Difference between revisions of "William Godwin" - New World Encyclopedia

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[[Image:WilliamGodwin.jpg|thumb|right|William Godwin]]
 
[[Image:WilliamGodwin.jpg|thumb|right|William Godwin]]
  
'''William Godwin''' ([[3 March]] [[1756]] – [[7 April]] [[1836]]) was an [[England|English]] journalist,  [[political philosophy|political philosopher]] and novelist.  He is considered one of the first exponents of [[utilitarianism|utilitarianism]], and one of the first modern proponents of [[anarchism|anarchist]] philosophy. Godwin is most famous for two books that he published within the space of a year:  [[An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice]], an attack on political institutions, and [[Things as They Are: The Adventures of Caleb Williams]], which attacks aristocratic privilege, but also is virtually the first mystery novel.  Based on the success of both, Godwin featured prominently in the radical circles of London in the 1790s.  In the ensuing conservative reaction to British radicalism, Godwin was attacked, in part because of his relationship to the pioneering feminist writer [[Mary Wollstonecraft]] in [[1797]] and his candid biography of her after her death; their child, [[Mary Shelley|Mary Godwin]], later Shelley, authored ''[[Frankenstein]]'' and married the poet [[Percy Bysshe Shelley]].  Despite attacks on his reputation, Godwin wrote prolifically in several genres (novels, history, demography) right up to his death.  With his second wife, Mary Jane Clairmont, he wrote children's primers on biblical and classical history, which he published along with such works as [[Charles Lamb|Charles and Mary Lamb's]] [[Tales From Shakespeare]].  While Godwin is sometimes seen as the founder of [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/godwin/ philosophical anarchism], he also has had considerable influence on British literature and literary culture.
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'''William Godwin''' (March 3,1756 –April 7, 1836) was an [[England|English]] journalist,  [[political philosophy|political philosopher]] and novelist.  He is considered one of the first exponents of [[utilitarianism|utilitarianism]], and one of the first modern proponents of [[anarchism|anarchist]] philosophy. Godwin is most famous for two books that he published within the space of a year:  An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, an attack on political institutions, and Things as They Are: The Adventures of Caleb Williams, which attacks aristocratic privilege, and is also one of the first mystery thrillers.  Based on the success of both, Godwin featured prominently in the radical circles of London in the 1790s.  
  
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Godwin held the optimistic view that every individual, as a rational being, had the capacity to achieve an elevated understanding of moral and political truth, which would then guide him to act for the greatest good.  He believed that any form of government, or even of mutual cooperation with others, impinged on the individual’s ability to freely exercise his judgment.  Godwin’s ideal was a society with no government at all, where all individuals would be motivated by their understanding of truth.
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Godwin is regarded by some as the founder of [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/godwin/ philosophical anarchism]; he also had considerable influence on British literature and literary culture.
  
 
== Early Life and Education ==
 
== Early Life and Education ==
 
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William Godwin was born March 3, 1756 at Wisbech in Cambridgeshire, England to John and Anne Godwin. Both parents belonged to the middle class, and it was probably only as a joke that he, a stern political reformer and philosophical radical, attempted to trace his pedigree to a time before the [[Norman Conquest]] to the great earl, Godwine. His parents were strict [[Calvinism|Calvinist]]s. His father, a [[Nonconformist]] minister, died young, and never inspired love or much regret in his son; but in spite of wide differences of opinion, tender affection always subsisted between William Godwin and his mother, until her death at an advanced age. Godwin was a frail and intellectual child, brought up in an atmosphere of austere religiosity.  One of his earliest memories was of composing a poem entitled, “I wish to be a minister.”  At the age of eleven he went to study with a Mr. Samuel Newton, the minister of an independent congregation in Norwich.  Mr. Newton followed John Glas and Robert Sandeman (1718-1771), extreme Calvinists who scorned faith and taught that God saved or condemned a person solely according to the rightness or wrongness of their understanding.  Godwin later described Glas as a "celebrated north country apostle, who, after Calvin had damned ninety-nine in a hundred of mankind, had contrived a scheme for damning ninety-nine in a hundred of the followers of Calvin."  
Born at [[Wisbech]] in [[Cambridgeshire]], Godwin's family on both sides were [[middle-class]] people, and it was probably only as a joke that he, a stern political reformer and philosophical radical, attempted to trace his pedigree to a time before the [[Norman Conquest]] to the great earl, [[Godwine]]. Both parents (John and Anne Godwin) were strict [[Calvinism|Calvinist]]s. His father, a [[Nonconformist]] minister, died young, and never inspired love or much regret in his son; but in spite of wide differences of opinion, tender affection always subsisted between William Godwin and his mother, until her death at an advanced age.
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In 1771, Godwin entered Hoxton Academy, where he studied under Andrew Kippis, the biographer, and Dr. Abraham Rees of the Cyclopaedia. In 1778, he took a post as a minister at Ware, Stowmarket and Beaconsfield. At Stowmarket he was introduced to Hobahc, Helvetius and Rousseau by a friend, Joseph Fawcet, who held strong [[British republicanism|republican]] opinions. His religious beliefs underwent a change towards deism, and he fell out with his congregation, and came to London in 1782, where his friends encouraged him to earn his living at writing.
 
 
William Godwin was educated for his father's profession at [[Hoxton Academy]], where he studied under [[Andrew Kippis]] the [[biography|biographer]] and Dr [[Abraham Rees]] of the [[Cyclopaedia]]. He was at first more [[Calvinism|Calvinistic]] than his teachers, becoming a [[Sandemanian]], or follower of [[John Glas]], whom he describes as a celebrated north-country apostle who, after [[John Calvin|Calvin]] had "damned ninety-nine in a hundred of mankind, has contrived a scheme for damning ninety-nine in a hundred of the followers of Calvin."  
 
