Totemism

Totemism (derived from the term "ototeman" in the Ojibwe language, which originally referred to "brother-sister kin") is a religious belief centered upon the worship or veneration of totems. A totem is any animal, plant, or other objects, natural or supernatural, which provides deeply symbolic meaning for a person or social group. In some cases, totens provide a feeling of power and energy to a particular person. In other cases, a variety of totems can serve to demarcate particular groups or clans among larger tribes. Often, totems are seen as representative of desirable individual qualities, or the natural power from which a given social group is descended from. Thus, totems help to explain the mythical origin of the clan while reinforcing clan identity and solidarity, and as such, killing, eating, and even touching a totem is often considered taboo. This form of religious activity is most commonly found within tribal cultures and it is frequently associated with shamanistic religions and their rituals.

File:Totem Pole Thunderbird Park Victoria.jpg

Southern style totem pole in Victoria, British Columbia

Totemism as a Religious Classification

Totemism played an active role in the development of 19th and early 20th century theories of religion, initially spurring the interests of many thinkers who wanted to classify it as an early stage within an evolutionary progression of religion. This refers to the notion that all human religion is essentially unitary, having emerged through the same stages in various parts of the worldw with the progression of technology and modalities of thought. The first to implicate totemism in this process was John Ferguson McLennan, a Scottish ethnographer. He argued that the entirety of the human race had passed through a totemic stage at some point in the distant past in which they worshipped animals and plants. Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917), the famous anthropologist, expanded totemism beyond the worship of plants and animals, claiming that it was actually an early excersize in the instinct within humans to classify their surrounding world. Further, he argued that animism, rather than totemism, was the foundation of all human religion. Ethnologist Sir James Frazer followed by providing a synthesis of much of the previous work on totemism, and put forth the idea that totems bind people together in social groups, and serve as an impetus for the development of civilization. Further, he posited that totemic clans began as a means for explaining the process of conception and birth. That is, a woman becomes pregnant as a totemic animal or plant spirit enters her body, which makes that particular totem exceedingly important in the child's ensuing life. Several years later, psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud would place the totem at the incitation of human religiosity. For Freud, the totem was the projection of a hypothetical tribe's oedipal guilt for the murder of their patriarch, and subsequently the lynchpin for their systems of taboos and morality which developed in the aftermath.

One of the key criticisms against such evolutionary notions which placed totemism at or near the beginning of human religious development was provided by Alexander A. Goldenweiser, a Russian-American ethnologist. Goldenweiser called into question the notion that there was in fact a "psychic unity of mankind", claiming that broad generalizations about the commonalities between cultures were unfounded, at best. Furthermore, he pointed out that there was not necessarily a connection between the use of totemic classifications, the existence of clans, and the relationships of human being to totems. These three phenomena, he claimed, coexisted only in the rarest of occassions, and merging them together under the heading of "totemism" was an academic creation, rather than a description of actual phenomena. This critique created an attitude of skepticism concerning totemism in the span of human religious development. Regardless, additional evolutionary theories placing totemism at the initial stage of human development arose, such as that of Émile Durkheim.

No thinker took totemism discussed totemism as thoroughly as Durkheim, the founder of sociology, who concentrated his study on supposedly "primitive" societies. Drawing on the identification of social group with spiritual totem in Australian aboriginal tribes, Durkheim theorized that all human religious expression was intrinsically founded in relationship to the group from which it emerges. While Tylor insisted that all religion arises from animism, and Frazer put forth that religion spawns from an understanding of magic, Durkheim found these insufficent. While these theories trace religion to something more fundamental than totemism, Durkheim claimed that this was a mistake, since totemism is the most fundamental. Durkheim claimed that practicioners of totemism do not actually worship their chosen plant or animal totem, and that totems are in most cases completely arbitrary. Instead, totems try to connect tribespeople with an impersonal force which holds enormous power over the solidarity of the clan. Durkheim calls this the "totemic principle", which precedes belief in the supernatural. For Durkheim, totemism was also the rubric for dividing sacred from the profane. For example, in the tribe Durkheim based his work upon, as well as many others, animals other than the totem can be killed and eaten. However, the totemic animal has a sacred status above the others which creates the taboo against killing it. Since the clan itself is considered to be one with its totem, the clan itself is what is sacred. This reinforces the taboo against killing other people in the clan, as well as other social mores. Hence, when the tribe gathers to worship the emblem representing its chosen totem, it is actually worshipping the tribe itself. The totem is not only the symbol of the clan, but actually the clan itself, represented in the form of the arbitrary animal or vegetable. The totem god is, in reality, a projection of the clan, and devotion to the totem is devotion to the clan. Here, a society can ascertain the commitment of any individual through his or her worship of the totem. Rituals performed to the totem, then, are performed to promote consciousness of the clan, reminding tribe members that they are committed to a real thing. According to Durkheim, it follows that belief in the soul is really just the implantation of the totemic principle into each individual.

