Sirhak

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Sirhak
Hangul 실학
Hanja 實學
Revised Romanization silhak
McCune-Reischauer sirhak


Silhak was a Confucian social reform movement in late Joseon Dynasty Korea. Sil means "actual" or "practical," and hak means "studies" or "learning." It developed in response to the increasingly metaphysical nature of Neo-Confucianism (성리학) that seemed disconnected from the rapid agricultural, industrial, and political changes occurring in Korea between the late 17th and early 19th centuries. Silhak was designed to counter the "uncritical" following of Confucian teachings and the strict adherence to "formalism" and "ritual." [1]. Most of the Silhak scholars were from factions excluded from power and other disaffected scholars calling for reform. [2].

In a broad sense, the beginning of Silhak can be traced to the aftermath of the Seven Year War, the devastating 16th century invasion by Japan. After the Manchu invasions in the 17th century, Korean art and science continued under the Silhak scholars. [3]. Additionally, the discontent of the people was expressed in writings and dramas of the period made by these scholars. [4]. Generally, the term "Silhak" refers to the reform-minded scholarship within the Confucian framework, rather than the more nationalistic peasant movements or the later non- or anti-Confucian modernization schools.

Its proponents generally argued for reforming the rigid Confucian social structure, land reforms to relieve the plight of peasant farmers, redefining the traditionally submissive relationship with China, promoting Korea's independent national identity and culture, and adapting Western commerce, industry and technologies. Silhak scholars wanted to use realistic and experimental approaches to social problems with the consideration of the welfare of the people. [5]. Silhak scholars encouraged human equality and moved toward a more Korean-centric view of Korean history. [6]. The Silhak school is credited with helping to create a modern Korea.

Prominent scholars

  • Kim Yuk, 1580–1658, postwar reformer
  • Yi Su-gwang, 1563–1627, scholar-official who introduced Western thought to Korea.
  • Yu Hyeong-won, 1622-1673, representing what is sometimes considered the first generation of Silhak scholars and advocated a "public land system" where the state would hold title and allocate the land for the farmer to use. [7].
  • Yi Ik, 1681–1764, of the second generation of Silhak scholars, founder of the Gyeongsechiyongpa (경세치용파/經世致用派), advocating reforms of land ownership, economic infrastructure, and government administration. [8]. This is known as the "equal field system" and was suppose to guarantee enough land for each farmer to provide for his livelihood. [9].
  • An Jeong-bok, 1712–1791, student of Yi Ik.
  • Yun Hyu, 1617–1680
  • Pak Se-dang, 1629–1703
  • Pak Jiwon, 1737–1805, center of the Iyonghusaengpa (이용후생파/利用厚生派), promoting industrialization, technological reforms. [10].
  • Sin Gyeong-jun, 1712–1781
  • Wi Baek-gyu, 1727–1798
  • Hong Dae-yong, 1731–1783
  • Yi Deok-mu, 1741–1793
  • Pak Je-ga, 1750–1815, was a part of the Northern School of Silhak and was particularly critical of the civil service examinations (kwago), which was designed to select the most intelligent men for high governmental service but had become corrupt and allowed incompetent men into government. [11].
  • Kim Jeonghui, 1786–1856, representing the Silsagusipa (실사구시파/實事求是派)
  • Jeong Yak-yong, 1762–1836, leading the third wave of Silhak. He was the author of the Mongmin Shimsu, written while he was under house arrest. He was a devout Catholic and advocate for the right of the people {min kwon). He believed that rigid class boundaries should be broken and thought that the common people should be able to participate in the government, criticize the government, and be able to vote. [12]. He advocated the "village land system" were the village would hold the land in common and the village would farm the land as a whole and the products of the land would be divided based on the amount of labor inputted. [13].
  • Chak Yak Yong, wrote The Mind Governing the People and argued that a rigid social class order with the king at the top was necessary for the government to maintain order but also favored experimentation for the social good. [14].


Korean Sirhak

Introduction

Sirhak translated by Practical Learning or Practical movement refers to an important shift from a Neo-Confucian metaphysically rooted vision of man and society to a concern of real facts and situations with a strong will of reform. It happened in China as early as the 17th century with a focus first on reanalyzing the textual tradition according to a scientific approach. On another hand, in dialogue with the West, particularly the scientists Jesuits, it became a movement of exploring all kinds of sciences and techniques like astronomy. Through the annual embassies in Beijing Koreans came into contact with what was happening in China already in the 17th century but with the fall of the Ming in 1644 and the coming to power of the Qing, they suspended their rich relations with China until the end of the 18th century; however the Korean Sirhak developed strongly from that time on.

