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[[Image:Clonmacnois Cross of the Scriptures South West View 2003 09 02.jpg|thumb|Cross of the Scriptures, Clonmacnoise, Ireland]]
 
[[Image:Clonmacnois Cross of the Scriptures South West View 2003 09 02.jpg|thumb|Cross of the Scriptures, Clonmacnoise, Ireland]]
  
'''Celtic Christianity''' (also called "Insular Christianity") refers to a distinct form of [[Christianity]] that developed in the [[British Isles]] during the fifth and sixth centuries among the [[Ireland|Irish]], [[Scotland|Scottish]], [[Wales|Welsh]], Cornish, and Manx (Isle of Man) peoples. Celtic Christianity is distinguished by unique traditions in matters of liturgy, ritual and art that were different from those of other Roman Catholics during the period. The term may also be used to designate the monastic networks founded as satellite institutions of Celtic communities on the Continent, such as in Gaul ([[France]]).
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'''Celtic Christianity''' (also called '''Insular Christianity''') refers to a distinct form of [[Christianity]] that developed in the [[British Isles]] during the fifth and sixth centuries among the [[Ireland|Irish]], [[Scotland|Scottish]], [[Wales|Welsh]], Cornish, and Manx (Isle of Man) peoples. It is distinguished by unique indigenous traditions of [[liturgy]], [[ritual]], and [[art]], which were different from other [[Roman Catholicism|Roman Catholics]] during the period. The term “Celtic Christianity” may also be used to describe later Christian practice beyond the seventh century in the British Isles; however, because the history of the Breton, Cornish, Irish, Scottish, and Welsh Churches diverges significantly after the eighth century, resulting in a great difference between even rival Irish traditions, historians generally avoid using the term beyond the seventh century.<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in ''The Times of Bede,'' ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), pp. 223-224.</ref>  Correspondingly, historians avoid using the term “Celtic Church,” since it entails a sense of a unified entity separated from the greater Latin Christendom which did not really exist.<ref>Kathleen Hughes, "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?" in ''O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies'' (University of Oxford, 1975).</ref> 
  
The term “Celtic Christianity” is sometimes extended beyond the seventh century to describe later Christian practice in these areas; however, because the history of Irish, Welsh, Scots, Breton, Cornish, and Manx Churches diverges significantly after the eighth century (resulting in a great difference between even rival Irish traditions), historians generally avoid this use of the term in this context.<ref>Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’’, in ''The Times of Bede'', ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), pp. 223-224 n. 1</ref>  Furthermore, historians do not employ the term “Celtic Church”, since that entails a sense of there being a unified and identifiable entity separated from greater Latin Christendom.<ref>Kathleen Hughes, "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?," ''O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies'', University of Oxford 1975 (published in ''Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies'', 1 [1981], pp. 1-20).</ref><ref>Wendy Davies, "The Myth of the Celtic Church," in ''The Early Church in Wales and the West'', Oxbow Monograph, no. 16, edited by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, 12-2.1 Oxford: Oxbow, 1992.</ref> 
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Finally, the term "Celtic Christianity" may also be used to designate the satellite monastic institutions founded by Celtic communities on the Continent, such as in Gaul ([[France]]).
  
 
== Identity and terminology ==
 
== Identity and terminology ==
Scholars have long recognized that the term “Celtic Church” is simply inappropriate to describe Christianity among Celtic-speaking peoples, since this would imply a notion of unity, or a self-identifying entity, that simply did not exist.<ref> Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, ''Early Medieval Ireland 400-1200'' (London, 1995); T. M. Charles-Edwards, ''Early Christians Ireland'' (Cambridge, 2000); W. Davies, ‘The Myth of the Celtic Church’, in N. Edwards and A. Lane, ''The Early Church in Wales and the West'' (Oxbow Monograph 16, Oxford, 1992), pp. 12-21; Kathleen Hughes, ‘The Celtic Church: is this a valid concept?’, in ''Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies'' 1 (1981), pp. 1-20; Kathleen Hughes, ''The Church in Early English Society'' (London, 1966); W. Davies and P. Wormald, ''The Celtic Church'' (Audio Learning Tapes, 1980).</ref>  As Patrick Wormald has explained, “One of the common misconceptions is that there was a ‘Roman Church’ to which the ‘Celtic’ was nationally opposed.”<ref>Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’’, in ''The Times of Bede'', ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 207.</ref>  Celtic-speaking areas were part of Latin Christendom as a whole, wherein a significant degree of liturgical and structural variation existed, along with a collective veneration of the [[Pope|Bishop of Rome]] that was no less intense in Celtic areas.<ref>Richard Sharpe, ‘Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland’, ''Peritia'' 3 (1984), pp. 230-270; Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’’, in ''The Times of Bede'', ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), pp. 207-208, 220 n. 3</ref>  Nonetheless, it is possible to talk about certain traditions present in Celtic-speaking lands, and the development and spread of these traditions, especially in the sixth and seventh centuries. Some scholars have chosen to apply the term ‘Insular Christianity’ to this Christian practice that arose around the [[Irish Sea]], a cultural nexus in the sub-Roman period that has been called the ‘Celtic Mediterranean’.<ref>Peter Brown, ''The Rise of Western Christendom'', 2nd edition (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2003), pp. 16, 5,1 129, 132.</ref> The term “Celtic Christianity” may also be employed simply in the sense of different Catholic practices, institutions, and saints amongst the Celtic peoples, in which case it could be used meaningfully well beyond the seventh century.
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Scholars have long recognized that the term “Celtic Church” is simply inappropriate to describe [[Christianity]] among Celtic-speaking peoples, since this would imply a notion of a self-identifying unity that did not exist.<ref>Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, ''Early Medieval Ireland 400-1200'' (London, 1995).</ref>  As Patrick Wormald has explained, “One of the common misconceptions is that there was a ‘Roman Church’ to which the ‘Celtic’ was nationally opposed.”<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in ''The Times of Bede,'' ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 207.</ref>  Celtic-speaking areas were part of Latin Christendom as a whole, wherein a significant degree of liturgical and structural variation existed, along with a collective veneration of the [[Pope|Bishop of Rome]] that was no less intense in Celtic areas.<ref>Richard Sharpe, "Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland," ''Peritia'' 3 (1984), p. 230-270.</ref>   
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Nonetheless, it is possible to talk about certain traditions present in Celtic-speaking lands, and the development and spread of these traditions, especially in the sixth and seventh centuries. Some scholars have chosen to apply the term "Insular Christianity" to this Christian practice, which arose around the [[Irish Sea]], a cultural nexus in the sub-Roman period that has been called the "Celtic Mediterranean."<ref>Peter Brown, ''The Rise of Western Christendom'' (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2003), p. 16, 5,1 129, 132.</ref> The term “Celtic Christianity” may also be employed simply in the sense of different Catholic practices, institutions, and saints amongst the Celtic peoples, in which case, it could be used meaningfully well beyond the seventh century.
  