 
 
He then acted as a minister at [[Ware]], [[Stowmarket]] and [[Beaconsfield]]. At Stowmarket the teachings of the French philosophers were brought before him by a friend, Joseph Fawcet, who held strong [[British republicanism|republican]] opinions. He came to [[London]] in [[1782]], still nominally a minister, to regenerate society with his pen — a real enthusiast, who shrank theoretically from no conclusions from the premises which he laid down. He adopted the principles of the Encyclopaedists, and his own aim was the complete overthrow of all existing institutions, political, social and religious. He believed, however, that calm discussion was the only thing needful to carry every change, and from the beginning to the end of his career he deprecated every approach to violence. He was a philosophic radical in the strictest sense of the term.
 
  
 
== Early Writing ==
 
== Early Writing ==
His first published work was an anonymous ''[[Life of Lord Chatham]]'' ([[1783]]). He published under his own name ''[[Sketches of History]]'' ([[1784]]),  consisting of six sermons on the characters of [[Aaron]], [[Hazael]] and [[Jesus]], in which, though writing in the character of an orthodox Calvinist, he enunciates the proposition "''God Himself has no right to be a tyrant.''" Introduced by Andrew Kippis, he began to write in [[1785]] for the ''[[New Annual Register]]'' and other periodicals, producing also three [[novel]]s now forgotten. His main contributions for the "Annual Register" were the ''Sketches of English History'' he wrote annually, which were yearly summaries of domestic and foreign political affairs. He joined a club called the "Revolutionists," and associated much with [[Charles Stanhope, 3rd Earl Stanhope|Lord Stanhope]], [[John Horne Tooke|Horne Tooke]] and [[Thomas Holcroft|Holcroft]].  
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His first published work was an anonymous ''Life of Lord Chatham'' (1783). He then published under his own name ''Sketches of History'' (1784),  consisting of six sermons on the characters of Aaron, Hazael and [[Jesus]], in which, though writing in the character of an orthodox Calvinist, he enunciates the proposition that “God Himself has no right to be a tyrant.”  Introduced by Andrew Kippis, he began to write in 1784 for the ''New Annual Register'' and other periodicals, producing also three [[novel]]s. His main contributions for the "Annual Register" were annual  ''Sketches of English History, '' yearly summaries of domestic and foreign political affairs. He joined a club called the "Revolutionists," and associated much with [[Charles Stanhope, 3rd Earl Stanhope|Lord Stanhope]], [[John Horne Tooke|Horne Tooke]] and [[Thomas Holcroft|Holcroft]].  
  
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In the summer of 1791, at the height of the debate on the French Revolution, sparked by Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), he asked his publisher, for an advance so that eh could write a work summarising recent developments in political philosophy. The work grew from its original conception and was eventually published in two volumes in February 1793 as An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice.
  
 
== Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Caleb Williams ==
 
== Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Caleb Williams ==
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''Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness'' was an immediate success.  The book made him an important figure in the radical literary and political circles of London and brought him into association with other established writers such as Elizabeth Inchbald, James Mackintosh, and Joseph Ritson, and a younger generation of enthusiasts, including William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and William Hazlitt. In May of 1974, his most successful novel, Things as they are, or The adventures of Caleb Williams was published.  In October of that year, his friends Horne Tooke, Thomas Holcroft and John Thelwell were indicted for treason, and Godwin wrote  ''Cursory Strictures on the Charge Delivered by Lord Chief Justice Eyre to the Grand Jury, October 2, 1794'' where he forcefully argued that that the prosecution's concept of "constructive treason" allowed a judge to construe ''any'' behavior as treasonous.  It paved the way for a major, but mostly moral, victory for the Jacobins, who were acquitted.  In 1795 he published a second edition of Political Justice, in which some of the more rationalist and utopian statements of the first edition were modified.
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== Later Life ==
  
In [[1793]], while the [[French Revolution]] was in full swing, Godwin published his great work on [[political science]], ''[[Enquiry concerning Political Justice, and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness]]''. ''Political Justice'' was extremely influential in its time: after [[Edmund Burke|Burke]] and [[Thomas Paine|Paine]], Godwin's was the most popular written response to the French Revolution.  Godwin's work was seen by many as illuminating a middle way between the fiery extremes of both Burke and PainePrime Minister [[William Pitt the Younger|William Pitt]] famously said that there was no need to censor it, because at over £1 it was too costly for the average Englishman to buy.  However, as was the practice at the time, numerous "corresponding societies" took up ''Political Justice'', either sharing it or having it read to the illiterate members.  Eventually, it sold over 4000 copies and brought literary fame to Godwin.
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In 1796, Godwin developed a relationship with Mary Wollstonecraft, whom he had first encountered briefly five years earlier.  The two maintained separate living quarters, but after she became pregnant, they married in March 1797. Wollstonecraft died in September 1797, shortly after giving birth to their daughter, Mary.  Godwin raised their child and Wollstonecraft’s daughter FannyBurdened with debt, he produced a third and final revision of Political Justice; began his second major novel, St. Leon (1799); and wrote a biography of his wife, Memoirs of the Author of the Vindication of the Rights of Women (1798), which was published together with a collection of her worksHis candid accounts of her two suicide attempts and her affair with Gilbert Imlay provoked a storm of controversy which was seized on by the conservative press.  Godwin was increasingly attacked by loyalist newspapers, and his philosophical opinions were parodied and ridiculed in novels, reviews and pamphlets.
 
 
Godwin augmented the influence of the ''Political Justice'' with his publication of an equally popular novel, ''[[Things as They Are or the Adventures of Caleb Williams]]'', which tells the story of a servant who finds out a dark secret about Falkland, his aristocratic master and is forced to flee because of his knowledge. ''Caleb Williams'' is essentially the first thriller:  Godwin wryly remarked that some readers were consuming in a night what took him over a year to write.  Not the least of its merits is a portrait of the English justice system at the time and a prescient picture of domestic espionage. Yet Godwin's strenuous Calvinism still obtains, if in secular form.  At the conclusion of the novel, when Caleb Williams finally confronts Falkland, the encounter fatally wounds the Lord, who immediately admits the justness of Williams' cause.  Far from feeling release or happiness, Williams only sees the destruction of someone who remains for him a noble, if fallen person.  Implicitly, ''Caleb Williams'' ratifies Godwin's assertion that society must be reformed in order for individual behavior to be reformed, an emphasis that allies him more with Marxism and anarchism than liberalism. His literary method, as he described it in the introduction to the novel, also was influential:  Godwin began with the conclusion of Caleb being chased through England and Ireland and developed the plot backwards.  Dickens and Poe both commented on Godwin's ingenuity in doing this.
 