Sirhak is a kind of Asian Enlightenment. When spoken of Enlightenment people spontaneously think of the 18th European century, the time of the philosophers, of the Encyclopedia and of the new intelligence in and application of sciences and technologies, as if it was the only Enlightenment. But Asia had also its own Enlightenment. It should be more known that Asia, particularly China, had been ahead in scientific and technological discoveries since antiquity until the 15-16th centuries. Even Korea has pioneered printing techniques, the first book being printed in Korea with a metal technique in 1377. Enlightenment does not deal with just techniques but a vision and Asians on the base of their rich tradition and creativity had a great potential of a renewal of the understanding of man and the universe. The Chinese in the 17th century proved to be earlier than the Europeans in textual exegesis. They did for their own corpus of sacred texts of the Classics what Christian scholars did in Europe with the demythologization approach.

The Asian Enlightenment is delicate to appreciate, especially due to the hegemony of Western thought in the world. It took time for the Chinese and for the Koreans to reassess the role and the values of Sirhak. Because of the historical turmoil, the failure of a true exchange East-West from the 2d half of the 19th century to the rise of communism in China and its consequences. Korea lost confidence in its own culture, indiscriminately absorbed Western culture and economic models and much forgot its own important treasures as the famous Korean philosopher Park Chong-hong (1903-1976) said. If the Sirhak leaders like Yi Ik and Chông Yag-yong, Tasan are raising interest and even pride among Koreans today it is a recent phenomenon because they had been forgotten for a long time. Tasan had wished that after his death Koreans read some of his books instead of bringing offerings on his grave. His wish is at last becoming fulfilled.

The Korean Sirhak is a rich and complex movement to which contributed many important thinkers and state men. It is far from being just one school with a unique set of ideas and goals. Therefore its unfolding in history has to be meticulously observed, the scientific research having started late during the second half of the 20th century. Sometimes scholars tried to define clear-cut specific schools within the Sirhak but it may alter the true picture. For example the Korean Sirhak was not just an anti Zhu Xi movement because it had its own positive agenda and to limit the Sirhak to a reaction against outmoded Neo-Confucian theories would miss substantial views of Sirhak.

As we read history from books and wish to have well explained ideas, it is striking how Sirhak thinkers did painfully search for a way within a difficult situation. There were not yet democracy, freedom of speech, material transformations and the authorities were often opposed to new ideas and changes. To speak out had often for consequence not just rebuff but exile and even death. Adhering to Sirhak in those days meant to be a courageous man, a man of conviction and endurance and to accept solitude and ill-consideration.

Contents

1. The unfolding of Korean Sirhak 2. The diversity and richness of Korean Sirhak 3. The Korean Sirhak and the search of a new creativity

1. The unfolding of Korean Sirhak

Debates have taken place among Korean scholars about the beginning of the Korean Sirhak. Some have mentioned that Yi I, Yulgok (1536-1584) manifested already a practical mind although he lived in a Neo-Confucian atmosphere. Beyond the debates it is true that Yulgok emphasized a research of “real/substantial mind, silsim in harmony with real/substantial principles, silli aiming at real/substantial results sirhyo.” In his time Yulgok demonstrated already an encyclopedic knowledge and a commitment to reforms in economy, education, institutions and military affairs which were ahead of his time and not much understood by politicians around him. Great Sirhak thinkers like Yi Ik and Tasan admired him and found an inspiration in his writings and accomplishments. Yi Ik wrote for example: “One can count in Korea on the fingers of one’s hand those who have understood the urgent affairs contributing to the establishment of the nation. Among them I will mention Yi Yulgok and Yu (Hyông-wôn) Pangye. The great majority of Yulgok’s ideas are worthy to be put into practice. […] If one had insisted on practice like Yulgok and Pangye, one would have reached good results.” (Yi Ik, Sônghosasôl, Volume IV)

It is useful to have some idea of the frame of the development of Korean Sirhak. For this we are helped by the studies of two Korean scholars. The first is Chôn Kwan-u in the 1950’s who saw three main periods of Sirhak, a period of preparation from 1550 to 1650 with main figures like Kim Yuk (1580-1658) and Yi Su-gwang (1563-1637), a period of development from 1650 to 1750 with Yu Hyông-wôn (1622-1673) and Yi Ik (1681-1763) and a blooming period from 1750 to 1850 with Park Ch’i-wôn, Hong Tae-yong and Chông Yag-yong, Tasan (1762-1836) This analysis has been qualified as somehow abstract and not taking enough into account the developments in Korean society.