 
== History ==
 
== History ==
 
[[Image:Stpatrick.jpg|Saint Patrick|thumb|150px]]
 
[[Image:Stpatrick.jpg|Saint Patrick|thumb|150px]]
As the most remote province of the [[Roman Empire]], [[Britain]] was reached by Christianity in the first few centuries C.E. with the first recorded martyr in Britain being [[Saint Alban]] during the reign of Roman emperor [[Diocletian]] (284–305 C.E.). The process of Christianisation intensified following the legalization of the religion under [[Constantine I|Constantine]] in the 4th century, and its promotion by subsequent Christian emperors. In 407 C.E., the Empire withdrew its legions from the province to defend Italy from [[Visigoths|Visigothic]] attack. The city of Rome would be sacked in 410 C.E., and the legions did not permanently return to Britain. Thus, Roman governmental influence ended on the isle, and, with the following decline of Roman imperial political influence, Britain and the surrounding isles developed distinctively from the rest of the West. The Irish Sea acted as a centre from which a new culture developed among the Celtic peoples, and Christianity acted centrally in this process. What emerged, religiously, was a form of Insular Christianity, with certain distinct traditions and practices. The religion spread to [[Ireland]] at this time, though the island had never been part of the [[Roman Empire]], establishing a unique organization around monasteries, rather than episcopal dioceses. Important figures in the process were Saints [[Saint Ninian|Ninian]], [[Palladius]], and [[Saint Patrick|Patrick]] (the "Apostle to the Irish"). Meanwhile, this development was paralleled by the advent of the [[Anglo-Saxons|Anglo-Saxon]] (English) migration / invasion into western Britain from [[Frisia]] and other [[Germanic peoples|Germanic]] areas, resulting in cultural hostility in Britain between the British and the (then pagan) English.  
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As the most remote province of the [[Roman Empire]], [[Britain]] was reached by Christianity in the first few centuries of the Christian Era, with the first recorded martyr in Britain being [[Saint Alban]] during the reign of Roman emperor [[Diocletian]] (284–305 C.E.). The process of Christianization intensified following the legalization of the religion under [[Constantine I|Constantine]] in the fourth century, and its promotion by subsequent Christian emperors. In 407 C.E., the Empire withdrew its legions from the province to defend Italy from [[Visigoths|Visigothic]] attack. The city of Rome would be sacked in 410 C.E., and the legions never permanently returned to Britain. Thus, Roman governmental influence ended on the isle, and, with the following decline of Roman imperial political influence, Britain and the surrounding isles developed distinctively from the rest of the West. The Irish Sea acted as a center from which a new culture developed among the Celtic peoples, and Christianity acted centrally in this process.  
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What emerged, religiously, was a form of Insular Christianity, with certain distinct traditions and practices. The religion spread to [[Ireland]] at this time, though the island had never been part of the Roman Empire, establishing a unique organization around monasteries, rather than episcopal dioceses. Important figures in the process were Saints [[Saint Ninian|Ninian]], [[Palladius]], and [[Saint Patrick|Patrick]] (the "Apostle to the Irish"). Meanwhile, this development was paralleled by the advent of the [[Anglo-Saxons|Anglo-Saxon]] (English) migration/invasion into western Britain from [[Frisia]] and other [[Germanic peoples|Germanic]] areas, resulting in cultural hostility in Britain between the British and the (then pagan) English.  
  
In the sixth and seventh centuries, Irish monks established monastic institutions in parts of modern day [[Scotland]] (especially [[Saint Columba]], also known as Colum Cille), and on the continent, particularly in Gaul (especially [[Columbanus|St. Columbanus]]). Monks from [[Iona]], under [[Saint Aidan]], then founded the See of [[Lindisfarne]] in [[Anglo-Saxons|Anglo-Saxon]] [[Northumbria]] in 635 C.E., when Celtic practice heavily influenced northern England. These renewed links with the greater Latin West brought the Celtic-speaking peoples into close contact with other subgroups of Roman Catholicism. Thus, the issue of certain customs and traditions particular to Insular Christianity became, to an extent, a matter of dispute, especially the matter of the proper calculation of Easter and method of tonsure.<ref> See Caitlin Corning,''The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church.'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).</ref> Synods were held in Ireland, Gaul, and England (e.g. the [[Synod of Whitby]]) where the Easter question was resolved, resulting in the adoption of one method for calculating Easter. A degree of variation continued, and to an extent was encouraged, evidenced by the issuance of a papal privilege by [[Pope Honorius I|Pope Honorius]] to the Columbanus’s monastery of [[Bobbio]] freeing the institution for [[Franks|Frankish]] episcopal oversight. Furthermore, the cultural exchange was mutual, evidenced by the spread of a uniquely Irish [[penance|penitential system]], eventually adopted as a universal practice of the Church by the [[Fourth Lateran Council]] of 1215.<ref>Craig L. Nessan, "Justification in Its Reformation Context: Beyond Confessional Fundamentalism." ''Word & World 12/3 (1992), p. 281.</ref>
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In the sixth and seventh centuries, Irish monks established monastic institutions in parts of modern day [[Scotland]] (especially [[Saint Columba]], also known as Colum Cille), and on the continent, particularly in Gaul (especially [[Columbanus|St. Columbanus]]). Monks from [[Iona]], under [[Saint Aidan]], then founded the See of [[Lindisfarne]] in [[Anglo-Saxons|Anglo-Saxon]] [[Northumbria]] in 635 C.E., when Celtic practice heavily influenced northern England. These renewed links with the greater Latin West brought the Celtic-speaking peoples into close contact with other subgroups of Roman Catholicism. Thus, the issue of certain customs and traditions particular to Insular Christianity became, to an extent, a matter of dispute; especially the matter of the proper calculation of Easter and method of tonsure.<ref>Caitlin Corning, ''The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).</ref> Synods were held in Ireland, Gaul, and England (for example, the [[Synod of Whitby]]), where the Easter question was resolved, resulting in the adoption of one method for calculating Easter. A degree of variation continued, and to an extent was encouraged, evidenced by the issuance of a papal privilege by [[Pope Honorius I|Pope Honorius]] to the Columbanus’s monastery of [[Bobbio]] freeing the institution for [[Franks|Frankish]] episcopal oversight. Furthermore, the cultural exchange was mutual, evidenced by the spread of a uniquely Irish [[penance|penitential system]], eventually adopted as a universal practice of the Church by the [[Fourth Lateran Council]] of 1215.<ref>Craig L. Nessan, "Justification in Its Reformation Context: Beyond Confessional Fundamentalism," ''Word & World 12/3 (1992), p. 281.</ref>
  