Claude Lévi-Strauss reiterated Goldenweiser's skepticism toward evolutionary theories of totemism, claiming totemism to be an erroneous and outdated ethnological construct. In his book-length essay Totemism Today (1963), Claude Lévi-Strauss shows that human cognition, which is based on analogical thought, is independent of social context. For Lévi-Strauss, in contrast to the ideas functionalist anthropologist such as Sir Raymond Firth and Meyer Fortes, totems are not based on physical or psychological similarities between the clan and the totemic animal. Rather, totems are chosen arbitrarily for the sole purpose of making the physical world a comprehensive and coherent classificatory system. Lévi-Strauss argues that the use of physical analogies is not an indication of a more primitive mental capacity. On the contrary, it is actually a more efficient way to cope with this particular mode of tribal life in which abstractions are rare, and in which the physical environment is in direct friction with the society. The totemic classification system, he noted, was based on relationships of opposition between nature and culture. Dissimilarities among totemic creatures found in nature serve to differentiate otherwise indistinguishable human cultural units. For Lévi-Strauss, this precludes the possibility of any relationship between human social groups and their chosen totem based on analogy. Instead, totemism is simply another means by which groups of human beings classify the world around them. In The Savage Mind (1966) he puts forth the theory that totemic classifications are part of a the science of the concrete, a proto-scientific classificatory system enabling tribal individuals to classify the world in a rational, coherent fashion. This connects with the human instinct for qualitative classification and as such, Lévi-Strauss considers it as neither more nor less a science than any other classificatory system in the western world. The strength of Lévi-Strauss' work has rendered somewhat obsolete the theories which implicate totemism in the earliest phases of all human religious development.

Variations of Totemism

Scholars of religion have identified two variations of totemism, group totemism and individual totemism. Group totemism is the most commonly discussed form, and entails all or some of the following traits. First, group totems have some kind of a mystic association with an entire social group, whether it be a lineage, clan, tribe, phratrie, or other arrangement. Secondly, the totems are passed down through some system of hereditary succession from one generation to the next. Thirdly, the name of the given group may be derived in some fashion from the name of the totem. In some cases, the name of the plant, animal or phenomena itself may be the name of the clan. This extends to the entire surrounding environment, both physical and social, as the various totemic may serve as the accepted system for classifying the various categories of reality among a group of people. In some cases, all experienced phenomena, from human groups to the weather, are assigned and grouped as totems. Fourthly, the emblems, symbols and taboos that are related to the totem apply to the entire group or else to large subdivisions of it. Finally, the stories and mythologies related to any given group totem often provide a valuable resource for understanding the origin of the group. A particular animal or plant which serves as a group totem may, for example, be conceived of as the progenitor of that entire group.

In contrast, there is also a form of individual totemism, which is expressed as a partnership or friendship between a person and a particular object or force occuring within nature. In some cases, particular traits and qualities of a group totem will be assigned to various members of the group, so that that aspect of the totem will aid and eventually come to characterize the individual. In this way, individual totems are viewed as bestowing special powers upon to their bearers. Closely related to the idea of the individual totem is the human soul, as a simultaneous existence, of sorts, is posited as developing between the totem and the person. Commonly, the fate of the totem or the individual, whether it be grave or fortuitous, is expected to be recapitulated in the other member of the partnership. As such, individual totems are of immense importance, often belonging only to clan members of higher status such as chiefs or shamans, and commanding the strictest taboos. Like the group totem, the individual totem is also passed on from generation to generation, but in this case it is passed from person to person. In many cases, group totems may actually have developed from the inheritance of the totem of a single person.

Examples of Totemism in Human Culture

North American Aboriginese

Totemism can be said to characterize the religious beliefs of most indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States. The Sauk and Osage peoples, for example, assigned qualities of their clan totems and assigned them through names to individual members. It was expected that those in clan of the Black Bear, would inherit some of the desireable traits of that animal. Among the Objiwa, from whom the concept of totemism originated, people were divided into a number of doodem named for various animals. Of the various totems, the Crane totem was the most vocal. The Bear, since it was the largest, was sub-divided into various body parts which also became totemic symbols. These totems were then grouped according to habitat of the given animal, whether it be earth, air or water and served as as a means for governing and dividing labor among the various clans.

