Encyclopedia, Difference between revisions of "Jürgen Habermas" - New World

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After the war, in 1946, Habermas enrolled in the University of Bonn. There, he came under influence of thinkers such as [[Marx]], [[Hegel]], and [[Georg Lukacs]]. He received his Ph.D. in 1954. Habermas burst onto the [[Germany|German]] intellectual scene soon after, with an influential critique of the [[philosophy]] of [[Martin Heidegger]].  
 
After the war, in 1946, Habermas enrolled in the University of Bonn. There, he came under influence of thinkers such as [[Marx]], [[Hegel]], and [[Georg Lukacs]]. He received his Ph.D. in 1954. Habermas burst onto the [[Germany|German]] intellectual scene soon after, with an influential critique of the [[philosophy]] of [[Martin Heidegger]].  
  
Habermas had studied [[philosophy]] and [[sociology]] at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University of Frankfurt am Main since 1956, under the critical theorists [[Max Horkheimer]] and [[Theodor Adorno]]. However, because of a rift over his dissertation between the two—Horkheimer believed that Habermas was too radical and had made unacceptable demands for revision—as well as his own belief that the Frankfurt School had become paralyzed with politicial skepticism and disdain for modern culture, he took his ''Habilitation'' in [[political science]] at the University of Marburg under Wolfgang Abendroth, one of the new [[Marxism|Marxist]] professors in Germany at the time.  
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Habermas had studied [[philosophy]] and [[sociology]] at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University of Frankfurt am Main since 1956, under critical theorists [[Max Horkheimer]] and [[Theodor Adorno]]. However, because of a rift over his dissertation between the two—Horkheimer believed that Habermas was too radical and had made unacceptable demands for revision—as well as his own belief that the [[Frankfurt School]] had become paralyzed with politicial skepticism and disdain for modern culture, he took his ''Habilitation'' in [[political science]] at the University of Marburg under Wolfgang Abendroth, one of the new [[Marxism|Marxist]] professors in Germany.  
  
In 1961, Habermas became a ''privatdozent'' in Marburg, and very unusual in the German academic scene at that time, he was called to an "extraordinary professorship" of philosophy at the [[University of Heidelberg]]* (at the instigation of [[Hans-Georg Gadamer]] and [[Karl Löwith]]) in 1962. In 1964, strongly supported by Adorno, Habermas returned to Frankfurt to take over Horkheimer's chair in philosophy and sociology.  
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In 1961, Habermas became a ''privatdozent'' in Marburg, and in an unusual move for the German academic scene at that time, he was called to an "extraordinary professorship" of philosophy at the [[University of Heidelberg]]* (at the instigation of [[Hans-Georg Gadamer]] and [[Karl Löwith]]) in 1962. In 1964, strongly supported by Adorno, Habermas returned to Frankfurt to take over Horkheimer's chair in philosophy and [[sociology]].  
  
He accepted the position of Director of the [[Max Planck Institute]] in Starnberg, (near Munich) in 1971, and worked there until 1983, two years after the publication of his masterpiece ''The Theory of Communicative Action''. Habermas then returned to his chair at Frankfurt and the directorship of the Institute for Social Research.  
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He accepted the position of director of the [[Max Planck Institute]] in Starnberg, (near Munich) in 1971, and worked there until 1983, two years after the publication of his masterpiece ''The Theory of Communicative Action''. Habermas then returned to his chair at Frankfurt and the directorship of the Institute for Social Research.  
  
Since retiring from Frankfurt in 1993, Habermas continued to publish extensively. In 1986, he received the Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Prize of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, which is the highest honor awarded in German research. He was also appointed Permanent Visiting Professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, in the [[United States]].
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In 1986, he received the Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Prize of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, which is the highest honor awarded in German research. He was also appointed Permanent Visiting Professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, in the [[United States]]. Since retiring from Frankfurt in 1993, Habermas continued to publish extensively.  
  