 
Other important Celtic saints, or saints who influenced the development of Christianity amongst the Celtic-speaking peoples, include Saints Dubricius, Illtud, David, Cadoc, Deiniol, Samson, Paul Aurelian, Petroc, Piran, Ia, Brigit, Moluag, and Germanus of Auxerre.
 
Other important Celtic saints, or saints who influenced the development of Christianity amongst the Celtic-speaking peoples, include Saints Dubricius, Illtud, David, Cadoc, Deiniol, Samson, Paul Aurelian, Petroc, Piran, Ia, Brigit, Moluag, and Germanus of Auxerre.
  
==Distinctive Traditions==
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==Distinctive traditions==
 
[[Image:Ccross.svg|right|thumb|Celtic cross]]
 
[[Image:Ccross.svg|right|thumb|Celtic cross]]
 
[[Image:Celtic cross Knock Ireland.jpg|right|thumb|195px|The [[Celtic Cross]] in [[Knock, Belfast|Knock]], [[Ireland]].]]
 
[[Image:Celtic cross Knock Ireland.jpg|right|thumb|195px|The [[Celtic Cross]] in [[Knock, Belfast|Knock]], [[Ireland]].]]
As Celtic Christianity is a broad term, it is difficult to define precisely what particular practices diverged from the remainder of the Latin West except in a general sense. In any specific area, there would have been exceptions to the list<ref>This list includes information from Charles Plummer's essay, "Excursus on the Paschal Controversy and Tonsure" in his edition ''Venerablilis Baedae, Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglorum'', 1892 (Oxford: University Press, 1975), pp. 348-354.</ref> that follows:  
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As Celtic Christianity is a broad term, it is difficult to define precisely what particular practices diverged from the remainder of the Latin West, except in a general sense. In any specific area, there would have been exceptions to the list<ref>Charles Plummer, "Excursus on the Paschal Controversy and Tonsure," in ''Venerablilis Baedae, Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglorum'' (Oxford: University Press, 1975), p. 348-354.</ref> that follows:  
  
 
=== Episcopal structure ===
 
=== Episcopal structure ===
By the seventh century, the established ecclesiastical structure for the [[Roman Catholic Church]] on the [[Continental Europe|Continent]] consisted of one [[Bishop (Catholic Church)|bishop]] for each [[diocese]]. The bishop would reside in a “[[Episcopal see|see]]”, or a city able to support a [[cathedral]]. This structure was in part based on the secular administrative organisation of the [[Roman Empire]], which had subdivided provinces into “dioceses” (see [[Roman province]]).
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By the seventh century, the established ecclesiastical structure for the [[Roman Catholic Church]] on the [[Continental Europe|Continent]] consisted of one [[Bishop (Catholic Church)|bishop]] for each [[diocese]]. The bishop would reside in a “[[Episcopal see|see]],” or a city able to support a [[cathedral]]. This structure was in part based on the secular administrative organization of the [[Roman Empire]], which had subdivided provinces into “dioceses” (or a [[Roman province]]).
  
It was after Christianity had spread throughout the Empire, and especially after the advent of the Christian Emperor [[Constantine I]], that dioceses had acquired an administrative function within the Church. Most of the Celtic world, however, had never been part of the Roman Empire, and even the notable exceptions of [[Wales]], [[Devon]], and [[Cornwall]] were nonetheless without developed cities. Hence, a much different ecclesiastical structure was needed for Insular Christianity, especially in [[Ireland]].
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It was after Christianity had spread throughout the Empire, and especially after the advent of the Christian Emperor [[Constantine I]], that dioceses had acquired an administrative function within the Church. Most of the Celtic world, however, had never been part of the Roman Empire, and even the notable exceptions of [[Wales]], [[Devon]], and [[Cornwall]] were nonetheless without developed cities. Hence, a much different ecclesiastical structure was needed for Insular Christianity, especially in [[Ireland]].
  
What emerged was a structure based around [[monastery|monastic networks]] ruled by [[abbot]]s. These abbots were of royal kin. The nobility who ruled over different tribes, and whose sources of power were rural estates, integrated the monastic institutions they established into their royal houses and domains. Abbots were [[monk|monastic]], and thus were not necessarily [[Holy Orders (Catholic Church)|ordained]] (i.e. they were not necessarily [[Priesthood (Catholic Church)|priests]] or bishops), and so bishops were still needed, since certain [[Sacraments (Catholic Church)|sacramental]] functions were reserved only for the ordained; however, unlike on the Continent, these bishops had little authority within Celtic ecclesiastical structure.<ref> Eric John, ‘The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church’, in ''Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings'', ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York & London: Garland Publishing, 2000), pp. 32-34.</ref>
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What emerged was a structure based around [[monastery|monastic networks]] ruled by [[abbot]]s. These abbots were of royal kin. The nobility who ruled over different tribes, and whose sources of power were rural estates, integrated the monastic institutions they established into their royal houses and domains. Abbots were [[monk|monastic]], and, thus, were not necessarily [[Holy Orders (Catholic Church)|ordained]] (that is, they were not necessarily [[Priesthood (Catholic Church)|priests]] or bishops), and so bishops were still needed, since certain [[Sacraments (Catholic Church)|sacramental]] functions were reserved only for the ordained; however, unlike on the Continent, these bishops had little authority within Celtic ecclesiastical structure.<ref>Eric John, "The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church," in ''Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings,'' ed. David A.E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 32-34.</ref>
  