Before Korea closed itself in the middle of the 17th century and was caught in its own ideological struggles Kim Yuk and Yi Su-gwang planted an interesting seed of renewal. Kim Yuk visited China and contributed to introduce in Korea the reformed calendar made by the Jesuit missionary Adam Schall and new technological tools such as the water-driven mill. Yi Su-gwang played an important role in meeting Italian Jesuits in China and bringing back important books. Among these books were some of the great Matteo Ricci’s works such as The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven. Yi wrote a twenty volume encyclopedia on what he learned about geography, Western food and Western weapons, and astronomy. He promoted an open attitude in economy and trade that became one of the themes of Sirhak. His appreciation of Catholicism at an early stage is also significant since Catholicism really developed only toward the end of the 18th century.

Another analysis of the Sirhak movement has been done by Yi U-sông in the 1970’s. Yi considers the Sirhak movement as meaningful only from the reign of the king Yôngjo (1725-1776) and put emphasis on the essential ideas. Therefore three stages have been put into light: The School of Pragmatic Statecraft, Kyôngse ch’iyongp’a or School of Yi Ik, the School of Improvement of life through Practical Utilization, Iyong husaeng’a of Park Ch’i-wôn and the School of Seeking Truth from Facts, Silsa kusip’a of Kim Ch’ông-hûi. (English terms according to Michael Kalton in Korean Philosophy.) Such analyses can give an impression of coherence in the Sirhak that did not really exist at the time of its formation.

Studies by Korean scholars and foreign specialists will probably continue to help finding in the future a more accurate picture of the Sirhak movement. At the moment there is a kind of revival in Tasan studies, a great interest in king Chôngjo’s role in the momentum of reform at that time. Many aspects such as sciences, institutions, philosophy, literature, of Korean Sirhak are reflected on.

Experts tried also to uncover essential characteristics of the Sirhak movement. Among those could be distinguished as significant the critical approach of the traditional Neo-Confucianism and especially of Zhu Xi (1130-1200)’s theories, the interest in the practical applications, the methodology of research oriented toward demonstrating facts and a spirit of independence. However these characteristics cannot be systematically applied to all Sirhak thinkers. For example An Chông-bok (1712-1791), like some other early Sirhak thinkers, were still much relying on Zhu Xi’s ideas. There was also no consensus among Sirhak scholars on the stand to hold towards Catholicism.

As the Korean Sirhak movement unfolded under the inspiration of strong personalities, it is worth remembering some names like Yi Ik, the spiritual mentor of Tasan who focused more on the modernization of agriculture; Park Ch’i-wôn who through his diary of travel in China helped the Koreans to take conscience of their technological backwardness; Tasan unanimously recognized as a genius in various fields, as the fulfiller of the practical movement and as a true guide of the country despite his rejection; Kim Chông-hûi, an original scholar talented in exegesis, archeology, and art and at the same motivated by the research of real facts.



2. The diversity and richness of Korean Sirhak

The Korean Sirhak progressively arose from a combination of factors. In the 17th century corresponding to the beginning of the Qing dynasty in China and to the Tokugawa in Japan the Korean government felt no threat from Japan and became overconfident. Many Koreans due to the improvement of the economical situation thought that Korea was a very developed and important country while certain scholars especially in hearing about China and Japan started to think it was a mistake.

At the early stage scholars like Yi Su-kwang previously mentioned were mainly curious about the foreign documents which they discovered in China. Chông Tu-wôn brought back from China a telescope and a world map in 1631. It was somehow similar to the past curiosity about new documents of Buddhism or Neo-Confucianism.