Habermas visited the [[People's Republic of China]] in April 2001, and received a warm welcome. He gave numerous speeches under titles such as "Nation-States under the Pressure of Globalization." Habermas was also the 2004 Kyoto Laureate in the Arts and Philosophy section. He traveled to San Diego, and on March 5, 2005, as part of the University of San Diego's Kyoto Symposium, gave a speech entitled ''The Public Role of Religion in Secular Context'', regarding the evolution of separation of [[Church and State]] from neutrality to intense [[secularism]]. He received the 2005 Holberg International Memorial Prize.
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Habermas visited the [[People's Republic of China]] in April 2001, and received a warm welcome. He gave numerous speeches under titles such as "Nation-States under the Pressure of Globalization." Habermas was also the 2004 Kyoto Laureate in the Arts and Philosophy section. He traveled to San Diego, and on March 5, 2005, as part of the University of San Diego's Kyoto Symposium, gave a speech entitled "The Public Role of Religion in Secular Context," regarding the evolution of the separation of [[Church and State]] from neutrality to intense [[secularism]]. He received the 2005 Holberg International Memorial Prize.
  
 
==Work==
 
==Work==
Habermas is an exceptionally difficult author to read. His works focused on the foundations of [[social theory]] and [[epistemology]]; the analysis of advanced [[capitalism|capitalist]] [[industrialization|industrial]] society and of [[democracy]]; the rule of [[law]] in a critical social-evolutionary context; and contemporary – especially German – [[politics]]. He developed a theoretical system devoted to revealing the possibility of [[reason]], emancipation, and rational-critical [[communication]] embedded in modern [[Liberalism|liberal]] institutions, and in the human capabilities to communicate, deliberate, and pursue rational interests.
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Habermas' writings are complex, focusing on such varied themes as the foundations of [[social theory]] and [[epistemology]]; the analysis of advanced [[capitalism|capitalist]] [[industrialization|industrial]] society and of [[democracy]]; the rule of [[law]] in a critical social-evolutionary context; and contemporary, especially German, [[politics]]. He developed a theoretical system devoted to revealing the possibility of [[reason]], emancipation, and rational-critical [[communication]] embedded in modern [[Liberalism|liberal]] institutions, and in the human capabilities to communicate, deliberate, and pursue rational interests.
  
 
Habermas has integrated into a comprehensive framework of [[social theory]] and [[philosophy]] an extreme wealth of ideas:
 
Habermas has integrated into a comprehensive framework of [[social theory]] and [[philosophy]] an extreme wealth of ideas:
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* the [[linguistic philosophy]] and speech act theories of [[Ludwig Wittgenstein]], [[J.L. Austin]], and [[John Searle]]
 
* the [[linguistic philosophy]] and speech act theories of [[Ludwig Wittgenstein]], [[J.L. Austin]], and [[John Searle]]
 
* the American [[Pragmatism|pragmatist tradition]] of [[Charles Sanders Peirce]] and [[John Dewey]], and the sociological systems theory of [[Talcott Parsons]] and Niklas Luhmann.
 
* the American [[Pragmatism|pragmatist tradition]] of [[Charles Sanders Peirce]] and [[John Dewey]], and the sociological systems theory of [[Talcott Parsons]] and Niklas Luhmann.
* [[neo-Kantian]] thought
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* the [[moral psychology|theories of moral development]] of [[Jean Piaget]] and [[Lawrence Kohlberg]]
  