 
=== Liturgical and ritual practices ===
 
=== Liturgical and ritual practices ===
==== Easter Calculation ====
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==== Easter calculation ====
A distinguishing mark of Celtic Christianity was its distinct conservatism, even archaism.<ref>Patrick Wormald, Bede and the Church of the English, in ''The Times of Bede'', ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 224 n. 1.</ref> One example is their method of calculating Easter. Calculating the proper date of Easter was (and is) a complicated process involving a lunisolar [[calendar]]. Various tables were produced in antiquity that attempted to calculate Easter for a series of years. Insular Christianity used a calculation table (Celtic-84) that was similar to one approved by [[Saint Jerome]]. However, by the sixth and seventh centuries it had become obsolete and had been replaced by those of Victorius of Aquitaine and, more accurately, those of Dionysius Exiguus. As the Celtic world established renewed contact with the Continent it became aware of the divergence; most groups, like the southern Irish, accepted the updated tables with relatively little difficulty, with the notable exception of monks from the monastery of [[Iona]] and its many satellite institutions.<ref> Eric John, The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church, in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York & London: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 34</ref> For example, the southern Irish accepted the common Easter calculation at the Synod of Mag Léne around 630, as did the northern Irish at the Council of Birr around 697, and Northumbria with the [[Synod of Whitby]] in 664. It was not until 716 that the monks of Iona converted their practice.
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A distinguishing mark of Celtic Christianity was its distinct conservatism, even archaism.<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the Church of the English," in ''The Times of Bede,'' ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 224 n. 1.</ref> One example is their method of calculating Easter. Calculating the proper date of Easter was (and is) a complicated process involving a luni-solar [[calendar]]. Various tables were produced in antiquity that attempted to calculate Easter for a series of years. Insular Christianity used a calculation table (Celtic-84) that was similar to one approved by [[Saint Jerome]]. However, by the sixth and seventh centuries it had become obsolete and had been replaced by those of [[Victorius of Aquitaine]] and, more accurately, those of [[Dionysius Exiguus]]. As the Celtic world established renewed contact with the European Continent, it became aware of the divergence; most groups, like the southern Irish, accepted the updated tables with relatively little difficulty, with the notable exception of monks from the monastery of [[Iona]] and its many satellite institutions.<ref>Eric John, ''The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church, in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings,'' ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 34.</ref> For example, the southern Irish accepted the common Easter calculation at the Synod of Mag Léne around 630, as did the northern Irish at the Council of Birr around 697, and Northumbria with the [[Synod of Whitby]] in 664. It was not until 716 that the monks of Iona converted their practice.
  
 
[[Image:Fra Angelico 052.jpg|right|thumb|175px|The "Roman" tonsure, in the shape of a crown, differing from the Irish tradition, where the hair above the forehead was shaved.]]
 
[[Image:Fra Angelico 052.jpg|right|thumb|175px|The "Roman" tonsure, in the shape of a crown, differing from the Irish tradition, where the hair above the forehead was shaved.]]
  
==== Monastic Tonsure ====
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==== Monastic tonsure ====
Irish monks kept a distinct [[tonsure]], or method of cutting one’s hair, to distinguish their social identity as monks (rather than warriors or peasants, who wore different styles of hair). The ‘Celtic’ tonsure involved cutting away the hair above one’s forehead. This differed from the prevailing custom, which was to shave the top of the head, leaving a halo of hair (in imitation of Christ’s [[crown of thorns]]).
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Irish monks kept a distinct [[tonsure]], or method of cutting one’s hair, to distinguish their social identity as monks (rather than warriors or peasants, who wore different styles of hair). The "Celtic" tonsure involved cutting away the hair above one’s forehead. This differed from the prevailing custom, which was to shave the top of the head, leaving a halo of hair (in imitation of Christ’s [[crown of thorns]]).
  
 
=== Penitentials ===
 
=== Penitentials ===
In Ireland a distinctive form of [[Sacrament of Penance (Catholic Church)|penance]] developed, where confession was made privately to a priest, under the seal of secrecy, and where penance was given privately and ordinarily performed privately as well.<ref>''Medieval Handbooks of Penance'', eds. John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamer (New York, Columba University Press, 1938), p. 28</ref> Certain handbooks were made, called “penitentials”, designed as a guide for confessors and as a means of regularising the penance given for each particular sin.
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In Ireland, a distinctive form of [[Sacrament of Penance (Catholic Church)|penance]] developed, where confession was made privately to a priest, under the seal of secrecy, and where penance was given privately and ordinarily performed privately as well.<ref>John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamar, ''Medieval Handbooks of Penance'' (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), p. 28.</ref> Certain handbooks were made, called “penitentials,designed as a guide for confessors and as a means of regularizing the penance given for each particular sin.
  
In antiquity, penance had been a public ritual. Penitents were divided into a separate part of the church during liturgical worship, and they came to mass wearing [[sackcloth]] and ashes in a process known as ''exomologesis'' that often involved some form of general confession.<ref>''Medieval Handbooks of Penance'', eds. John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamer (New York, Columba University Press, 1938), pp. 7-9</ref> There is evidence that this public penance was preceded by a private confession to a bishop or priest ''(sacerdos)'', and it seems that, for some sins, private penance was allowed instead.<ref>''Medieval Handbooks of Penance'', eds. John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamer (New York, Columba University Press, 1938), pp. 9-12.</ref>  Nonetheless, penance and reconciliation was prevailingly a public rite (sometimes unrepeatable), which included [[absolution]] at its conclusion.<ref>''Medieval Handbooks of Penance'', eds. John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamer (New York, Columba University Press, 1938), pp. 13-17.</ref>
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In antiquity, penance had been a public ritual. Penitents were divided into a separate part of the church during liturgical worship, and they came to mass wearing sackcloth and ashes in a process known as ''exomologesis'' that often involved some form of general confession.<ref>Ibid.</ref> There is evidence that this public penance was preceded by a private confession to a bishop or priest ''(sacerdos)'', and it seems that, for some sins, private penance was allowed instead.<ref>Ibid.</ref>  Nonetheless, penance and reconciliation was prevailingly a public rite (sometimes unrepeatable), which included [[absolution]] at its conclusion.<ref>Ibid.</ref>
  
The Irish penitential practice spread throughout the continent, where the form of public penance had fallen into disuse. [[Columbanus|St. Columbanus]] was credited with introducing the ''medicamenta paentitentiae'', the “medicines of penance”, to Gaul at a time when they had come to be neglected.<ref>Peter Brown, ''The Rise of Western Christendom'', 2nd edition (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), p. 252</ref>  Though the process met some resistance, by 1215 the practice had become established as the norm, with the [[Fourth Lateran Council]] establishing a canonical statute requiring confession at a minimum of once per year.
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The Irish penitential practice spread throughout the continent, where the form of public penance had fallen into disuse. St. Columbanus was credited with introducing the ''medicamenta paentitentiae,'' the “medicines of penance,to Gaul at a time when they had come to be neglected.<ref>Peter Brown, ''The Rise of Western Christendom'' (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), p. 252.</ref>  Though the process met some resistance, by 1215, the practice had become established, with the [[Fourth Lateran Council]] establishing a canonical statute requiring confession at a minimum of once per year.
  
