Charles Horton Cooley

Charles Horton Cooley (August 17, 1864 - Nat 8, 1929) was an American sociologist.

Life

Charles Horton Cooley was born on August 17, 1864 in Michigan. Cooley's family had roots in New York and Massachusetts. His father, Thomas Cooley believed the only way to obtain an education and social status was to move west. He settled in Michigan where he worked as a real estate operator and lawyer. Eventually Thomas Cooley served on the Michigan Supreme Court and as a faculty member at the University of Michigan Law School. Beyond that, Thomas Cooley served as the first chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Thomas Cooley provided a comfortable life for his family.

Charles was the fourth of his family's six children. He developed a withdrawn personality as a result of a speech impediment and being partially invalid. Cooley was intimidated by the great success of his father, which probably also contributed to his personality. He apparently had few playmates as a child.

He received a BA in engineering from the University of Michigan in 1887 after seven years of study, which were interrupted by illness and work. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Michigan in 1894 in economics. His dissertation was a work in social ecology entitled, "The Theory of Transportation."

Cooley married Elsie Jones in 1890. The couple had three children. He taught at the University of Michigan starting from 1892, and remained there until the end of his life.

Charles Cooley died of cancer in 1929.

Work

Cooley's theories were manifested in response to a three-fold necessity that had developed within the realm of society. The first of which was the necessity to create an understanding of societal phenomena that highlighted the subjective mental processes of individuals yet realized that these subjective processes were effects and causes of society's processes. The second necessity examined the development of a social dynamic conception that portrayed states of chaos as natural occurrences which could provide opportunities for "adaptive innovation." Finally, a need to manifest publics that were capable of exerting some form of "informed moral control" over current problems and future directions.

In regards to these dilemmas, Cooley responded by stating "society and individual denote not seperable phenomena but different aspects of the same thing, for a separate individual is an abstraction unknown to experience, and so likewise is society when regarded as something apart from individuals." From this, he resolved to create a "Mental-Social" Complex, which he termed the "Looking glass self."

The "looking glass self" is created through the imagination of how one's self might be understood by another individual. This would later be termed "Empathic Introspection." This theory applied not only to the individual but to the macro-level economic issues of society and to those macro-sociological conditions which are created over time.

Regarding the economy, Cooley presented a divergent view from the norm, stating that "...even economic institutions could [not] be understood solely as a result of impersonal market forces." With regard to the sociological perspective and its relevancy toward traditions, he stated that the dissolution of traditions may be positive, thus creating “the sort of virtues, as well as of vices, that we find on the frontier: plain dealing, love of character and force, kindness, hope, hospitality, and courage.” He believed that sociology continues to contribute to the "growing efficiency of the intellectual processes that would enlighten the larger public will."

Looking Glass Self

The concept of the "looking glass self" is undoubtedly the most famous aspect of Cooley's work, and became known and accepted by most psychologists and sociologists. It expanded William James's idea of self to include the capacity of reflection on its own behavior. Other people's views build, change, and maintain our self-image; thus, there is an interaction between how we see ourselves and how others see us.

The term "looking glass self" means that we see ourselves as others see us. According to this concept, in order to develop and shape behavior, interactions with others must exist. As a person, we gain our identity and form our habits by looking at ourselves through the perception of society and other people we interact with. This concept of self, created by others, is unique to human beings. It begins at an early age and continues throughout the entirety of a person's lifespan. A person will never stop modifying their "self" unless they become removed from society and cease social interactions.

According to Cooley, in his work Human Nature and the Social Order (1902), the "looking glass self" involves three steps:

1. To begin, we picture our appearance of ourselves, traits and personalities.
2. We then use the reactions of others to interpret how others visualise us.
3. We develop our own self-concept, based on our interpretations. Our self-concept can be enhanced or diminished by our conclusions.

Cooley developed this concept in 1902 after extensive sociological testing of children in a controlled environment. Children were told to enter a room containing a bowl of candy and take only one piece. The children were then let into the room and monitored by video camera. The children, unaware of being watched, took as much candy as they could. The experiment was then repeated, but this time the room the children entered was lined with mirrors so the children could see themselves. In almost all cases the children took only one piece of candy. In Cooley's interpretation, the children, by observing their own behavior in mirrors, modified themselves out of guilt. Cooley believed that the images the children saw in the mirrors represented how they believed society saw them. Because they saw that others would see them as gluttons in the mirror, the children felt like gluttons and altered their behavior.

Society as Organic

Cooley stressed the systematic relationships between social processes in society. He argued each aspect of society was dependent on others for its growth and survival. This organic ideal put him at odds with the classic selfish individualism of economics and of the sociology of Spencer. He believed this individualism prevented societies like America and England from reaching some ideal status.

