Daniel arap Moi

File:Danielmoi.jpeg

Daneil arap Moi.

Daniel Toroitich arap Moi (born September 2, 1924) was the President of Kenya from 1978 until 2002. He entered Parliament in 1955, serving as Education Minister in the first post independence government. By 1964 he was Minister for Home Affairs and by 1967 Vice-President of Kenya. He became President following Jomo Kenyatta's death in 1978, running unopposed. In 1982, an attempted coup failed and Moi took the opportunity to consolidate his own position as President, becoming increasingly authoritarian. In 1992 he held multi-party elections for the first time, retaining the Presidency with a plurality of votes (36 percent). He stepped fown when the constitution prevented him from seeking re-election in 2002, when his hand-picked successor lost to Mwai Kibaki. http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20040701facomment83403/robert-i-rotberg/strengthening-african-leadership.html Daniel arap Moi is popularly known to Kenyans as 'Nyayo', a Swahili word for 'footsteps'. He champions what he calls "Nyayo philosophy", which means following the leader. He claimed to be following the footsteps of the first Kenyan President, Jomo Kenyatta. From 1981 until 1983 he Chaired the Organization of African Unity. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2161868.stm

Early life and entry into politics

Moi was born in Kurieng'wo village, Sacho division, Baringo District, Rift Valley Province, and was raised by his mother Kimoi Chebii following the early death of his father. After completing his secondary education, he attended Tambach Teachers Training College in Keiyo District. He worked as a teacher from 1946 until 1955. From 1949 he taught at a Teacher Training College in Kabarnet.

In 1955 Moi entered politics when he was elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. In 1960 he founded the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) with Ronald Ngala to challenge the Kenya African National Union (KANU) led by Jomo Kenyatta. KADU's aim was to defend the interests of the small minority tribes, such as the Kalenjin to which Moi belonged, against the dominance of the big Luo and Gĩkũyũ tribes that comprised the majority of KANU's membership (Kenyatta himself being a Gĩkũyũ). KADU pressed for a federal constitution, while KANU was in favor of centralism. The advantage lay with the numerically stronger KANU, and the British government was finally forced to remove all provisions of a federal nature from the constitution.

In 1957 Moi was re-elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. He became Minister of Education in the pre-independence government of 1960–1961.

Vice-Presidency

After Kenya gained independence on December 12, 1963, Kenyatta convinced Moi that KADU and KANU should be merged to complete the process of decolonisation. Kenya therefore became a de facto single-party state, dominated by the Kĩkũyũ-Luo alliance. With an eye on the fertile lands of the rift valley populated by members of Moi's Kalenjin tribe, Kenyatta secured their support by first promoting Moi to Minister for Home Affairs in 1964, and then to vice-president in 1967. As a member of a minority tribe Moi was also an acceptable compromise for the major tribes. Moi was elected to the Kenyan parliament in 1963 from Baringo North. Since 1966 until his retirement in 2002 he served as the Baringo Central MP .

However, Moi faced opposition from the Kikuyu elite known as the Kiambu Mafia, who would have preferred one of their own to be eligible for the presidency. This resulted in an infamous attempt by the constitutional drafting group to change the constitution to prevent the vice-president automatically assuming power in the event of the president's death. The presence of this succession mechanism may have led to dangerous political instability if Kenyatta died, given his advanced age and perennial illnesses. However, Kenyatta withstood the political pressure and safeguarded Moi's position.

Presidency

Thus when Kenyatta died on August 22, 1978, Moi became president and took the oath of office. He was popular, with widespread support all over the country. He toured the country and came into contact with the people everywhere, which was in great contrast to Kenyatta's imperial style of governing behind closed gates. Political realities however dictated that he would continue to be beholden to the Kenyatta system which he had inherited intact, and he was still too weak to consolidate his power. The Kikuyu elite referred to him as "a passing cloud" and a "limping sheep that could not lead other sheep to the pasture," the implication being that he would be pushed aside in a short while to allow them back into power. From the beginning, anticommunism was an important theme of Moi's government; speaking on the new President's behalf, Vice-President Mwai Kibaki bluntly stated, "There is no room for communists in Kenya."