 
== Achievement ==
 
== Achievement ==
The achievements of Christianity in the Celtic-speaking world are significant. Irish society had no history of literacy until the advent of Christianity, yet within a few generations of the arrival of the first missionaries the monastic and clerical class of the isle had become fully integrated with the culture of Latin letters. Besides just Latin, Irish ecclesiastics developed a written language for [[Old Irish language|Old Irish]]. Likewise, they adapted the Christian episcopal structure to an environment that was wholly different from the prevailing sub-Roman world. Irish monks also established monastic networks throughout Gaul and [[Northumbria]], exerting a profound influence greater than many Continental centers that could boast much more ancient traditions.<ref> Eric John, ‘The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church’, in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York & London: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 36.</ref>  One example is the spread of the cult of [[Saint Peter|Peter]] within Gaul, which was largely the product of Irish influence, and the similar veneration for the papacy. Hence the first issuance of a papal privilege granting a monastery freedom from episcopal oversight was that of Pope Honorius I to one of Columbanus's institutions.<ref> Eric John, ‘The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church’, in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York & London: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 37.</ref> Perhaps the best example of the Irish influence, however, was the spread of their penitential practice.
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The achievements of Christianity in the Celtic-speaking world are significant. Irish society had no history of literacy until the advent of Christianity, yet within a few generations of the arrival of the first missionaries, the monastic and clerical class of the isle had become fully integrated with the culture of Latin letters. Besides just Latin, Irish ecclesiastics developed a written language for Old Irish. Likewise, they adapted the Christian episcopal structure to an environment that was wholly different from the prevailing sub-Roman world. Irish monks also established monastic networks throughout Gaul and [[Northumbria]], exerting a profound influence greater than many Continental centers that could boast much more ancient traditions.<ref>Eric John, "The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church," in ''Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings,'' ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 36.</ref>  One example is the spread of the cult of [[Saint Peter|Peter]] within Gaul, which was largely the product of Irish influence, and the similar veneration for the papacy. Hence, the first issuance of a papal privilege granting a monastery freedom from episcopal oversight was that of Pope [[Honorius I]] to one of Columbanus's institutions.<ref>Ibid.</ref> Perhaps the best example of the Irish influence, however, was the spread of their penitential practice.
  
 
== Myths and anachronisms ==
 
== Myths and anachronisms ==
The notion of a “Celtic Church”, and its nature, has been a continual source of myth, beginning with the [[Protestant Reformation]], where authors such as [[George Buchanan]] supplied “the initial propaganda for the makers of the Scottish Kirk” by inventing the notion of a national “Celtic” Church opposed to a “Roman” one.<ref>Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’, in ''The Times of Bede'', p. 207.</ref>  In recent works published by the leading authorities on early Christian “Celtic” culture, such a notion is completely rejected.<ref>See Dáibhí Ó. Cróinín’s ''Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200 (London, 1995)'', T. M. Charles-Edwards’s ''Early Christian Ireland'' (Cambridge, 2000), W. Davies’s ‘The Myth of the Celtic Church’, and Kathleen Hughes’s ‘The Celtic Church: is this a valid concept?’ (her answer was, no); Kathleen Hughes, "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?," ''O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies'', University of Oxford 1975 (published in ''Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies'', 1 (1981), pp. 1-20; Wendy Davies, "The Myth of the Celtic Church," in ''The Early Church in Wales and the West'', Oxbow Monograph, no. 16, edited by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, 12-2.1 Oxford: Oxbow, 1992.</ref> Nonetheless, as Patrick Wormald stated, “The idea that there ''was'' a ‘Celtic Church’ in something of a post-Reformation sense is still maddeningly ineradicable from the minds of students.” <ref>Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’, in ''The Times of Bede'', p. 207.</ref> Wormald also observed that, “It is difficult to resist the impression that what Protestant [[Confessionalism (religion)|Confessionalism]] did for the idea of a ‘Celtic’ church until the 1960s is now being done by ‘[[new age]]’ paganism,” based on notions of some sort of "Celtic spirituality" supposedly distinguished by a unique ‘closeness to nature’.<ref>Patrick Wormald, ‘Bede and the ‘Church of the English’, in ''The Times of Bede'', pp. 223-4 n1.</ref>
+
The notion of a “Celtic Church,and its nature, has been a continual source of myth, beginning with the [[Protestant Reformation]], where authors such as [[George Buchanan]] supplied “the initial propaganda for the makers of the Scottish Kirk” by inventing the notion of a national “Celtic” Church opposed to a “Roman” one.<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,’" in ''The Times of Bede,'' p. 207.</ref>  In recent works published by the leading authorities on early Christian “Celtic” culture, such a notion is completely rejected.<ref>Dáibhí Ó. Cróinín, ''Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200'' (London: 1995).</ref> Nonetheless, as Patrick Wormald stated, “The idea that there ''was'' a ‘Celtic Church’ in something of a post-Reformation sense is still maddeningly ineradicable from the minds of students.”<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,’" in ''The Times of Bede,'' p. 207.</ref> Wormald also observed that, “It is difficult to resist the impression that what Protestant Confessionalism did for the idea of a ‘Celtic’ church until the 1960s is now being done by ‘new age’ paganism,” based on notions of some sort of "Celtic spirituality" supposedly distinguished by a unique "closeness to nature."<ref>Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in ''The Times of Bede,'' p. 223-4.</ref>
 
 
  