 
 
 
 
== Political Writing ==
 
 
 
Later, in response to a treason trial of some of his fellow English Jacobins, among them Thomas Holcroft, Godwin wrote  ''Cursory Strictures on the Charge Delivered by Lord Chief Justice Eyre to the Grand Jury, October 2, 1794'' where he forcefully argued that that the prosecution's concept of "constructive treason" allowed a judge to construe ''any'' behavior as treasonousIt paved the way for a major, but mostly moral, victory for the Jacobins, as they were acquitted. However, Godwin's own reputation was eventually besmirched after 1798 by the conservative press, in part because he chose to write a candid biography of his dead wife, Mary Wollstonecraft, including accounts of her two suicide attempts and her affair with Gilbert Imlay, which resulted in the birth of Fanny Imlay.  Godwin, consistent in his theory and stubborn in his practice, practically lived in secret for 30 years because of his reputation.  However, in its influence, on writers like Shelley, Kropotkin, and others, ''Political Justice'' takes its place with [[John Milton|Milton]]'s ''[[Areopagitica]]'', [[John Locke|Locke]]'s ''[[Essay on Education]]'' and [[Jean-Jacques Rousseau|Rousseau]]'s ''[[Emile (book)|Emile]]'' as an anarchist and libertarian text. 
 
 
 
 
 
== Interpretation of Political Justice ==
 
 
 
By the words "political justice" the author meant "''the adoption of any principle of morality and truth into the practice of a community,''" and the work was therefore an inquiry into the principles of society, of [[government]] and of [[morality|moral]]s. For many years Godwin had been "''satisfied that monarchy was a species of government unavoidably corrupt,''" and from desiring a government of the simplest construction, he gradually came to consider that "''government by its very nature counteracts the improvement of original mind,''" confirming his beliefs as those that would later be widely recognized as [[anarchism|anarchist]].
 
 
 
Believing in the perfectibility of the race, that there are no innate principles, and therefore no original propensity to [[evil]], he considered that "''our virtues and our vices may be traced to the incidents which make the history of our lives, and if these incidents could be divested of every improper tendency, vice would be extirpated from the world.''" All control of man by man was more or less intolerable, and the day would come when each man, doing what seems right in his own eyes, would also be doing what is in fact best for the community, because all will be guided by principles of pure reason.
 
 
 
Such [[optimism]] combined with a strong [[empiricism]] to support Godwin's belief that the evil actions of men were solely reliant on the corrupting influence of social conditions, and that changing these conditions could remove the evil in man. This is similar to the ideas of his wife, [[Mary Wollstonecraft]], concerning the shortcomings of women being down to their discouraging upbringings.
 
 
 
Godwin did not believe that all coercion and violence was immoral per se, as [[Bakunin]] and [[Leo Tolstoy|Tolstoy]] did, but rather recognised the need for government in the short term and hoped that the time would come when it would be unnecessary.  Neither was he as extreme an egalitarian as most anarchists are, but he simply thought that discrimination on grounds other than ability was immoral; his moral case of saving the Archbishop of Canterbury before his mother from a burning house is seen as abhorrent by many egalitarians.
 
 
 
 
 
== Attack By (and Upon) Malthus ==
 
 
 
As part of the British conservative reaction that was precipitated by Napoleon's campaign in the Alps in  1798 , [[Malthus|Thomas Robert Malthus]] wrote his ''[[An Essay on the Principle of Population]]'' in which Godwin's views on the "perfectibility of society" plays a predominant role as a target. (Malthus had previously been a member of the same radical circles as Godwin, and pitched his attack on British radicalism as that of a disillusioned disciple.) Unlike Godwin, Malthus, using what has come to be considered rather specious statistics, predicted impending doom because of a geometrically rising world-wide population and arithmetically increasing food supply. While Godwin’s ''Political Justice'' acknowledged that an increase in the standard of living via his proposals could cause population pressures, he saw an obvious solution to avoiding such a crisis: “project a change in the structure of human action, if not of human nature, specifically the eclipsing of the desire for sex by the development of intellectual pleasures” <ref name="Medema">Medema , Steven G., and Warren J. Samuels. 2003. The History of Economic Thought: A Reader. New York: Routledge.</ref>.  Indeed it was this “principle of population” that provoked Malthus’s ''Essay on the Principle of Population'' in 1798. 
 
 
 
Godwin did not officially respond to Malthus’s for over twenty years.  In 1820, Godwin published Of Population: An Enquiry Concerning the Power of Increase in the Numbers of Mankind, as a rebuttal to Malthus’s attack on Political Justice. Godwin refers to Malthus’s theory as a “house of cards” that Malthus “neither proves nor attempts to prove” <ref name="Medema" />.  Godwin’s main objection was Malthus’s sweeping ascription of the rate of population growth in America as a worldwide phenomenon.  Godwin finds that such a proposition must be accepted solely as a matter faith on the part of Malthus’s reader. On the contrary, Godwin attested to the verifiable fact that much of the Old World was at a stand in population growth.  Furthermore, Godwin believed that the abundance of uncultivated land and continued technological advances made fears of overpopulation even more unjustifiable.
 
 
 
In an era where many children did not survive to maturity, Godwin believed that for population to double every twenty-five years as Malthus asserted would require every married couple to have at least eight children.  Although, Godwin himself was one of thirteen children, he did not observe the majority of couples having eight children. Godwin concludes his rebuttal with the following challenge: "''In reality, if I had not taken up the pen with the express purpose of confuting all the errors of Mr Malthus’s book, and of endeavouring to introduce other principles, more cheering, more favourable to the best interests of mankind, and better prepared to resist the inroads of vice and misery, I might close my argument here, and lay down the pen with this brief remark, that, when this author shall have produced from any country, the United States of North America not excepted, a register of marriages and births, from which it shall appear that there are on an average eight births to a marriage, then, and not till then, can I have any just reason to admit his doctrine of the geometrical ratio.''" <ref name="Medema" />.
 