Korean Sirhak was partly initiated by such curiosity about new documents coming from the West and by the study of actual things more than by theories. It was a time when bright scholars wanted to look at everything concerning either man or the universe in a new way, without any prejudice.

However it was not just a scientific curiosity or methodology. Some Koreans suddenly realized the absurdity and injustices of their institutions and in consequence the suffering of ordinary people particularly from the low classes. The greatest Sirhak thinkers became the voice of ill treated people somehow like Voltaire fought to rehabilitate unjustly condemned innocents in the famous Calas family case of 1692.


Yu Hyông-wôn (1622-1673)

One of the front runners of Korean Sirhak is Yu Hyông-wôn (1622-1673) Pangye. If Pangye was admired by Yi Ik it was for his clear-sightedness of the weaknesses of the institutions and for his compassionate heart towards the underprivileged. He therefore set the direction of Sirhak not to remain at a technical level.

Pangye was among the first to fight the abuses of government concerning land, slavery and corruption. He paid a prize for it and spent his life in a remote farming village where he could observe the real condition of local society. His aim was not just critical. He wanted to contribute to an improvement in institutions, in economy and military affairs. Therefore his studies were precise and his suggestions very relevant. Pangye has been carefully researched by the American historian James Palais in his major book Confucian Statecraft and Korean Institutions, Yu Hyông-wôn and the late Chosôn dynasty, University of Washington Press, 2002.

Pangye for example rebelled against the meaningless system of slavery according to which individuals were condemned to remain slaves, without any hope, even when showing outstanding capacities. Knowing the Confucian ideal he denounced the inhumanity with which slaves were treated.

“At the present time people simply do not treat slaves in a humane way. Note: It is the national custom to treat slaves in ways that is divorced from considerations of kindness and righteousness. People think that starvation, cold, hardship and difficulty are simply the slave’s lot in life, and they never show any pity toward them. They control them with punishments and laws and spur them by beating them with a stick, allowing them to live or die much alike they would treat an ox or a horse.” Pangye surok, in Sourcebook of Korean Civilization (p.180-182).

Such an outcry was an indirect critic of a government who claimed to be Confucian but who in practice had lost grip with reality and any conscience of caring.

Yi Ik, Sông-ho (1681-1763)

Yi Ik is very well known by the Koreans and his bearded face very familiar to them. He is of the stature of the European encyclopaedists. He combined the depth of the Chinese scholarship and the study of Western science and religion at a very high level of research.

Although he never went to China Yi Ik was eager to discover Western science. He acquired a telescope and used to observe the stars, writing his own analyses in short and precise essays in his Sônghosasôl, for example on the “North Pole star,” on the “rising sun”, on the positions of “the earth within the universe”.

Yi Ik was fascinated by the infinity of the universe and wanted to understand rationally what he looked at. Despite conflicting views coming from China on Copernicus and Galilee, like Hong Tae-yong (1731-1783) who visited China he came to the conclusion that the earth was not the center of the universe but was revolving around the sun

The knowledge of Yi Ik was so vast and impressive that Tasan wrote a poem about it. While he could appreciate nature, its cycles and its myriad things with the Chinese classics like the Yijing, he was rediscovering it through Western science. He observed birds and fishes, bees that he was raising and left numerous writings on them.

However Yi Ik did not get lost in his scientific researches. He was primarily concerned by the life of his contemporaries. Like Pangye he lived in a rural area and was never interested in succeeding at civil services examination or in achieving a political career. Despite living an isolated life he was followed by many disciples and powerful leaders respected his views.

Yi Ik symbolizes an aspect of Korean Sirak related to the agricultural modernization. Living among poor farmers and watching their hard work, Yi Ik came to think of how to use new technological ideas to help the life of those farmers and to increase the agricultural production. He therefore considered the importance of new water-driven mills, dams to irrigate rice-fields, better systems of irrigation and more efficient ploughs. He studied also the use of new carts and transportation systems.

What seems simple today raised opposition in those days. Yi Ik fought against what was called the “yangban” mentality according to which only scholar studies were considered as dignified for the higher class. Yi Ik took a revolutionary stand in saying for the first time in Korea that the yangban, the nobles, should work with their hands. He gave the example by farming and Tasan later followed him in planting tea trees and amending the land with farmers.