In addition, North American native peoples provide one of the most recognizable examples of totemism in all of human culture, the totem pole. Totem Poles are monumental sculptures carved from great trees, typically Western Redcedar, by a number of Native American cultures along the Pacific northwest coast of North America. The meanings of the designs on totem poles are as varied as the cultures which produce them. Totem poles may recount familiar legends, clan lineages, or notable events. Some poles are erected to celebrate cultural beliefs, but others are intended mostly as artistic presentations. Certain types of totem pole are part of mortuary structures incorporating grave boxes with carved supporting poles, or recessed backs in which grave boxes were placed. Poles are also carved to illustrate stories, to commemorate historic persons, to represent shamanic powers, and to provide objects of public ridicule. Totem poles were never objects of worship; the association with "idol worship" was an idea from local Christian missionaries. The totem poles of North America have many different designs featuring totemic animals such bears, birds, frogs, people, lizards, and often are endowed with arms, legs, and wings. Despite common misconceptions, there have never been any ubiqitous meaning to vertical order of the images represetned on the totem pole. On the contrary, many poles have significant figures on the top, others on the bottom, and some in the middle. Each culture typically has complex rules and customs regarding the designs which are represented on poles. The designs themselves are generally considered the property of a particular clan or family group, and this ownership may not be transferred to the owner of a pole. As such, pictures, paintings, and other copies of the designs may be an infringement of posessory rights of a certain family or cultural group. Thus it is important that the ownership of the artistic designs represented on a pole are respected as private property to the same extent that the pole itself is property.

Nor-Papua

Among the Nor-Papua people, who live in the northern region of New Guinea, exogamous patrilineal groups are commonly associated with various species of fish. These totems have an unprecedented cultural presence and appear in numerous representations, including ceremonial flutes within which they take the form of spirit creatures, as well as figures which are present in every household. Individuals in the various groups are born from fish totems. These children come from a holy place, the same holy place in which the totem fish are seen as bringing the souls of the dead. Upon reaching responsible age, children are given the choice of whether they will accept the totem of their mother or father. Because of their totemic importance, numerous species of fish are classified as taboo for killing or eating.

Shona

In Zimbabwe totems (mitupo) have been in use among the Shona people from the initial stages of their culture. The use of totems identifies the different clans that historically made up the ancient civilizations of the dynasties that ruled the Shona people from Great Zimbabwe, which was once the centre of the sprawling Munhumutapa Empire. The clan, consisting of a group of agnatically related kinsmen and women who trace their descent from a common founding ancestor, is the core of every Shona chiefdom. Primarily, these totemic symbols were associated with animal names. The purpose of the totem was meant to 1) guard against incestuous behaviour, 2)to reinforce the social identity of the clan and 3) to provide praise to someone through recited poetry. In contemporary Shona society there are at least 25 identifiable totems with at least 60 principal names (zvidawo). Every Shona clan is identified by a particular totem (mutupo) and principal praise name (chidawo). The principal praise name in this case is used to distinguish people who have the same totem but are from different clans. For example, clans that share the same totem Shumba (lion) will show their different clansmanship by using a particular praise name like Murambwe, or Nyamuziwa. The foundations of the totems are inspired in rhymes that reference the history of the totem.

Birhor

The Birhor tribe inhabits the jungle region of the northeastern corner of the Deccan province in India. The tribe is organized by way of exogamous groups which are traced through the patrilineal line and represented by totems based on either animals, plants, or inanimate objects. Stories tracing the origin of the tribe suggest that the various totems are connected with the birth of distant ancestors, or Chowrasi Hapram, whose names are not remembered. These ancestors set into motion the rest of the given hereditary groupings. This being the case, it is not surprising that the Birhor link general personality traits and physiognomy of clan members to the totems under which they live. Totems themselves are treated as if they were human beings, henceforth, strict taboos forbid such acts as killing or eating of a totem if it is a plant or animal, or else destroying a totem if it is an object. This represents a failure to conform to the normal rules of relations with their ancestors. The consequences are dire for such misappropritions, and the Birhor believe that the subsistence of their people will be placed in jeopardy if transgressions against the totem occur, such as a decline in their population. Furthermore, the Birhor have put elaborate protocol in place concerning reverence for deceased totemic animals. If an individual comes upon such a scenario, he or she must smear oil or dye upon their forehead, while refraining from actually mourning or burying the beast.