On August 1, 1982, fate played into Moi's hands when forces loyal to his government defeated an attempted coup by Air Force officers led by Hezekiah Ochuka (see 1982 Kenyan coup). To this day it appears that the attempt by two independent groups to seize power contributed to the failure of both, with one group making its attempt slightly earlier than the other.

Moi took the opportunity to dismiss political opponents and consolidate his power. He reduced the influence of Kenyatta's men in the cabinet through a long running judicial enquiry that resulted in the identification of key Kenyatta men as traitors. Moi pardoned them but not before establishing their traitor status in the public view. The main conspirators in the coup, including Ochuka were sentenced to death, marking the last judicial executions in Kenya. He appointed supporters to key roles and changed the constitution to establish a de jure single-party state.

Kenya's academics and other intelligentsia did not accept this and the universities and colleges became the origin of movements that sought to introduce democratic reforms. However, Kenyan secret police infiltrated these groups and many members moved into exile. Marxism could no longer be taught at Kenyan universities. Underground movements, e.g. Mwakenya and Pambana, were born.

Moi's regime now faced the end of the Cold War, and an economy stagnating under rising oil prices and falling prices for agricultural commodities. At the same time the West no longer dealt with Kenya as it had in the past, when it was viewed as a strategic regional outpost against communist influences from Ethiopia and Tanzania. At that time Kenya had received much foreign aid, and the country was accepted as being well governed with Moi as a legitimate leader and firmly in charge. The increasing amount of political repression, including the use of torture, at the infamous Nyayo House torture chambers had been deliberately overlooked. Some of the evidence of these torture cells were to be later exposed in 2003 after Mwai Kibaki became President.

However, a new thinking emerged after the end of the Cold War, and as Moi became increasingly viewed as a despot, aid was withheld pending compliance with economic and political reforms. One of the key conditions imposed on his regime, especially by the United States through fiery ambassador Smith Hempstone, was the restoration of a multi-party system. Moi managed to accomplish this against fierce opposition, single handedly convincing the delegates at the KANU conference at Kasarani in December 1991.

Moi won elections in 1992 and 1997, which were marred by political killings on both sides. Moi skillfully exploited Kenya's mix of ethnic tensions in these contests, with the ever present fear of the smaller tribes being dominated by the larger tribes. In the absence of an effective and organised opposition Moi had no difficulty in winning. Although it is also suspected that electoral fraud may have occurred, the key to his victory in both elections was a divided opposition.

Criticism and corruption allegations

In 1999 the findings of NGOs like Amnesty International and a special investigation by the United Nations were published which indicated that human rights abuses were prevalent in Kenya under the Moi regime.

Moi has also been implicated in the 1990s Goldenberg scandal and subsequent cover-ups, where the Kenyan government subsidized exports of gold far in excess of the foreign currency earnings of exporters. In this case, the gold was smuggled from Congo, as Kenya has negligible gold reserves. The Goldenberg scandal cost Kenya the equivalent of more than 10% of the country's annual GDP.

Half-hearted inquiries that began at the request of foreign aid donors came to nothing during Moi's presidency. Although it appears that the peaceful transfer of power to Mwai Kibaki may have involved an understanding that Moi would not stand trial for offences committed during his presidency, foreign aid donors reiterated their requests and Kibaki reopened the inquiry. As the inquiry has progressed, Moi, his two sons, Philip and Gideon (now a member of Parliament), and his daughter June, as well as a host of high-ranking Kenyans, have been implicated. In bombshell testimony delivered in late July 2003, Treasury Permanent Secretary Joseph Magari recounted that in 1991, Moi ordered him to pay Ksh34.5 million ($460,000) to Goldenberg, contrary to the laws then in force.