Yi Ik was not yet too favorable for the use of money and material objects because of the desires it could create in people but he wanted that useful machines improve people’s life. Of course his first education had exposed him to the fundamentality of morality and self-education and he wanted to retain it.

In the Confucian tradition the world of people is essential and Confucius and Mencius have warned about the research of profit which can damage the ren, caring and loving, in man. Therefore Yi Ik was reflecting on how to develop a more modern society in keeping firmly the Confucian values.

Yi Ik remains as a great example of that period of Korean Sirhak in that he put order and priorities in the tasks to fulfill. The modernization of the institutions and of agriculture, also the use of technical instruments were necessary but not at the cost of human qualities. Therefore for Yi Ik remained valuable the model of the society presented in the Classics as geared toward harmony, justice and taking into account the fulfillment of each one.

Yi Ik meditated he great sage rulers of ancient China, particularly the duke of Zhou and found inspiration for rethinking the political and juridical system of Korea. He was much interested in the foundation of the law and the changes which needed to be done.

“Laws of change” “When the laws last for a long time, corruption takes place and if there is corruption, what requires changes will become an adequate law..” “Man and law supporting each other.” “In the Hô Hyông one finds: ‘The crucial point in the art of governing consists in employing qualified persons and in establishing laws.’” (Sônghosasôl, Volume IV)

The role of Yi Ik cannot be overemphasized in that he has taught many influential leaders of Sirhak during his long life. Two major schools came out of his ideas. The first is called the left branch and was made of scholars who shared the master’s enthusiasm for Western science but who were reserved or critical concerning the Catholic doctrine. Belonging to that branch Sin Hu-dam (1702-1762) and An Chông-bok (1712-1791) warned Korean scholars against the spreading of Catholic ideas.

The second school called the right branch was made of scholars like Yun Tong-gyu, Kwôn Il-sin, Kwôn Chol-sin and Yi Ka-hwan who progressively got converted in Catholicism and played a major role in the foundation of the Catholic Church. Later on they were caught in the persecution and several were martyred,

Yi Ik himself was very prudent in his connection with Catholic ideas. He was ready to recognize scientific Western ideas if they proved more correct than Eastern ideas but he remained convinced of the strength of Chinese classics and used his Confucian rationality to check in what seemed sometimes to him contradictions within Catholicism. The School of Northern Learning

Another facet in the diversity of the Sirhak movement is related to an initiative of Korean scholars eager to witness first-hand the changes happening in Qing China. The name of Northern Learning comes from the travel done to the Chinese capital and further north to the summer residence of the Chinese emperors called Jehol. From that experience came out a movement of reform, of technological improvement and of commercial opening.

It started under the reign of King Yôngjo (1724-1776) with Yu Su-won (1695-1755) but flourished under the great king Chôngjo (1776-1800) who created the research center of the kyujnggak as soon as he ascended to the throne. Chôngjo selected brilliant scholars to study in the kyujangk and to be his advisors. These scholars used to meet also in the area of Chongno pagoda and to exchange ideas.

The most famous Northern Learning scholars were Park Che-ga (1750-?) who visited China in 1779, Park Chi-wôn (1737-1895) who went to China in 1780, Hong Tae-yong (1731-1783) who exchanged with Chinese scholars on scientific matters, Yi Tông-mu (1741-1793).

Many of these scholars wrote diaries about their travel that were translated into Korean and which, becoming bestsellers, opened the eyes of the Koreans about the needs of reform. Among the two most powerful diaries let us mention the Discourse on Northern Learning, Pukhakûi, in which Park Che-ga introduced new machines that were used in China for example the carts for good roads and agricultural machines. The other is Jehol Diary, Yôrha Ilgi by Park Chi-wôn who was fascinated by new Chinese building techniques like the use of bricks and who pointed out the backwardness of Korean economy.

The Northern Learning School fought for taking Korea out of its isolationism, to open its commerce to foreign countries, to modernize its transportation system, to develop the use of money. The Sirhak movement was at this stage not concentrating any more on agriculture but was aspiring to the modernization of Korea in economy and commerce.

Scholars of the School of Northern Learning were not just keen in introducing new technical tools in Korea. They were talented in writing, writing diaries as mentioned before but also literary essays, short stories that formed the beginning of Korean novels. The most popular of them, still today, is Park Chi-wôn.