 
 
== The Fate of Godwin's Radicalism ==
 
 
 
While his work was considered unacceptably radical at the time, it is surprising how many of his radical ideas are now commonly accepted across the West.  Examples include:
 
  
* People should only be judged on their abilities.
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Thoughts Occasioned by the Perusal of Dr. Parr's Spital Sermon (1801), was an answer to Godwin’s critics and a confession of philosophical errors which he had made in his earlier works, and which he had already acknowledged in the later editions of Poltiical Justice.  In reaction to the violence of the French Revolution, British political and literary circles had become increasingly loyalist and conservative, and Godwin’s ideas were actively denounced.  Godwin turned to literature and history, writing an unsuccessful play, Antonio (1800), a Life of Chaucer (1803) and another novel, Fleetwood: or The New Man of Feeling (1805).  In 1801 he married Mary Jane Clairmont, a widow with two children.  In 1805 his friends helped them to establish a children’s bookshop which they operated until 1824; writing under various psuedonyms, Godwin produced a variety of books for children, including collections of fables, myths, and Bible stories, histories of England, Rome and Greece, and various dictionaries and grammars.
* War should only be allowed to protect a country's liberties or the liberties of another country.
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In 1814, Godwin’s household was thrown into turmoil when his seventeen-year-old daughter Mary eloped with Percy Bysshe Shelley, accompanied by Mary's sixteen year old stepsister, Clare Clairmont. The following decade was marked by repeated family tragedies, the suicides of Shelley's first wife and Godwin's stepdaughter Fanny, the deaths of three of Mary Shelley's children, and the death of Shelley himself in 1822. Godwin continued to write, publishing his Lives of Edward and John Philips, nephews of Milton (1815), Mandeville (1817), and Letters of Advice to a Young American (1818). 
* Colonialism is immoral.
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In his later career, Godwin wrote Of Population (1820) criticizing Malthusian theory, History of the Commonwealth of England, from its Commencement to the Restoration of Charles II (1824-28) and Thoughts on Man, his Nature, Productions and Discoveries (1831), a collection of essays suggesting that education should be modified to develop each person’s individual talents.  In 1833 Godwin finally received some recognition when he was given a sinecure post by the then Whig government. Peel's subsequent administration agreed to extend the post until Godwin died on April 7,1836.
* Democracy is more efficient than other forms of government, as it allows everyone to voice their opinion, rather than centralising power in a fallible monarch. However, majority rule places individual liberty of those in the minority in jeopardy.
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== Thought and Works ==
* Government close to the people is best.
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William Godwin is considered one of the first exponents of [utilitarianism|utilitarianism]], and one of the first modern proponents of philosophical anarchism.  He never hesitated to work out the final consequences of his ideas, regardless of the difficulties which they presented.  His radicalism was one of ideas, not of violence.  His radical reforms were to be carried out through discussion and education, and the resulting gradual changes in government and society. While Godwin thoroughly approved of the philosophic schemes of the precursors of the French Revolution, he was as far removed as [[Edmund Burke|Burke]] himself from agreeing with the violent way in which they were carried out.
* Individuals should give to others in need.
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His concept of the individual precluded him from being a true utilitarian; he insisted that the “private judgment” of every individual was sacred and should not be encroached upon.  He also assigned more value to individuals who had the greatest potential, because of their intellectual and moral capacities, to benefit mankind.
* Rehabilitation should be provided for criminals.
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== Political Justice ==
* One should have a sphere of private judgement over issues that do not threaten the security of other people, as opposed to the legislated Christianity of his time.
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''Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness'' was, after [[Edmund Burke|Burke]] and [[Thomas Paine|Paine]], the most popular written response to the French Revolution.  Godwin's work was seen by many as illuminating a middle way between the fiery extremes of both Burke and Paine.  Prime Minister [[William Pitt the Younger|William Pitt]] famously said that there was no need to censor it, because at over £1 it was too costly for the average Englishman to buy.  However, as was the practice at the time, numerous "corresponding societies" took up ''Political Justice'', either sharing it or having it read to the illiterate members.  Eventually, it sold over 4,000 copies and brought literary fame to Godwin.  During the 1790’s, excitement over the French Revolution was running high, and the book struck a chord with many liberal thinkers.  In succeeding decades, when the violence of the Revolution had created a conservative backlash in England, Godwin’s ideas were criticized and many of his supporters abandoned him.
* Censorship prevents the truth from being recognised and should only be used when there is an immediate security risk.
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<blockquote> “No work gave such a blow to the philosophical mind of the country as the celebrated Enquiry ... Tom Paine was considered for a time as Tom Fool to him, Paley and old woman, Edmund Burke a flashy sophist. Truth, moral truth, it was supposed had here taken up its abode; and these were the oracles of thought.” Hazlitt,  Spirit of the Age</blockquote>
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Godwin rejected the idea that moral and political characteristics were a product of climate, national tendencies or standard of living. He argued that a person’s moral character was shaped by his experiences, and that the type of government  under which he lived determined the type of experiences which affected him.  Bad government produced wretched citizens with poor moral character.  Godwin believed that moral and political improvement were based on progress in understanding moral and political truth, both in the individual and in society as a whole.  The capacity for this type of moral progress in human beings was unlimited.  A person who knew the truth would act upon it, because the mind initiates behavior.  It was every person’s duty to produce as much happiness (pleasure) in the world as he could, acting upon his private moral judgement and the information he gathered from his surrounding. The ideal person was one who had fully developed his intellectual powers and his moral understanding, so that his private judgement always prompted him to act, with benevolence and virtue, for the greatest good.  A society of such ideal individuals would need no government at all.
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By the words "political justice" Godwin meant "''the adoption of any principle of morality and truth into the practice of a community.”  Political Justice condemned all government interference with individual judgment; even the best government was a form of evil. Democracy was preferrable to monarchy, but dangerous because the majority threatened to impede the individual judgement of the minority.  Godwin believed that all  human beings were equal, because all human beings have the capacity for reason and are susceptible to the same pleasures and pains.  All artificial distinctions, such as social class, gender, and political status, should be discarded, and every person should be judged on his own merits.  Some persons, however, had a higher moral value because of their potential to contribute more to the general good of society.  The book included the famous example of having to choose which of two people to save  from a burning house, his own mother or the Archbishop Fénelon.  The correct moral judgement, he said, was to save the Archbishop, who had the greater potential to benefit the whole of society.  
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Godwin combined two principles; each individual was responsible to judge as best he could how to advance the greatest good, and each individual’s private judgement was to be respected  in a way that precluded anyone else from exercising authority over them.  Godwin opposed legislation over any matter of private judgement, such as religious beliefs.  Godwin supported individual ownership of property, defining it as "the empire to which every man is entitled over the produce of his own industry." However, he advocated that individuals should give to each other their surplus property when others had a need for it. Godwin did not believe that all coercion and violence was innately  immoral, but recognized the need for government in the short term and hoped that the time would come when it would be unnecessary.
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<blockquote>"Every man has a right to that, the exclusive possession of which being awarded to him, a greater sum of benefit or pleasure will result than could have arisen from its being otherwise appropriated."</blockquote>
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The final section of Political Justice described Godwin’s vision for the ideal society of the future, which has done away with all forms of organized cooperation, including marriage and symphony orchestras, so that each individual is fully indpendent to exercise his judgement.  Godwin predicted that such a society would gradually allow the powers of the mind to develop to the point where man could overcome physiological processes and prolong life indefinitely.
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The first edition of Political Justice emphasized rationalism, with the mind impartially assessing the contending claims of sensation, desire, passion and reason to produce judgement, the basis for action.  Familial affections and natural feelings liike gratitude were not under the domain of judgement and should not play a part in determining how we should act.  Godwin altered these views in the second two editions, saying that he had he had not given enough importance to pleasure and pain as the basis for  moral judgements.  He attributed this error to Calvinist attitudes, which he said he had retained long after he had abandoned Calvinist religious opinions.  He acknowledged that feeling, not judgement, was the real motivation for human actions, and that family attachments and natural affections played an important role in teaching us how to benefit others.
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<blockquote>The Enquiry concerning Political Justice I apprehend to be blemished principally by three errors. 1. Stoicism, or an inattention to the principle, that pleasure and pain are the only bases upon which morality can exist. 2. Sandemanianism, or an inattention to the principle that feeling, and not judgment, is the source of human actions. 3. The unqualified condemnation of the private affections. It will easily be seen how strongly these errors are connected with the Calvinist system, which had been so deeply wrought into my mind in early life, as to enable these errors long to survive the general system of religious opinions of which they formed a part…</blockquote>
  