 
==Notes==
 
==Notes==
{{reflist|2}}
+
<references/>
  
 
==References==
 
==References==
===Primary Sources===
+
* Adomnan. ''Life of Columba.'' Edited by A.O. and M.O. Anderson. Oxford Medieval Texts, 1991. ISBN 978-0140444629  
* Adomnan, ''Life of Columba'', ed. A. O. and M. O. Anderson, 2nd edition (Oxford Medieval Texts, 1991) ISBN 978-0140444629  
+
* Bede. ''Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Angelorum.'' Oxford, 1896.
* ''Annales Cambriae'', ed. Rev. John Williams ab Ithel (London : Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860) ISBN 978-1402196072
+
* Brown, Peter. ''The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity.'' Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 978-0631221388  
* Bede, ''Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Angelorum'', in Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica. ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1896)
+
* Charles-Edwards, T.M. ''Early Christian Ireland.'' Cambridge, 2000. ISBN 978-0521037167  
* Cummian, ''De controversia paschali'' and ''De ratione conputandi'', <eds. Maura Walsh and Dáibhí Ó Cróinín (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), pp. 93-5.
+
* Corning, Caitlin.''The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church.'' Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. ISBN 978-1403972996
* Gildas, ''De Excidio Brittaniae'', ed. J. A. Giles, Six Old English Chronicles (London, 1848) ISBN 978-0899790145
+
* Cróinín, Dáibhí Ó. ''Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200.'' London, 1995. ISBN 978-0582015654  
* ''Historia Brittonum'', ed. J. A. Giles, Six Old English Chronicles (London, 1848)
+
* Cummian. ''De controversia paschali'' and ''De ratione conputandi.'' Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1988.
* Medieval Handbooks of Penance, eds. J. T. McNeill and H. M. Gamer (New York: Columba University Press, 1939) ISBN 978-0231096294 
+
* Davies, Wendy. "The Myth of the Celtic Church." In ''The Early Church in Wales and the West,'' Oxbow Monograph, no. 16, edited by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, 12-2.1. Oxford: Oxbow, 1992. ISBN  978-0946897377  
* Patrick (Saint), ''Confessio'', ed. and trans. John Skinner (Image, 1998)
+
* Gildas. ''De Excidio Brittaniae.'' Edited by J.A. Giles. London, 1848. ISBN 978-0899790145
 
+
* Giles, J.A., ed. ''Historia Brittonum.'' London: Six Old English Chronicles, London, 1848.
===Secondary Sources===
+
* Hughes, Kathleen. "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?" In ''O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies.'' University of Oxford 1975.
* Brown, Peter. ''The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity'', 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003). ISBN 978-0631221388  
+
* Hughes, Kathleen. ''The Church in Early English Society.'' London, 1966.
* Charles-Edwards. T. M. ''Early Christian Ireland'' (Cambridge, 2000). ISBN 978-0521037167  
+
* Mayr-Harting, Henry. ''The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England.'' London: B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1991. ISBN 978-0271007694  
* Corning, Caitlin.''The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church.'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). ISBN 978-1403972996
+
* McNeil, J.T. and H.M. Gamer, eds. ''Medieval Handbooks of Penance.'' New York: Columba University Press, 1939. ISBN 978-0231096294 
* Cróinín, Dáibhí Ó. ''Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200'' (London, 1995). ISBN 978-0582015654  
+
* Patrick (Saint). ''Confessio.'' Edited and translated by John Skinner. Image, 1998.
* Davies, Wendy. "The Myth of the Celtic Church," in ''The Early Church in Wales and the West'', Oxbow Monograph, no. 16, edited by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, 12-2.1 (Oxford: Oxbow, 1992). ISBN  978-0946897377  
+
* Sharpe, Richard Sharpe. "Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland," ''Peritia'' 3 (1984).
* Hughes, Kathleen. "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?," ''O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies'', University of Oxford 1975 (published in ''Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies'', 1 (1981), pp. 1-2.0
+
* William ab Ithel, Rev. John, ed. ''Annales Cambriae.'' London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860. ISBN 978-1402196072
* Hughes, Kathleen. ''The Church in Early English Society'' (London, 1966).
+
* Wormald, Patrick. ''The Times of Bede: Studies in Early English Christian Society and its Historian.'' Edited by Stephen Baxter. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. ISBN 978-0631166559  
* Mayr-Harting, Henry. ''The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England'', 3rd edition (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1991). ISBN 978-0271007694  
 
* Sharpe, Richard Sharpe. ‘Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland’, ''Peritia'' 3 (1984). ISBN
 
* Wormald, Patrick. ''The Times of Bede: Studies in Early English Christian Society and its Historian'', ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006). ISBN 978-0631166559  
 
  
 
[[Category: Philosophy and religion]]
 
[[Category: Philosophy and religion]]

Latest revision as of 16:30, 18 April 2008

Cross of the Scriptures, Clonmacnoise, Ireland

Celtic Christianity (also called Insular Christianity) refers to a distinct form of Christianity that developed in the British Isles during the fifth and sixth centuries among the Irish, Scottish, Welsh, Cornish, and Manx (Isle of Man) peoples. It is distinguished by unique indigenous traditions of liturgy, ritual, and art, which were different from other Roman Catholics during the period. The term “Celtic Christianity” may also be used to describe later Christian practice beyond the seventh century in the British Isles; however, because the history of the Breton, Cornish, Irish, Scottish, and Welsh Churches diverges significantly after the eighth century, resulting in a great difference between even rival Irish traditions, historians generally avoid using the term beyond the seventh century.[1] Correspondingly, historians avoid using the term “Celtic Church,” since it entails a sense of a unified entity separated from the greater Latin Christendom which did not really exist.[2]

Finally, the term "Celtic Christianity" may also be used to designate the satellite monastic institutions founded by Celtic communities on the Continent, such as in Gaul (France).

Identity and terminology

Scholars have long recognized that the term “Celtic Church” is simply inappropriate to describe Christianity among Celtic-speaking peoples, since this would imply a notion of a self-identifying unity that did not exist.[3] As Patrick Wormald has explained, “One of the common misconceptions is that there was a ‘Roman Church’ to which the ‘Celtic’ was nationally opposed.”[4] Celtic-speaking areas were part of Latin Christendom as a whole, wherein a significant degree of liturgical and structural variation existed, along with a collective veneration of the Bishop of Rome that was no less intense in Celtic areas.[5]

Nonetheless, it is possible to talk about certain traditions present in Celtic-speaking lands, and the development and spread of these traditions, especially in the sixth and seventh centuries. Some scholars have chosen to apply the term "Insular Christianity" to this Christian practice, which arose around the Irish Sea, a cultural nexus in the sub-Roman period that has been called the "Celtic Mediterranean."[6] The term “Celtic Christianity” may also be employed simply in the sense of different Catholic practices, institutions, and saints amongst the Celtic peoples, in which case, it could be used meaningfully well beyond the seventh century.