Park Chi-wôn wanted to show that Korean society was sick and needed urgent remedies to recover. Instead of philosophical or political discourses he chose the satirical genre of stories using humor and irony to sketch typical personages of society and to awaken the public to the urgent need of change. Among his most famous stories are Hosaeng chôn, The story of Master Hô, Yangban chôn, The story of a yangban or Hojil, A tiger’s reprimand.

For example The story of Master Ho, which at the beginning describes a scholar who is lost in his books and who cannot cope with the reality of the world, makes people laugh but at the same time think about the ills of Korean society. With a subtle talent Park Chi-wôn unveiled various problems such as the corruption in market monopoly, the existence of bandits, the poverty of many people and the difficulties of raising a family. But more importantly he wanted to get at the roots of these problems which for him were the yangban mentality, the incompetence of the government, the fossilization of the Neo-Confucian tradition and the incapacity to see how commerce should be the foundation of the nation.

Chông Yag-yong, Tasan (1762-1836)

The fruitful activity of the school of the Northern Learning happened at the best time of king Chôngjo. A young and brilliant man from the Chông family was watching these developments with a great interest. His name was Tasan who may be presently the most published on and the most appreciated for his innovative vision among the Sirhak thinkers.

The Chông family who included four brothers and a sister has been immortalized by the exceptional intelligence and dedication of its children but also by its close connection with the birth of the Korean Catholic Church at the end of the 18th century. The third son, Yak-chong, was among the first martyrs in 1801. His wife and children Paul and Elizabeth have been canonized by John-Paul the 2d in 1984. Therefore Tasan’s nephew Paul Hasang Chông, one of the key organizers of the Catholic Church and who made come to Korea French missionaries became the Korean Saint Paul.

Tasan was the 4th son of the Chông family and as the youngest he benefited from the example of his brothers, relatives and friends of the extended family. At a young age he devoured the books of his family’s library and was talented at writing. He was to become the Korean scholar who wrote the most numerous books in Chinese characters. Although his family was one of destitute families of the Namin party a lot of activities were happening since the new king Chôngjo was noticing the potential talent of such families.

The Chông and the Kwôn families among others attended a particular event during the winter of 1779 in a Buddhist temple at Ch’ônjinam. They met to discuss in depth the numerous documents they had received from Korean missions to China. These documents were books on Western science or on Catholic doctrine. Tasan may have been present. In that same year king Chôngjo called important scholars of the Northern Learning to the kyujanggak.

A relative of the Chông family Yi Pyôk (1754-1786) is supposed to have introduced the Catholic doctrine to Tasan who was very moved and attended several church meetings organized unofficially. He even taught Catholic principles to some Sônggyun’gwan students when he was studying there.

Time at the kyujanggak

Tasan succeeded the civil service examination in 1783 at the young age of 21. The following year king Chôngjo asked a series of questions on the Doctrine of the Mean to the students of the royal academy. He was astonished by the answers of Tasan and called him to join the kyujanggak. From that moment on their relation remained very close until the king died in 1800.

This constituted a glorious period for Tasan when he could work close to the king at research projects on one hand related to sciences and on another hand to the reforms of the country. Although he did not go to China he was enthusiastic about the new approach introduced by the scholars of the Northern Learning. His writings during that period were for example on technology, Girye non, geography, Jirichaek, reforms in the administration, Inje chaek. It was an intense discovery and a creative time for Tasan. One of the intellectual forces moving him was Sông-ho Yi Ik whom he considered as his master because he opened him to the infinite of the universe. Tasan attended meetings on Sôngho to explore the Master’s thought.

At the same time, as we saw with the left and right schools issued from Yi Ik, a tension was developing between those who worked at the transformation of Korea in contact with Western ideas and those who converted to Catholicism and gave the priority to the religious study and to the evangelization of their fellow-men.

The question has never been fully clarified but Tasan struggled within the complex situation of Korea. He had a great career in front of him and people talked about him as a possible future Prime minister. He wanted before all to help the king, who had full confidence in him, to achieve a real enlightenment and a practical transformation of Korea.

However suspicions mounted against Tasan and his family. As early as 1785 and 1787 incidents happened and powerful enemies like Yi Ki-gyông and Hong Nak-an denounced Tasan to the king for his affiliation to the Catholic church. His dear friend Yi Pyôk died in strange circumstances in 1787. A scandal happened in the maternal branch of Tasan’s family when a funeral was conducted according to Catholic rites in 1791. This was interpreted as a betrayal of the Confucian rites and an offence to the Korean law.

