Frankfurt’s analysis—at least as specifying a necessary condition for coercion—on the grounds that there are less extreme cases in which a person’s will is hardly over-ridden, and yet she can be said to have been coerced. In other words, Frankfurt’s analysis picks out certain extreme cases, but fails to accommodate others.

Frankfurt’s view attempts to locate the conditions of moral responsibility for coercion in structural features of the coercee’s will. In particular, a person is coerced insofar as his will is overridden by a powerful desire arising from the coercive threat. However, many other theorists have insisted that this is incomplete: Features of the environment in which the agent acts are crucial in determining responsibility. One of the most important aspects in attributing blame is whether the act or acts committed bring about harm to others; and if this could reasonably have been avoided by the coercee. Moreover, the strength of the threat, as well as severity of the consequences of non-compliance, in relation to the result (harm) of the demanded action must be weighed. For example, one may be excused for (for example) stealing a car under the threat of being killed, but not if one were merely threatened with a slap on the wrist. It is generally agreed that a person is not responsible for an action insofar he or she is unaware of negative consequences of committing the coerced act. Though the laws of most countries accept coercion as an excusing condition, the individual circumstances in each case are needed to determine culpability.

See also

References
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  • Carr, Craig L. 1988. “Coercion and Freedom.” In American Philosophical Quarterly 25: 59-67.
  • Edmundson, William. 1995. “Is Law Coercive?” In Legal Theory 1: 81-111.
  • Feinberg, Joel. 1986. Harm to Self. New York: Oxford University Press.
  • Feinberg, Joel. 2001. "Coercion." In Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. London: Routledge.
  • Fowler, Mark. 1982. “Coercion and Practical Reason.” In Social Theory and Practice. 8: 329-355.
  • Frankfurt, Harry. 1988. “Coercion and Moral Responsibility.” In The Importance of What We Care About. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521333245.
  • Hayek, Friedrich A. 1960. The Constitution of Liberty. University of Chicago Press.
  • Lamond, Grant. 2000. “The Coerciveness of Law.” In Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 20: 39-62.
  • McCloskey, H. J. 1980. “Coercion: Its Nature and Significance.” In Southern Journal of Philosophy 18: 335-352.
  • Lifton, Robert J. 1961. Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism. Penguin Books.
  • Mill, John Stuart. 1909-14 [1859]. On Liberty. Edited by Charles W. Eliot. New York: P.F. Collier & Son.
  • Nozick, Robert. 1969. “Coercion.” in Philosophy, Science, and Method: Essays in Honor of Ernest Nagel. Edited by Sidney Morgenbesser, Patrick Suppes, and Morton White. New York: St. Martin's Press.
  • Popper, Karl R. 1945. The Open Society and Its Enemies.
  • Rhodes, Michael R. 2000. "The Nature of Coercion." In Journal of Value Inquiry 34 (2/3).
  • Rothbard, Murray N. 1982. "F. A. Hayek and the Concept of Coercion." In The Ethics of Liberty. Humanities Press.
  • Ryan, Cheyney C. 1980. “The Normative Concept of Coercion.” In Mind 89: 481-498.
  • Warner, Stuart. D. 1989. "Review of Coercion" by Alan Wertheimer. In Ethics 99 (3): 642-644.
  • Wertheimer, Alan. 1987. Coercion. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691077598.
  • Zimmerman, David. 1981. “Coercive Wage Offers.” In Philosophy and Public Affairs 10: 121-145.

External links

All links retrieved January 7, 2024.

  • Scott Anderson. Coercion, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  • John Stanton. The Limits of Law, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

General philosophy sources

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