Jürgen Habermas considers his own major achievement to be the development of the concept and theory of "communicative reason" or "communicative rationality," which distinguishes itself from the [[rationalism|rationalist tradition]] by locating rationality in structures of interpersonal linguistic [[communication]] rather than in the structure of either the [[cosmos]] or the knowing subject. This [[social theory]] advances the goals of human emancipation, while maintaining an inclusive [[universalist]] [[morality|moral]] framework. This framework rests on the argument called universal pragmatics—that all speech acts have an inherent ''[[telos]] ''(the [[Greek language|Greek]] word for "purpose" or "goal")—the goal of mutual understanding, and that human beings possess the communicative competence to bring about such understanding. Habermas built the framework out of the speech-act philosophy of [[Ludwig Wittgenstein]], [[J. L. Austin]], and [[John Searle]], the sociological theory of the interactional constitution of [[mind]] and [[self]] of [[George Herbert Mead]], the [[moral psychology|theories of moral development]] of [[Jean Piaget]] and [[Lawrence Kohlberg]], and the discourse ethics of his Heidelberg colleague Karl-Otto Apel.
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Jürgen Habermas considers his own major achievement to be the development of the concept and theory of "communicative reason" or "communicative rationality," which distinguishes itself from the [[rationalism|rationalist tradition]] by locating rationality in structures of interpersonal linguistic [[communication]] rather than in the structure of either the objective world or the knowing subject. This social theory advances the goals of human emancipation, while maintaining an inclusive [[universalist]] [[morality|moral]] framework. This framework rests on the argument called universal pragmatics—that all speech acts have an inherent ''[[telos]] ''(the [[Greek language|Greek]] word for "purpose" or "goal")—the goal of mutual understanding, and that human beings possess the communicative competence to bring about such understanding.
  
He carried forward the traditions of Kant and the [[Enlightenment]] and of democratic socialism through his emphasis on the potential for transforming the world and arriving at a more humane, just, and egalitarian society through the realization of the human potential for reason, in part through discourse ethics. While Habermas conceded that the Enlightenment is an "unfinished project," he argued it should be corrected and complemented, not discarded. In this he distanced himself from the Frankfurt School, criticizing it and much of postmodernist thought for excessive pessimism, misdirected radicalism, and exaggeration.
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Habermas carried forward the traditions of Kant and the [[Enlightenment]] and of democratic socialism through his emphasis on the potential for transforming the world and arriving at a more humane, just, and egalitarian society through the realization of the human potential for reason, in part through discourse ethics. While he conceded that the Enlightenment is an "unfinished project," he argued it should be corrected and complemented, not discarded. In this he distanced himself from the [[Frankfurt School]], criticizing it and much of postmodernist thought for excessive pessimism, misdirected radicalism, and exaggeration.
  
Within sociology, Habermas' major contribution is the development of a comprehensive theory of societal evolution and modernization, focusing on the difference between communicative rationality and rationalization on the one hand and strategic/instrumental rationality and rationalization on the other. This includes a critique from a communicative standpoint of the differentiation-based theory of social systems developed by Niklas Luhmann, a student of Talcott Parsons.
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Within sociology, Habermas' major contribution is the development of a comprehensive theory of societal evolution and [[modernization]], focusing on the difference between communicative rationality and rationalization on the one hand and strategic/instrumental rationality and rationalization on the other.
  
His defense of modernity and civil society has been a source of inspiration to others, and is considered a major philosophical alternative to the varieties of [[poststructuralism]]. He has also offered an influential analysis of late [[capitalism]]
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Habermas sees the rationalization, humanization, and democratization of society in terms of the institutionalization of the potential for rationality that is inherent in the communicative competence that is unique to the human species. Habermas believes communicative competence has developed through the course of [[evolution]], but in contemporary society it is often suppressed or weakened by the way in which major domains of social life, such as the [[market]], the [[state]], and organizations, have been given over to or taken over by strategic/instrumental rationality, so that the logic of the system supplants that of the "lifeworld" (the lived realm of culturally-grounded relationships and identities),
  
Habermas sees the rationalization, humanization, and democratization of society in terms of the institutionalization of the potential for rationality that is inherent in the communicative competence that is unique to the human species. Habermas believes communicative competence has developed through the course of [[evolution]], but in contemporary society it is often suppressed or weakened by the way in which major domains of social life, such as the [[market]], the [[state]], and organizations, have been given over to or taken over by strategic/instrumental rationality, so that the logic of the system supplants that of the "lifeworld."
+
His defense of modernity and civil society has been a source of inspiration to others, and is considered a major philosophical alternative to [[poststructuralism]]. He has also offered an influential analysis of late [[capitalism]].
  