History

Saint Patrick

As the most remote province of the Roman Empire, Britain was reached by Christianity in the first few centuries of the Christian Era, with the first recorded martyr in Britain being Saint Alban during the reign of Roman emperor Diocletian (284–305 C.E.). The process of Christianization intensified following the legalization of the religion under Constantine in the fourth century, and its promotion by subsequent Christian emperors. In 407 C.E., the Empire withdrew its legions from the province to defend Italy from Visigothic attack. The city of Rome would be sacked in 410 C.E., and the legions never permanently returned to Britain. Thus, Roman governmental influence ended on the isle, and, with the following decline of Roman imperial political influence, Britain and the surrounding isles developed distinctively from the rest of the West. The Irish Sea acted as a center from which a new culture developed among the Celtic peoples, and Christianity acted centrally in this process.

What emerged, religiously, was a form of Insular Christianity, with certain distinct traditions and practices. The religion spread to Ireland at this time, though the island had never been part of the Roman Empire, establishing a unique organization around monasteries, rather than episcopal dioceses. Important figures in the process were Saints Ninian, Palladius, and Patrick (the "Apostle to the Irish"). Meanwhile, this development was paralleled by the advent of the Anglo-Saxon (English) migration/invasion into western Britain from Frisia and other Germanic areas, resulting in cultural hostility in Britain between the British and the (then pagan) English.

In the sixth and seventh centuries, Irish monks established monastic institutions in parts of modern day Scotland (especially Saint Columba, also known as Colum Cille), and on the continent, particularly in Gaul (especially St. Columbanus). Monks from Iona, under Saint Aidan, then founded the See of Lindisfarne in Anglo-Saxon Northumbria in 635 C.E., when Celtic practice heavily influenced northern England. These renewed links with the greater Latin West brought the Celtic-speaking peoples into close contact with other subgroups of Roman Catholicism. Thus, the issue of certain customs and traditions particular to Insular Christianity became, to an extent, a matter of dispute; especially the matter of the proper calculation of Easter and method of tonsure.[7] Synods were held in Ireland, Gaul, and England (for example, the Synod of Whitby), where the Easter question was resolved, resulting in the adoption of one method for calculating Easter. A degree of variation continued, and to an extent was encouraged, evidenced by the issuance of a papal privilege by Pope Honorius to the Columbanus’s monastery of Bobbio freeing the institution for Frankish episcopal oversight. Furthermore, the cultural exchange was mutual, evidenced by the spread of a uniquely Irish penitential system, eventually adopted as a universal practice of the Church by the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215.[8]

Other important Celtic saints, or saints who influenced the development of Christianity amongst the Celtic-speaking peoples, include Saints Dubricius, Illtud, David, Cadoc, Deiniol, Samson, Paul Aurelian, Petroc, Piran, Ia, Brigit, Moluag, and Germanus of Auxerre.

Distinctive traditions

Celtic cross
The Celtic Cross in Knock, Ireland.

As Celtic Christianity is a broad term, it is difficult to define precisely what particular practices diverged from the remainder of the Latin West, except in a general sense. In any specific area, there would have been exceptions to the list[9] that follows:

Episcopal structure

By the seventh century, the established ecclesiastical structure for the Roman Catholic Church on the Continent consisted of one bishop for each diocese. The bishop would reside in a “see,” or a city able to support a cathedral. This structure was in part based on the secular administrative organization of the Roman Empire, which had subdivided provinces into “dioceses” (or a Roman province).

It was after Christianity had spread throughout the Empire, and especially after the advent of the Christian Emperor Constantine I, that dioceses had acquired an administrative function within the Church. Most of the Celtic world, however, had never been part of the Roman Empire, and even the notable exceptions of Wales, Devon, and Cornwall were nonetheless without developed cities. Hence, a much different ecclesiastical structure was needed for Insular Christianity, especially in Ireland.

What emerged was a structure based around monastic networks ruled by abbots. These abbots were of royal kin. The nobility who ruled over different tribes, and whose sources of power were rural estates, integrated the monastic institutions they established into their royal houses and domains. Abbots were monastic, and, thus, were not necessarily ordained (that is, they were not necessarily priests or bishops), and so bishops were still needed, since certain sacramental functions were reserved only for the ordained; however, unlike on the Continent, these bishops had little authority within Celtic ecclesiastical structure.[10]

Liturgical and ritual practices

Easter calculation

A distinguishing mark of Celtic Christianity was its distinct conservatism, even archaism.[11] One example is their method of calculating Easter. Calculating the proper date of Easter was (and is) a complicated process involving a luni-solar calendar. Various tables were produced in antiquity that attempted to calculate Easter for a series of years. Insular Christianity used a calculation table (Celtic-84) that was similar to one approved by Saint Jerome. However, by the sixth and seventh centuries it had become obsolete and had been replaced by those of Victorius of Aquitaine and, more accurately, those of Dionysius Exiguus. As the Celtic world established renewed contact with the European Continent, it became aware of the divergence; most groups, like the southern Irish, accepted the updated tables with relatively little difficulty, with the notable exception of monks from the monastery of Iona and its many satellite institutions.[12] For example, the southern Irish accepted the common Easter calculation at the Synod of Mag Léne around 630, as did the northern Irish at the Council of Birr around 697, and Northumbria with the Synod of Whitby in 664. It was not until 716 that the monks of Iona converted their practice.

The "Roman" tonsure, in the shape of a crown, differing from the Irish tradition, where the hair above the forehead was shaved.

Monastic tonsure

Irish monks kept a distinct tonsure, or method of cutting one’s hair, to distinguish their social identity as monks (rather than warriors or peasants, who wore different styles of hair). The "Celtic" tonsure involved cutting away the hair above one’s forehead. This differed from the prevailing custom, which was to shave the top of the head, leaving a halo of hair (in imitation of Christ’s crown of thorns).

Penitentials

In Ireland, a distinctive form of penance developed, where confession was made privately to a priest, under the seal of secrecy, and where penance was given privately and ordinarily performed privately as well.[13] Certain handbooks were made, called “penitentials,” designed as a guide for confessors and as a means of regularizing the penance given for each particular sin.