Iban

The Iban tribes of Malaysia practice a form of individual totemism, based on dreams. If a spirit of a dead ancestor in human enters the dream of an individual and proceeds to offer protection and then names an animal, the dreamer must then seek the named animal as their personal totem. The attainment of such a spirit animal is so important that young men seeking protection will go to such measures as sleeping on the graves or fasting in order to aid such dreams. The chosen individual must observe the animal in its natural environment and come to realize its behaviours which represent their protector spirit. Often, the individual will carry with them a part or parts of their totem animal or another from its species, and will present sacrificial offerings to its spirit. Strong taboos are placed upon the killing or the eating of the species of the spirit animal, taboos which are passed along from the bearer of the spirit to their descendants. In such a way, individual totems among the Iban have infiltrated family lineages, and to some degree have become group totems.

Maori

Among the Australia aborigines the Maori, their religion is said to be totemic. Māori religion conceived of everything, including natural elements and all living things as connected by common descent through whakapapa or genealogy. Due to the importance of genealogy, ancestors, of both the mythical and actual variety, are of the utmost importance, serving as individual totems. It is thought that people behave as they do because of the presence within them of their ancestors. For instance, Rangi and Papa, the progenitor god and goddess of sky and the earth respectively, are seen not only as establishers of the earth, but also of the basic natures of men and women. In addition, Tane, the son of Rangi and Papa, and creator of the world world in its proper form, provides an archetypal character for Maori males. Maoris also identify numerous animals and insects and natural forces as totems, including most importantly kangaroos, honey-ants, the sun and the rain. In honour of these totemic groups, Maoris construct totem pole-like objects.

Recent Developments

In modern times, some individuals, not otherwise involved in the practice of a tribal religion, have chosen to adopt as a personal totem an animal which has some kind of special meaning to them. This practice is prevalent in, but not limited to, the New Age movement. Beliefs regarding totems can vary, from merely adopting one as a whim, to adopting an animal that a person sees representing favorable traits reflected in their own behavior or appearance. A few believe their totem acts as a literal spirit guide. Some Native Americans and other followers of tribal religions take a dim view of New Agers' and others' adoption of totem animals, arguing that a non-adherent cannot truly understand totemism apart from the cultural context, and that at worst, it represents a commercialization of their religious beliefs. It also bears mentioning that totemistic sentiments exists within such modern activities as the naming of sports teams, and in choosing national symbols, among other activities. In such cases, the character of the name and the animal or natural force chosen comes to have significance in symbolically bestowing desireable traits upon members of the given team, club or state.

Signifigance of Totemism

While the works of ethnologists such as Goldenweiser and Lévi-Strauss have brought into question the importance and even the plausibility of totemistic beliefs in religious scholarship, the disposal of the concept altogether is hardly warranted. While it may not represent the basal phase of human religiosity, as put forth by Durkheim and Freud, among others, it cannot be reduced merely to a mode of designation and nothing else. Undeniably, the urge to label various plants, animals, objects and forces of nature as totemic is a persistent one among human beings. Whether it is a tribal group labelling various clans by way of animals in their environment, or sports teams choosing powerful forces of nature for their insignias, the totemic reflex has remained a universal human activity. As long as the surrounding environment provides a wellspring of imagery and symbolism for assisting humans in the act of summoning identity for their groups as well as their individual selves, the concept of the totem will be indispensible.

References

ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

• Adhikary, Ashim Kumar. "The Birhor Universe." Primal Elements: The Oral Tradition. <http://ignca.nic.in/ps_01012.htm> [Accessed 20 June 2006].
• Garfield, Viola E. and Forrest, Linn A. The Wolf and the Raven: Totem poles of Southeastern Alaska. Revised edition. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1961. ISBN 0-295-73998-3.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Totemism. Rodney Needham, trans. Boston: Beacon Press, 1963.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966.
• Malin, Edward. Totem poles of the Pacific Northwest coast. Portland, Oregon: Timber Press, 1986. ISBN 0-88192-295-1.
• Orbell, Margaret. A Concise Encyclopedia of Maori Myth and Legend. Christchurch, NZ: University of Canterbury Press, 1998.
• Pals, Daniel L. Seven Theories of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ISBN 0195087240
• Stewart, Hillary. Looking at totem poles. Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1993. ISBN 0-295-97259-9.
• "Systems of Religious and Spiritual Belief." The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Volume 26 Macropaedia. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 2002. 530-577.
• Wagner, Roy. "Totemism." Encyclopedia of Religion, Mercia Eliade, ed. New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1987. 573-576.

See also

• Animism
• Emile Durkheim
• Shamanism
• Sigmund Freud

External links

• Totem Spirit Animals: Discovering Animal Totems, Dictionaries, Feathers
• Historical Wonders of Sanxingdui
• Welcome to Sanxingdui (with history of excavation)
• Totems in Zimbabwe
• Yale.edu Totem Poles of the North American Northwest Coast Indians
• Native online.com
• Royal BC Museum

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