His critique of state education is something that has not been widely accepted, except by [[libertarians]]It also runs counter to Wollstonecraft's own proposal for state-supported education in ''A Vindication of the Rights of Woman''.
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Godwin’s ideas influenced writers like Shelley, Kropotkin, and TolstoyHe also had an  influence on Robert Owen, William Thompson and other nineteenth century utopians, and on the labor movements for political reform in the 1840s.  Marx and Engels knew of Godwin’s writings and credited him with contributing to the theory of exploitation.  Late in the nineteenth century, the last Book of Political Justice, dealing with the possibilities for the progress of the human race, was printed as a socialist tract with the title, “On Property.”  Political Justice was reprinted in 1920, 1946 and 1993.
  
All his radical reforms were to be done by discussion, and matured change resulting from discussion. Hence, while Godwin thoroughly approved of the philosophic schemes of the precursors of the Revolution, he was as far removed as [[Edmund Burke|Burke]] himself from agreeing with the way in which they were carried out. So logical and uncompromising a thinker as Godwin could not go far in the discussion of abstract questions without exciting the most lively opposition in matters of detailed opinion. An affectionate son, and always ready to give some of his hard-earned income to more than one poor brother, he maintained that natural relationship had no claim on man, nor was gratitude to parents or benefactors any part of [[justice]] or [[virtue]]. In a day when the penal code was still extremely severe, he argued gravely against all punishments<ref>Godwin did not call for the immediate end to punishment.  He opposed the idea that it was a moral imperative to punish someone, which was the common view of his day, and rejected the religious laws interfering with one's personal lifeHe spoke of three justifications for punishment: deterrence, rehabilitation and security for the rest of societyHe hoped that the day would come when there would be no need to punish on these grounds.</ref>, not only that of death. Property was to belong to those who most wanted itHowever, he still saw a need for some respect for other people's belongings, as this was seen as part of their "right to private judgement", which he valued highly.
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== Caleb Williams ==
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Godwin augmented the influence of the ''Political Justice'' with his publication of an equally popular novel, ''Things as They Are or the Adventures of Caleb Williams,'' the story of a servant who finds out a dark secret about Falkland, his aristocratic master, and is forced to flee because of his knowledge. ''Caleb Williams'' was possibly the first mystery thriller; Godwin wryly remarked that some readers were consuming in a night what it took him over a year to writeThe book included a portrait of the English justice system at the time and a prescient picture of domestic espionage''Caleb Williams'' supported Godwin's assertion that society must be reformed in order for individual behavior to be reformedCharles Dickens and Edgar Allen Poe both commented on Godwin's ingenuity in starting his with the conclusion, Caleb being chased through England and Ireland, and developing the plot backwards.
  