In antiquity, penance had been a public ritual. Penitents were divided into a separate part of the church during liturgical worship, and they came to mass wearing sackcloth and ashes in a process known as exomologesis that often involved some form of general confession.[14] There is evidence that this public penance was preceded by a private confession to a bishop or priest (sacerdos), and it seems that, for some sins, private penance was allowed instead.[15] Nonetheless, penance and reconciliation was prevailingly a public rite (sometimes unrepeatable), which included absolution at its conclusion.[16]

The Irish penitential practice spread throughout the continent, where the form of public penance had fallen into disuse. St. Columbanus was credited with introducing the medicamenta paentitentiae, the “medicines of penance,” to Gaul at a time when they had come to be neglected.[17] Though the process met some resistance, by 1215, the practice had become established, with the Fourth Lateran Council establishing a canonical statute requiring confession at a minimum of once per year.

Achievement

The achievements of Christianity in the Celtic-speaking world are significant. Irish society had no history of literacy until the advent of Christianity, yet within a few generations of the arrival of the first missionaries, the monastic and clerical class of the isle had become fully integrated with the culture of Latin letters. Besides just Latin, Irish ecclesiastics developed a written language for Old Irish. Likewise, they adapted the Christian episcopal structure to an environment that was wholly different from the prevailing sub-Roman world. Irish monks also established monastic networks throughout Gaul and Northumbria, exerting a profound influence greater than many Continental centers that could boast much more ancient traditions.[18] One example is the spread of the cult of Peter within Gaul, which was largely the product of Irish influence, and the similar veneration for the papacy. Hence, the first issuance of a papal privilege granting a monastery freedom from episcopal oversight was that of Pope Honorius I to one of Columbanus's institutions.[19] Perhaps the best example of the Irish influence, however, was the spread of their penitential practice.

Myths and anachronisms

The notion of a “Celtic Church,” and its nature, has been a continual source of myth, beginning with the Protestant Reformation, where authors such as George Buchanan supplied “the initial propaganda for the makers of the Scottish Kirk” by inventing the notion of a national “Celtic” Church opposed to a “Roman” one.[20] In recent works published by the leading authorities on early Christian “Celtic” culture, such a notion is completely rejected.[21] Nonetheless, as Patrick Wormald stated, “The idea that there was a ‘Celtic Church’ in something of a post-Reformation sense is still maddeningly ineradicable from the minds of students.”[22] Wormald also observed that, “It is difficult to resist the impression that what Protestant Confessionalism did for the idea of a ‘Celtic’ church until the 1960s is now being done by ‘new age’ paganism,” based on notions of some sort of "Celtic spirituality" supposedly distinguished by a unique "closeness to nature."[23]

Notes

  1. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in The Times of Bede, ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), pp. 223-224.
  2. Kathleen Hughes, "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?" in O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies (University of Oxford, 1975).
  3. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland 400-1200 (London, 1995).
  4. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in The Times of Bede, ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 207.
  5. Richard Sharpe, "Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland," Peritia 3 (1984), p. 230-270.
  6. Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2003), p. 16, 5,1 129, 132.
  7. Caitlin Corning, The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
  8. Craig L. Nessan, "Justification in Its Reformation Context: Beyond Confessional Fundamentalism," Word & World 12/3 (1992), p. 281.
  9. Charles Plummer, "Excursus on the Paschal Controversy and Tonsure," in Venerablilis Baedae, Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglorum (Oxford: University Press, 1975), p. 348-354.
  10. Eric John, "The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church," in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A.E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 32-34.
  11. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the Church of the English," in The Times of Bede, ed. Stephen Baxter (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2006), p. 224 n. 1.
  12. Eric John, The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church, in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 34.
  13. John T. McNeil and Helena M. Gamar, Medieval Handbooks of Penance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), p. 28.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Ibid.
  17. Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), p. 252.
  18. Eric John, "The Social and Political Problems of the Early English Church," in Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings, ed. David A. E. Pelteret (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), p. 36.
  19. Ibid.
  20. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,’" in The Times of Bede, p. 207.
  21. Dáibhí Ó. Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200 (London: 1995).
  22. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,’" in The Times of Bede, p. 207.
  23. Patrick Wormald, "Bede and the ‘Church of the English,'" in The Times of Bede, p. 223-4.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Adomnan. Life of Columba. Edited by A.O. and M.O. Anderson. Oxford Medieval Texts, 1991. ISBN 978-0140444629
  • Bede. Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Angelorum. Oxford, 1896.
  • Brown, Peter. The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 978-0631221388
  • Charles-Edwards, T.M. Early Christian Ireland. Cambridge, 2000. ISBN 978-0521037167
  • Corning, Caitlin.The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church. Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. ISBN 978-1403972996
  • Cróinín, Dáibhí Ó. Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200. London, 1995. ISBN 978-0582015654
  • Cummian. De controversia paschali and De ratione conputandi. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1988.
  • Davies, Wendy. "The Myth of the Celtic Church." In The Early Church in Wales and the West, Oxbow Monograph, no. 16, edited by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, 12-2.1. Oxford: Oxbow, 1992. ISBN 978-0946897377
  • Gildas. De Excidio Brittaniae. Edited by J.A. Giles. London, 1848. ISBN 978-0899790145
  • Giles, J.A., ed. Historia Brittonum. London: Six Old English Chronicles, London, 1848.
  • Hughes, Kathleen. "The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?" In O'Donnell lectures in Celtic Studies. University of Oxford 1975.
  • Hughes, Kathleen. The Church in Early English Society. London, 1966.
  • Mayr-Harting, Henry. The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England. London: B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1991. ISBN 978-0271007694
  • McNeil, J.T. and H.M. Gamer, eds. Medieval Handbooks of Penance. New York: Columba University Press, 1939. ISBN 978-0231096294
  • Patrick (Saint). Confessio. Edited and translated by John Skinner. Image, 1998.
  • Sharpe, Richard Sharpe. "Some problems concerning the organization of the Church in early medieval Ireland," Peritia 3 (1984).
  • William ab Ithel, Rev. John, ed. Annales Cambriae. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1860. ISBN 978-1402196072
  • Wormald, Patrick. The Times of Bede: Studies in Early English Christian Society and its Historian. Edited by Stephen Baxter. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. ISBN 978-0631166559

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