Primary Groups

Because Cooley viewed society as organic, he believed the points of interaction between man and his society to be of the utmost importance. He called these groups primary groups. Some examples of primary groups include the family, children's playgroups, and one's neighborhood. Cooley argued that men are ambitious within these groups but usually because they want to be seen as successful to the others within the groups. Primary groups are built upon diffuse solidarity, not exchange of ideas or benefits. Because of the interplay between the looking glass self and the primary group theories, Cooley believed that groups are where individuals grow most as people.

Sociological Method

Concurrently with Max Weber, Cooley developed the idea that sociology must study the importance of events to man, rather than just analyzing man's behavior. He believed the social sciences deprived themselves of their best material by leaving out man's motives for action. "Cooley emphasized that the study of the human social world must be centered upon attempts to probe the subjective meanings human actors attribute to their actions, and that such meanings must be studied in part through 'understanding' rather than through exclusive reliance on the reporting of behavior."

Legacy

Cooley is credited with helping to finally solve the problem of the dual nature of the mind and body with his theory. He was later criticized by George Herbert Mead for his overly mental constitution of the self. This same theory however influenced Mead's own theory of the self and eventually the sociological theory symbolic interactionism, which is currently one of the most popular theories in sociology.

Publications

• 1891: The Social Significance of Street Railways, Publications of the American Economic Association 6, 71-73
• 1894: Competition and Organization, Publications of the Michigan Political Science Association 1, 33-45
• 1894: The Theory of Transportation, Baltimore: Publications of the American Economic Association 9
• 1896: Nature versus Nuture' in the Making of Social Careers, Proceedings of the 23rd Conference of Charities and Corrections: 399-405
• 1897: Genius, Fame and the Comparison of Races, Philadelphia: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 9, 1-42
• 1897: The Process of Social Change, Political Science Quarterly 12, 63-81
• 1899: Personal Competition: Its Place in the Social Order and the Effect upon Individuals; with Some Considerations on Success, Economic Studies 4,
• 1902: Human Nature and the Social Order, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, revised edn 1922
• 1902: The Decrease of Rural Population in the Southern Peninsula of Michigan, Publications of the Michigan Political Science Association 4, 28-37
• 1904: Discussion of Franklin H. Giddings', A Theory of Social Causation, Publications of the American Economic Association, Third Series, 5, 426-431
• 1907: Social Consciousness, Publications of the American Sociological Society 1, 97-109
• 1907: Social Consciousness, American Journal of Sociology 12, 675-687 Previously published as above.
• 1908: A Study of the Early Use of Self-Words by a Child, Psychological Review 15, 339-357
• 1909: Social Organization: a Study of the Larger Mind, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons
• 1909: Builder of Democracy, Survey, 210-213
• 1912: Discussion of Simon Patten's The Background of Economic Theories, Publications of the American Sociological Society 7, 132
• 1912: Valuation as a Social Process, Psychological Bulletin 9, Also published as part of Social Process
• 1913: The Institutional Character of Pecuniary Valuation, American Journal of Sociology 18, 543-555. Also published as part of Social Process
• 1913: The Sphere of Pecuniary Valuation, American Journal of Sociology 19, 188-203. Also published as part of Social Process
• 1913: The Progress of Pecuniary Valuation, Quarterly Journal of Economics 30, 1-21. Also published as part of Social Process
• 1916: Builder of Democracy, Survey 36, 116
• 1917: Social Control in International Relations, Publications of the American Sociological Society 12, 207-216
• 1918: Social Process, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons
• 1918: A Primary Culture for Democracy, Publications of the American Sociological Society 13, 1-10
• 1918: Political Economy and Social Process, Journal of Political Economy 25, 366-374
• 1920: Reflections Upon the Sociology of Herbert Spencer, American Journal of Sociology 26, 129-145
• 1924: Now and Then, Journal of Applied Sociology 8, 259-262.
• 1926: The Roots of Social Knowledge, American Journal of Sociology 32, 59-79.
• 1926: Heredity or Environment, Journal of Applied Sociology 10, 303-307
• 1927: Life and the Student, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons
• 1928: Case Study of Small Institutions as a Method of Research, Publications of the American Sociological Society 22, 123-132
• 1928: Sumner and Methodology, Sociology and Social Research 12, 303-306
• 1929: The Life-Study Method as Applied to Rural Social Research, Publications of the American Sociological Society 23, 248-254
• 1930: The Development of Sociology at Michigan. pp.3-14 in Sociological Theory and Research, being Selected papers of Charles Horton Cooley, edited by Robert Cooley Angell, New York: Henry Holt
• 1930: Sociological Theory and Social Research, New York: Henry Holt
• 1933: Introductory Sociology, with Robert C Angell and Lowell J Carr, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons

Biography

• Marshall J. Cohen. 1982. Charles Horton Cooley and the Social Self in American Thought, New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.

External links

• Bibliography of Charles Horton Cooley
• Primary Groups
• Many of his works online
• University of Michigan Chronology
• “Charles Horton Cooley 1864-1929.”
• American National Biography Online
• The Sociology Page

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