Godwin's essays advocating a society without government that are considered some of the first, if not the first, anarchist treatises. As such, some consider the [[liberalism|liberal]] British writer to be the "father of philosophical anarchism." He advocates an extreme form of individualism, proposing that all sorts of cooperation in labor should be eliminated; he says: "everything understood by the term co-operation is in some sense an evil." Godwin's individualism is to such a radical degree that he even opposes individuals performing together in orchestras. The only apparent exception to this opposition to cooperation is the spontaneous association that may arise when a society is threatened by violent force. One reason he opposes cooperation is he believes it to interfere with an individual's ability to be benevolent for the greater good. Godwin opposes the existence of government and expressly opposes democracy, fearing oppression of the individual by the majority (though he believes democracy to be preferable to dictatorship). Godwin supports individual ownership of property, defining it as "the empire to which every man is entitled over the produce of his own industry." However, he does advocate that individuals give to each other their surplus property on the occasion that others have a need for it, without involving trade (see ''[[gift economy]]''). This was to be based on [[utilitarian]] principles; he says: "Every man has a right to that, the exclusive possession of which being awarded to him, a greater sum of benefit or pleasure will result than could have arisen from its being otherwise appropriated." However, benevolence was not to be enforced but a matter of free individual "private judgement." He does not advocate a community of goods or assert collective ownership as is embraced in communism, but his belief that individuals ought to share with those in need was influential on [[anarchist communism]] later. [[Communist-anarchist]] [[Peter Kropotkin]] says in the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica that Godwin "entirely rewrote later on his chapter on property and mitigated his communist views in the second edition of Political Justice."
+
Godwin illustrated his principles by writing five more novels in which the main characters were brought to grief by the aristocratic and inegalitarian principles of their societies.  
  
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== Response to Malthus ==
  
----
+
As part of the British conservative reaction precipitated by Napoleon's campaign in the Alps in  1798 , [[Malthus|Thomas Robert Malthus]] wrote his ''An Essay on the Principle of Population'' attacking Godwin's views on the "perfectibility of society." Malthus, used what have come to be considered specious statistics to predict impending doom because of a geometrically rising world-wide population and arithmetically increasing food supply. Godwin’s ''Political Justice'' acknowledged that an increase in the standard of living via his proposals could cause population pressures, but he saw a solution that would  avoid such a crisis;  a change in the structure of human action, if not of human nature, so that the development of intellectual pleasures would eclipse the desire for sex.
{{1911}}
 
''Original text from [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica]], needs style edit and update.''
 
  
==Notes==
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Twenty years later, in 1820, Godwin published Of Population: An Enquiry Concerning the Power of Increase in the Numbers of Mankind, as a rebuttal to Malthus’s attack on Political Justice. Godwin referred to Malthus’s theory as a “house of cards” that Malthus “neither proves nor attempts to prove” and objected to Malthus’s sweeping assumption that the rate of population growth in America reflected a worldwide phenomenon. Godwin attested to the verifiable fact that population growth was at a standstill in much of the Old World was at a stand in population growth.  Furthermore, Godwin believed that the abundance of uncultivated land and continued technological advances did not justify fears of overpopulation. In an era where many children did not survive to maturity, Godwin pointed out that for population to double every twenty-five years as Malthus predicted, every married couple would need to have at least eight children.
<references/>
 
  
 
== External links ==
 
== External links ==

Revision as of 14:36, 12 October 2006

William Godwin

William Godwin (March 3,1756 –April 7, 1836) was an English journalist, political philosopher and novelist. He is considered one of the first exponents of utilitarianism, and one of the first modern proponents of anarchist philosophy. Godwin is most famous for two books that he published within the space of a year: An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, an attack on political institutions, and Things as They Are: The Adventures of Caleb Williams, which attacks aristocratic privilege, and is also one of the first mystery thrillers. Based on the success of both, Godwin featured prominently in the radical circles of London in the 1790s.

Godwin held the optimistic view that every individual, as a rational being, had the capacity to achieve an elevated understanding of moral and political truth, which would then guide him to act for the greatest good. He believed that any form of government, or even of mutual cooperation with others, impinged on the individual’s ability to freely exercise his judgment. Godwin’s ideal was a society with no government at all, where all individuals would be motivated by their understanding of truth.

Godwin is regarded by some as the founder of philosophical anarchism; he also had considerable influence on British literature and literary culture.

Early Life and Education

William Godwin was born March 3, 1756 at Wisbech in Cambridgeshire, England to John and Anne Godwin. Both parents belonged to the middle class, and it was probably only as a joke that he, a stern political reformer and philosophical radical, attempted to trace his pedigree to a time before the Norman Conquest to the great earl, Godwine. His parents were strict Calvinists. His father, a Nonconformist minister, died young, and never inspired love or much regret in his son; but in spite of wide differences of opinion, tender affection always subsisted between William Godwin and his mother, until her death at an advanced age. Godwin was a frail and intellectual child, brought up in an atmosphere of austere religiosity. One of his earliest memories was of composing a poem entitled, “I wish to be a minister.” At the age of eleven he went to study with a Mr. Samuel Newton, the minister of an independent congregation in Norwich. Mr. Newton followed John Glas and Robert Sandeman (1718-1771), extreme Calvinists who scorned faith and taught that God saved or condemned a person solely according to the rightness or wrongness of their understanding. Godwin later described Glas as a "celebrated north country apostle, who, after Calvin had damned ninety-nine in a hundred of mankind, had contrived a scheme for damning ninety-nine in a hundred of the followers of Calvin." In 1771, Godwin entered Hoxton Academy, where he studied under Andrew Kippis, the biographer, and Dr. Abraham Rees of the Cyclopaedia. In 1778, he took a post as a minister at Ware, Stowmarket and Beaconsfield. At Stowmarket he was introduced to Hobahc, Helvetius and Rousseau by a friend, Joseph Fawcet, who held strong republican opinions. His religious beliefs underwent a change towards deism, and he fell out with his congregation, and came to London in 1782, where his friends encouraged him to earn his living at writing.

Early Writing

His first published work was an anonymous Life of Lord Chatham (1783). He then published under his own name Sketches of History (1784), consisting of six sermons on the characters of Aaron, Hazael and Jesus, in which, though writing in the character of an orthodox Calvinist, he enunciates the proposition that “God Himself has no right to be a tyrant.” Introduced by Andrew Kippis, he began to write in 1784 for the New Annual Register and other periodicals, producing also three novels. His main contributions for the "Annual Register" were annual Sketches of English History, yearly summaries of domestic and foreign political affairs. He joined a club called the "Revolutionists," and associated much with Lord Stanhope, Horne Tooke and Holcroft.