In October 2006, Moi was found, by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, to have taken a bribe from a Pakistani businessman to award monopoly of duty free shops at the country's international airport in Mombasa and Nairobi. The businessman Ali Nasir claimed to have paid Moi 2 million US$ in cash to obtain government approval for the World Duty Free Limited investment in Kenya.

Stepping down, retirement

Moi was constitutionally barred from running in the 2002 presidential elections. Some of his supporters floated the idea of amending the constitution to allow him to run for a third term, but Moi preferred to retire, choosing Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first President, as his successor. Mwai Kibaki, was elected President by a two to one majority over Kenyatta, which was confirmed on December 29, 2002. Kibaki was then wheelchair bound having narrowly escaped death in a road traffic accident on the campaign trail.

Moi handed over power in a poorly organised handing over ceremony that had one of the largest crowds ever seen in Nairobi in attendance. The crowd was openly hostile to Moi.

Moi now lives in retirement, largely shunned by the current political establishment, but widely popular with the masses, his presence never failing to quickly gather a crowd. He has recently spoken out against the proposed new constitution, terming it a document against the aspirations of the Kenyan people and deciding to vote "No" in the referendum; the referendum was defeated. Kibaki called Moi to arrange for a meeting to discuss the way forward after the defeat.

On July 25 2007, Kibaki appointed Moi as special peace envoy to Sudan, referring to Moi's "vast experience and knowledge of African affairs" and "his stature as an elder statesman." In his capacity as peace envoy, Moi's primary role will be to help secure peace in southern Sudan, where an agreement, signed in early 2005, is being implemented. The Kenyan press speculated that Moi and Kibaki were planning an alliance ahead of the December 2007 election. On August 28 2007, Moi announced his support for Kibaki's re-election and said that he would campaign for Kibaki. He sharply criticized the two opposition Orange Democratic Movement factions as being tribal in nature.

Personal life

Daniel arap Moi married Lena Moi (born Helena Bommet) in 1950, but they separated in 1974, before his presidency. Thus "Mama Ngina", the wife of Jomo Kenyatta, retained her first lady status. Lena died in 2004. Daniel arap Moi has eight children, five sons and three daughters. Among the children are Gideon Moi (an MP), Jonathan Toroitich (a former rally driver) and Philip Moi (a retired army officer). . His older and only brother William Tuitoek died in 1995

Legacy

http://www.statehousekenya.go.ke/presidents/moi/profile.htm

References

ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

• Brown, S. 2001. "Authoritarian leaders and multiparty elections in Africa: how foreign donors help to keep Kenya's Daniel arap Moi in power". THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY. 22: 725-740. ISSN 0143-6597
• Colamery, S. N., and Tatiana Shohov. 1999. African leaders: a bibliography with indexes. Commack, N.Y.: Nova Science Publishers.ISBN 9781560727217
• Maillu, David G. 1988. Pragmatic leadership: evaluation of Kenya's cultural and political development: featuring Daniel Arap Moi, President of Republic of Kenya. Nairobi: Maillu Pub. House.ISBN 9789966862006
• Moi, Daniel Arap. 1986. Kenya African nationalism: Nyayo philosophy and principles. London: Macmillan.ISBN 9780333438718
• Moi, Daniel Arap, Lee Njiru, and Browne Kutswa. 1997. Which way Africa? Nairobi: Govt. Press.ISBN 9789966962409
• Morton, Andrew. 1998. Moi: the making of an African statesman. London: Michael O'Mara. ISBN 9781854793690
• Rake, Alan. 2001. African leaders: guiding the new millennium. Lanham, Md: Scarecrow Press.ISBN 9780810840195
• Russell, Alec. 2000. Big men, little people: the leaders who defined Africa. New York, N.Y.: New York University Press.ISBN 9780814775424

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