From that moment on Tasan was caught in a whirlwind of events and critiques but the king never failed to protect him. In 1794 the king even sent Tasan in a provincial mission to silence his enemies. But Tasan finally resigned from his position in 1799 not to importune the king any more. Chôngjo called him back but suddenly died in June 1800.

Time in exile

As the future king was too young the queen dowager seized power only to take revenge against all the reformers like Tasan. She used the pretext of the Catholic Church that she called a perverse religion and launched in 1801 a bloody persecution. Tasan seems to have renounced his faith. He nearly escaped death and was exiled in Kangjin down the south of the country.

Tasan recognized later that, had he stay in the palace of Seoul, he would never have achieved the same depth of study and of vision. His enemies thought to have got rid of him; he was living among peasant in a remote place, considered as a criminal. However Tasan turned around his situation into something positive. On one hand he studied and wrote ceaselessly. On another hand he progressively made friends with farmers and all kinds of poor people. He exchanged with Buddhist monks like Aam and Ch’oûi, sharing with them the Buddhist texts and the Confucian classics.

In a word, during that period Tasan lived truly what was the ideal of sirhak or enlightenment. He could discuss on the complex philosophical issues of the Book of Changes or enjoy talks about poetry or painting. But at the same time he was present among farmers advising them on how to improve the tilling of their land. He initiated with some eminent Buddhists a replanting of tea trees in the south-west of Korea as it had been neglected for a long time. Tea was a great affair not just in growing tea but in the way it was harvested, in the preparation of the drink and in the ritual according to which it was tasted.

During his exile Tasan worked at living a message behind him. One way was to transmit his ideas through teaching. He took the time to give lectures to 18 disciples in the little pavilion that he built himself not far from the sea. He wrote also often to his family particularly his sons to guide them in relation to important matters but he was never satisfied of their achievement.

A more powerful way for him to reach future generations was through his writing. During that period he concentrated first on the Book of Changes, writing in 1805 an analysis of the Yijing, the Chuyôksachôn. Besides a reflection on the Book of Odes in 1809 he wrote on numerous subjects such as politics, ethics, economy, natural sciences, medicine and music.

Time in Majae

When Tasan was pardoned in 1819 by king Sunjo, his life remained precarious. That is why he called his house Yôyudang, to live cautiously. Yôyudang is also the name of the collection of his complete works. Although some personalities would have liked that he comes back to the government, others were still holding threats of death against him. Tasan during that time met less people and kept deeply thinking and writing.

In a few years Tasan wrote many important works on jurisprudence Hûmhûmsinsô (1819), on linguistics, Aônkagbi (1819), on diplomacy, Sadekoryesanbo (1820), on the art of governing, Mongminsimsô or on the administration, Kyôngsesiryông (1822)… Among these works The art of governing is considered as the masterpiece of Tasan because it attempts to bring into practice the Confucian ideal within a modern context. Some of his words continue to resound:

“Integrity is the essential duty of the person who governs; it is the source of all goods and the root of all virtues. Nobody is able to govern without integrity.” […] “The judiciary action in conformity to moral duties is related to the unchanging principles of Heaven and in each case one must give the sentence with the greatest exactitude.” […] “The ferocity of the powerful and of the rich inoculates poison to the small people and causes them diseases. The harms are so numerous that it is not possible to enumerate them.” (The art of governing)


3. The Korean Sirhak and the search of a new creativity

The Korean Sirhak has recently inspired anew Asian and Western scholars and among the Sirhak thinkers Tasan holds a prominent place. Although the world has become westernized in many ways local cultures have their own important contributions to make.

Professor Ge Rong jin, director of the Eastern culture research Institute at the Academy of social sciences in Beijing university wrote in 2002 a book on the History of Korean Sirhak from the late 17th to the 19th century. “In this time of open market China is in need of a vision. In addition to the historic mission of modernization, our society confronts numerous pot-modernization problems, moral crisis, ethical crisis… The China-Korea-Japan practical school should suggest solutions to the issues arising in the 21st century…. That is a significant historic mission.” (Korean Arirang channel)

Professor Ogawa Haruhisa of Nishogakusha University in Tokyo also wrote books on the Cultural history of Chosôn (Korea) and on Chosôn sirhak and Japan with a comparative approach: “Our mission in the 21st century is to restore sincerity. The solution is not as simplistic as to return to the 18th century but we must rediscover those precious things that have been lost in the modern world. The Korean sirhak of the 17-18th centuries becomes relevant to modern East Asia.”