 
===The public sphere===
 
===The public sphere===
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[[Image:2004 katholische-akademie-habermas-ratzinger 1-799x533.jpg|thumb|250px|Jürgen Habermas (left) speaking with Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, now [[Pope Benedict XVI]], 2004.]]
 
[[Image:2004 katholische-akademie-habermas-ratzinger 1-799x533.jpg|thumb|250px|Jürgen Habermas (left) speaking with Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, now [[Pope Benedict XVI]], 2004.]]
 
Jürgen Habermas wrote extensively on the concept of the "public sphere," using accounts of dialogue that took place in coffee houses in eighteenth century [[England]]. Habermas argued that it was this public sphere of rational debate on matters of political importance, made possible by the development of the bourgeois culture centered around coffeehouses, intellectual and literary salons, and the [[print media]] that helped to make parliamentary [[democracy]] possible, and which promoted [[Enlightenment]] ideals of equality, human rights, and justice. The public sphere was guided by a [[norm]] of rational argumentation and critical discussion, in which the strength of one's argument was more important than one's identity.
 
Jürgen Habermas wrote extensively on the concept of the "public sphere," using accounts of dialogue that took place in coffee houses in eighteenth century [[England]]. Habermas argued that it was this public sphere of rational debate on matters of political importance, made possible by the development of the bourgeois culture centered around coffeehouses, intellectual and literary salons, and the [[print media]] that helped to make parliamentary [[democracy]] possible, and which promoted [[Enlightenment]] ideals of equality, human rights, and justice. The public sphere was guided by a [[norm]] of rational argumentation and critical discussion, in which the strength of one's argument was more important than one's identity.
 +
 +
Habermas described this sphere in terms of both the actual infrastructure that supported it, and the norms and practices that helped the critical political discourse flourish. He distinguished between looking at the public sphere as a concept and as a historical formation. In his view, the idea of the public sphere involved the notion that private entities would draw together as a public entity and engage in rational deliberation, ultimately making decisions that would influence the state. As a historical formation, the public sphere involved a "space" separated from [[family]] life, the [[business]] world, and the [[state]].
  
 
According to Habermas, a variety of factors resulted in the eventual decay of the bourgeois public sphere of the Enlightenment. Most importantly, structural forces, particularly the growth of a [[commerce|commercial]] [[mass media]], resulted in a situation in which the media became more of a commodity— something to be consumed—rather than a tool for public discourse.  
 
According to Habermas, a variety of factors resulted in the eventual decay of the bourgeois public sphere of the Enlightenment. Most importantly, structural forces, particularly the growth of a [[commerce|commercial]] [[mass media]], resulted in a situation in which the media became more of a commodity— something to be consumed—rather than a tool for public discourse.  
  
Habermas described this sphere in terms of both the actual infrastructure that supported it, and the norms and practices that helped the critical political discourse flourish. He distinguished between looking at the public sphere as a concept and as a historical formation. In his view, the idea of the public sphere involved the notion that private entities would draw together as a public entity and engage in rational deliberation, ultimately making decisions that would influence the state. As a historical formation, the public sphere involved a "space" separated from [[family]] life, the [[business]] world, and the [[state]].
+
In his magnum opus, ''Theory of Communicative Action'' (1984) he criticized the one-sided process of [[modernization]] led by forces of economic and administrative rationalization. Habermas traced the growing intervention of formal systems in our everyday lives as parallel to development of the [[welfare state]], [[coporation|corporate]] [[capitalism]], and the culture of mass [[consumption]]. These reinforcing trends rationalize widening areas of public life, submitting them to generalizing logic of efficiency and control. As routinized political parties and interest groups substitute for participatory democracy, society is increasingly administered at a level remote from the input of its citizens. As a result, boundaries between public and private, the individual and society, the system and the "lifeworld" deteriorate. Democratic public life only thrives where institutions enable citizens to debate matters of public importance. He described the "ideal speech situation," where actors are equally endowed with the capacities of discourse, recognize each other's basic social equality, and in which their [[speech]] is completely undistorted by [[ideology]] or misrecognition.
 