In the summer of 1791, at the height of the debate on the French Revolution, sparked by Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), he asked his publisher, for an advance so that eh could write a work summarising recent developments in political philosophy. The work grew from its original conception and was eventually published in two volumes in February 1793 as An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice.

Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Caleb Williams

Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness was an immediate success. The book made him an important figure in the radical literary and political circles of London and brought him into association with other established writers such as Elizabeth Inchbald, James Mackintosh, and Joseph Ritson, and a younger generation of enthusiasts, including William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and William Hazlitt. In May of 1974, his most successful novel, Things as they are, or The adventures of Caleb Williams was published. In October of that year, his friends Horne Tooke, Thomas Holcroft and John Thelwell were indicted for treason, and Godwin wrote Cursory Strictures on the Charge Delivered by Lord Chief Justice Eyre to the Grand Jury, October 2, 1794 where he forcefully argued that that the prosecution's concept of "constructive treason" allowed a judge to construe any behavior as treasonous. It paved the way for a major, but mostly moral, victory for the Jacobins, who were acquitted. In 1795 he published a second edition of Political Justice, in which some of the more rationalist and utopian statements of the first edition were modified.

Later Life

In 1796, Godwin developed a relationship with Mary Wollstonecraft, whom he had first encountered briefly five years earlier. The two maintained separate living quarters, but after she became pregnant, they married in March 1797. Wollstonecraft died in September 1797, shortly after giving birth to their daughter, Mary. Godwin raised their child and Wollstonecraft’s daughter Fanny. Burdened with debt, he produced a third and final revision of Political Justice; began his second major novel, St. Leon (1799); and wrote a biography of his wife, Memoirs of the Author of the Vindication of the Rights of Women (1798), which was published together with a collection of her works. His candid accounts of her two suicide attempts and her affair with Gilbert Imlay provoked a storm of controversy which was seized on by the conservative press. Godwin was increasingly attacked by loyalist newspapers, and his philosophical opinions were parodied and ridiculed in novels, reviews and pamphlets.

Thoughts Occasioned by the Perusal of Dr. Parr's Spital Sermon (1801), was an answer to Godwin’s critics and a confession of philosophical errors which he had made in his earlier works, and which he had already acknowledged in the later editions of Poltiical Justice. In reaction to the violence of the French Revolution, British political and literary circles had become increasingly loyalist and conservative, and Godwin’s ideas were actively denounced. Godwin turned to literature and history, writing an unsuccessful play, Antonio (1800), a Life of Chaucer (1803) and another novel, Fleetwood: or The New Man of Feeling (1805). In 1801 he married Mary Jane Clairmont, a widow with two children. In 1805 his friends helped them to establish a children’s bookshop which they operated until 1824; writing under various psuedonyms, Godwin produced a variety of books for children, including collections of fables, myths, and Bible stories, histories of England, Rome and Greece, and various dictionaries and grammars. In 1814, Godwin’s household was thrown into turmoil when his seventeen-year-old daughter Mary eloped with Percy Bysshe Shelley, accompanied by Mary's sixteen year old stepsister, Clare Clairmont. The following decade was marked by repeated family tragedies, the suicides of Shelley's first wife and Godwin's stepdaughter Fanny, the deaths of three of Mary Shelley's children, and the death of Shelley himself in 1822. Godwin continued to write, publishing his Lives of Edward and John Philips, nephews of Milton (1815), Mandeville (1817), and Letters of Advice to a Young American (1818). In his later career, Godwin wrote Of Population (1820) criticizing Malthusian theory, History of the Commonwealth of England, from its Commencement to the Restoration of Charles II (1824-28) and Thoughts on Man, his Nature, Productions and Discoveries (1831), a collection of essays suggesting that education should be modified to develop each person’s individual talents. In 1833 Godwin finally received some recognition when he was given a sinecure post by the then Whig government. Peel's subsequent administration agreed to extend the post until Godwin died on April 7,1836.

Thought and Works

William Godwin is considered one of the first exponents of [utilitarianism|utilitarianism]], and one of the first modern proponents of philosophical anarchism. He never hesitated to work out the final consequences of his ideas, regardless of the difficulties which they presented. His radicalism was one of ideas, not of violence. His radical reforms were to be carried out through discussion and education, and the resulting gradual changes in government and society. While Godwin thoroughly approved of the philosophic schemes of the precursors of the French Revolution, he was as far removed as Burke himself from agreeing with the violent way in which they were carried out. His concept of the individual precluded him from being a true utilitarian; he insisted that the “private judgment” of every individual was sacred and should not be encroached upon. He also assigned more value to individuals who had the greatest potential, because of their intellectual and moral capacities, to benefit mankind.

Political Justice

Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness was, after Burke and Paine, the most popular written response to the French Revolution. Godwin's work was seen by many as illuminating a middle way between the fiery extremes of both Burke and Paine. Prime Minister William Pitt famously said that there was no need to censor it, because at over £1 it was too costly for the average Englishman to buy. However, as was the practice at the time, numerous "corresponding societies" took up Political Justice, either sharing it or having it read to the illiterate members. Eventually, it sold over 4,000 copies and brought literary fame to Godwin. During the 1790’s, excitement over the French Revolution was running high, and the book struck a chord with many liberal thinkers. In succeeding decades, when the violence of the Revolution had created a conservative backlash in England, Godwin’s ideas were criticized and many of his supporters abandoned him.