Professor Ogawa Haruhisa is very impressed by Tasan:

“In addition to egalitarian ideas, Chông Yag-yong Tasan provided something precious that had been lost at that time. He has these elements that we must learn and revive in these modern times. He formed his philosophy despite his sufferings in exile. I think he will be of interest to contemporary scholars for a long time.” (Korean Arirang channel)

Professor Peng Lin at Qinghua university, Beijing teaches the Chinese classics and has a special interest in Tasan’s study of rituals. He published in the 1980’s research papers on Tasan in the Sônggyun’gwan Journal of East Asian Studies.

“Tasan devoted great efforts in studying rites, to understanding and bringing recognition to traditional culture. I believe that Tasan’s study of rites is highly unique. He studied all the three fields in the study of ritual and this was not common even among Chinese scholars. Many can achieve only partial understanding even after a lifetime study, but Tasan studied all the ritual fields and his research is truly astounding. He wanted to create an ideal society by starting with what already existed. This shows Tasan’s humanistic interest and that intrigues me.”

Professor Don Baker at the Asia Center of the University of British Columbia, Canada, is interested in Tasan for his role as an intellectual in a period of transition.

“I think that in the 21st century we still need to adopt Tasan’s spirit, what I call moral pragmatism. He was a very pragmatic man. He looked at problems and said ‘how can we solve them’. But also he always kept his moral values at the front. We often have in society a material progress for the sake of material progress. Tasan wanted a material progress but a progress that creates a more moral society, therefore I call it moral pragmatism and I think that we still need such spirit today.”


These remarks by some foreign scholars show the importance of Korean Sirak in the 17-19th centuries but also the new interest it creates today. Asian people are reflecting on the consequences of the fast development and they are looking for inspiration to overcome the ill effects of this development.

In fact the present situation in Asia is a bit similar to what the sirhak thinkers were facing in their time. Western science and technology cannot be avoided because they have allowed overcoming poverty and initiating prosperity. But this development needs to be balanced by strengthening humanistic values. Here, as the foreign scholars mentioned above said, Korean Sirhak thinkers can be of a great help.

Much remains to be done and the cooperation between Korean and foreign scholars is of great importance to continue researching in a creative way on the Asian and Korean Sirhak and to introduce them worldwide. For example other figures like Kim Ch’ông-hûi (1786-1856) and later on Ch’oe Han-gi (1803-1877) would deserve a great attention. The Asian Studies research center of Sônggyun’gwan has selected recently Ch’oe Han-gi as a new field of research and younger scholars are specializing on Ch’oe Han-gi’s thought like professor Kim Yong-hôn of Hanyang University for whom Ch’oe has made great efforts to develop a new system of thought in a changing time and for that continues to give us light today..


REFERENCES

- Korean Philosophy: Its tradition and modern transformation, Hollym-UNESCO, Seoul, 2004. - Sources of Korean Tradition, vol I & II, Peter Lee and Theodore de Bary, Don Baker Editors, Columbia University Press & UNESCO, New York, 1997. - Kichung KIM, An Introduction to Classical Korean Literature, M.E. Sharpe, 1996. - Ki-baik LEE, A New History of Korea, Translated by Edward Wagner and Edward Shultz, Ilchokak, 1984.


External Links

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Chon, Syngboc. 1984. Korean thinkers: pioneers of silhak (practical learning). Seoul, Korea: Si-sa-yong-o-sa. OCLC: 15695650
  • Hanʼguk Sasangsa Yŏnʼguhoe. 1996. Sirhak ŭi chʻŏrhak. Hanʼguk chʻŏrhak chʻongsŏ, 7. Sŏul-si: Yemun Sŏwŏn. ISBN 9788976460479
  • Paek, Pong Hyon. 1981. Silhak scholarship in Yi Korea. Thesis (Ph. D.)—Harvard University, 1981. OCLC: 8381740

See also

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