“No work gave such a blow to the philosophical mind of the country as the celebrated Enquiry ... Tom Paine was considered for a time as Tom Fool to him, Paley and old woman, Edmund Burke a flashy sophist. Truth, moral truth, it was supposed had here taken up its abode; and these were the oracles of thought.” Hazlitt, Spirit of the Age

Godwin rejected the idea that moral and political characteristics were a product of climate, national tendencies or standard of living. He argued that a person’s moral character was shaped by his experiences, and that the type of government under which he lived determined the type of experiences which affected him. Bad government produced wretched citizens with poor moral character. Godwin believed that moral and political improvement were based on progress in understanding moral and political truth, both in the individual and in society as a whole. The capacity for this type of moral progress in human beings was unlimited. A person who knew the truth would act upon it, because the mind initiates behavior. It was every person’s duty to produce as much happiness (pleasure) in the world as he could, acting upon his private moral judgement and the information he gathered from his surrounding. The ideal person was one who had fully developed his intellectual powers and his moral understanding, so that his private judgement always prompted him to act, with benevolence and virtue, for the greatest good. A society of such ideal individuals would need no government at all. By the words "political justice" Godwin meant "the adoption of any principle of morality and truth into the practice of a community.” Political Justice condemned all government interference with individual judgment; even the best government was a form of evil. Democracy was preferrable to monarchy, but dangerous because the majority threatened to impede the individual judgement of the minority. Godwin believed that all human beings were equal, because all human beings have the capacity for reason and are susceptible to the same pleasures and pains. All artificial distinctions, such as social class, gender, and political status, should be discarded, and every person should be judged on his own merits. Some persons, however, had a higher moral value because of their potential to contribute more to the general good of society. The book included the famous example of having to choose which of two people to save from a burning house, his own mother or the Archbishop Fénelon. The correct moral judgement, he said, was to save the Archbishop, who had the greater potential to benefit the whole of society. Godwin combined two principles; each individual was responsible to judge as best he could how to advance the greatest good, and each individual’s private judgement was to be respected in a way that precluded anyone else from exercising authority over them. Godwin opposed legislation over any matter of private judgement, such as religious beliefs. Godwin supported individual ownership of property, defining it as "the empire to which every man is entitled over the produce of his own industry." However, he advocated that individuals should give to each other their surplus property when others had a need for it. Godwin did not believe that all coercion and violence was innately immoral, but recognized the need for government in the short term and hoped that the time would come when it would be unnecessary.

"Every man has a right to that, the exclusive possession of which being awarded to him, a greater sum of benefit or pleasure will result than could have arisen from its being otherwise appropriated."

The final section of Political Justice described Godwin’s vision for the ideal society of the future, which has done away with all forms of organized cooperation, including marriage and symphony orchestras, so that each individual is fully indpendent to exercise his judgement. Godwin predicted that such a society would gradually allow the powers of the mind to develop to the point where man could overcome physiological processes and prolong life indefinitely. The first edition of Political Justice emphasized rationalism, with the mind impartially assessing the contending claims of sensation, desire, passion and reason to produce judgement, the basis for action. Familial affections and natural feelings liike gratitude were not under the domain of judgement and should not play a part in determining how we should act. Godwin altered these views in the second two editions, saying that he had he had not given enough importance to pleasure and pain as the basis for moral judgements. He attributed this error to Calvinist attitudes, which he said he had retained long after he had abandoned Calvinist religious opinions. He acknowledged that feeling, not judgement, was the real motivation for human actions, and that family attachments and natural affections played an important role in teaching us how to benefit others.

The Enquiry concerning Political Justice I apprehend to be blemished principally by three errors. 1. Stoicism, or an inattention to the principle, that pleasure and pain are the only bases upon which morality can exist. 2. Sandemanianism, or an inattention to the principle that feeling, and not judgment, is the source of human actions. 3. The unqualified condemnation of the private affections. It will easily be seen how strongly these errors are connected with the Calvinist system, which had been so deeply wrought into my mind in early life, as to enable these errors long to survive the general system of religious opinions of which they formed a part…

Godwin’s ideas influenced writers like Shelley, Kropotkin, and Tolstoy. He also had an influence on Robert Owen, William Thompson and other nineteenth century utopians, and on the labor movements for political reform in the 1840s. Marx and Engels knew of Godwin’s writings and credited him with contributing to the theory of exploitation. Late in the nineteenth century, the last Book of Political Justice, dealing with the possibilities for the progress of the human race, was printed as a socialist tract with the title, “On Property.” Political Justice was reprinted in 1920, 1946 and 1993.

Caleb Williams

Godwin augmented the influence of the Political Justice with his publication of an equally popular novel, Things as They Are or the Adventures of Caleb Williams, the story of a servant who finds out a dark secret about Falkland, his aristocratic master, and is forced to flee because of his knowledge. Caleb Williams was possibly the first mystery thriller; Godwin wryly remarked that some readers were consuming in a night what it took him over a year to write. The book included a portrait of the English justice system at the time and a prescient picture of domestic espionage. Caleb Williams supported Godwin's assertion that society must be reformed in order for individual behavior to be reformed. Charles Dickens and Edgar Allen Poe both commented on Godwin's ingenuity in starting his with the conclusion, Caleb being chased through England and Ireland, and developing the plot backwards.

Godwin illustrated his principles by writing five more novels in which the main characters were brought to grief by the aristocratic and inegalitarian principles of their societies.

Response to Malthus

As part of the British conservative reaction precipitated by Napoleon's campaign in the Alps in 1798 , Thomas Robert Malthus wrote his An Essay on the Principle of Population attacking Godwin's views on the "perfectibility of society." Malthus, used what have come to be considered specious statistics to predict impending doom because of a geometrically rising world-wide population and arithmetically increasing food supply. Godwin’s Political Justice acknowledged that an increase in the standard of living via his proposals could cause population pressures, but he saw a solution that would avoid such a crisis; a change in the structure of human action, if not of human nature, so that the development of intellectual pleasures would eclipse the desire for sex.

Twenty years later, in 1820, Godwin published Of Population: An Enquiry Concerning the Power of Increase in the Numbers of Mankind, as a rebuttal to Malthus’s attack on Political Justice. Godwin referred to Malthus’s theory as a “house of cards” that Malthus “neither proves nor attempts to prove” and objected to Malthus’s sweeping assumption that the rate of population growth in America reflected a worldwide phenomenon. Godwin attested to the verifiable fact that population growth was at a standstill in much of the Old World was at a stand in population growth. Furthermore, Godwin believed that the abundance of uncultivated land and continued technological advances did not justify fears of overpopulation. In an era where many children did not survive to maturity, Godwin pointed out that for population to double every twenty-five years as Malthus predicted, every married couple would need to have at least eight children.

External links

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