 
In his magnum opus, ''Theory of Communicative Action'' (1984) Habermas criticized the one-sided process of [[modernization]] led by forces of economic and administrative rationalization. Habermas traced the growing intervention of formal systems in our everyday lives as parallel to development of the [[welfare state]], [[coporation|corporate]] [[capitalism]], and the culture of mass [[consumption]]. These reinforcing trends rationalize widening areas of public life, submitting them to generalizing logic of efficiency and control. As routinized political parties and interest groups substitute for participatory democracy, society is increasingly administered at a level remote from the input of its citizens. As a result, boundaries between public and private, the individual and society, the system and the "lifeworld" deteriorate. Democratic public life only thrives where institutions enable citizens to debate matters of public importance. He described an ideal type of "ideal speech situation"[http://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&vid=ISBN0802087612&id=tKDU3l3cq60C&pg=PA49&lpg=PA49&dq=ideal+speech+situation&sig=EsYFyIjaDQsWsYWUgtjvMK-13gU], where actors are equally endowed with the capacities of discourse, recognize each other's basic social equality, and in which their [[speech]] is completely undistorted by [[ideology]] or misrecognition.
 
  
 
Habermas, however, remained optimistic about the possibilty of the revival of the public sphere. He sees hope for the future in the new era of political community that transcends the national state, based on ethnic and cultural likeness, into one based on the equal rights and obligations of legally vested citizens. This discoursive theory of democracy requires a political community which can collectively define its political will and implement it as policy at the level of the [[legislative system]]. This [[political system]] requires an activist public sphere, where matters of common interest and political issues can be discussed, and the force of [[public opinion]] can influence the decision-making process.
 
Habermas, however, remained optimistic about the possibilty of the revival of the public sphere. He sees hope for the future in the new era of political community that transcends the national state, based on ethnic and cultural likeness, into one based on the equal rights and obligations of legally vested citizens. This discoursive theory of democracy requires a political community which can collectively define its political will and implement it as policy at the level of the [[legislative system]]. This [[political system]] requires an activist public sphere, where matters of common interest and political issues can be discussed, and the force of [[public opinion]] can influence the decision-making process.
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Habermas is famous as an outspoken, public intellectual. Most notably, in the 1980s he used the popular press to attack historians Ernst Nolte and Andreas Hillgruber, who, arguably, had tried to demarcate [[Nazism|Nazi]] rule and the [[Holocaust]] from the mainstream of German history, explaining away Nazism as a reaction to [[Bolshevism]], and partially rehabilitating the reputation of the [[Wehrmacht]] (German Army) during [[World War II]]. This so-called ''Historikerstreit'' ("Historians' Quarrel") was not at all one-sided, because Habermas was himself attacked by scholars such as Joachim Fest and Klaus Hildebrand.  
 
Habermas is famous as an outspoken, public intellectual. Most notably, in the 1980s he used the popular press to attack historians Ernst Nolte and Andreas Hillgruber, who, arguably, had tried to demarcate [[Nazism|Nazi]] rule and the [[Holocaust]] from the mainstream of German history, explaining away Nazism as a reaction to [[Bolshevism]], and partially rehabilitating the reputation of the [[Wehrmacht]] (German Army) during [[World War II]]. This so-called ''Historikerstreit'' ("Historians' Quarrel") was not at all one-sided, because Habermas was himself attacked by scholars such as Joachim Fest and Klaus Hildebrand.  
  
Habermas continued to be outspoken, such as in his opposition to the invasion of [[Iraq]] in 2003.
+
Habermas has continued to be outspoken, as in his opposition to the invasion of [[Iraq]] in 2003.
  
 
=== Habermas and Derrida ===
 
=== Habermas and Derrida ===
Habermas and [[Jacques Derrida]] engaged in somewhat acrimonious disputes beginning in the 1980s, what culminated in a refusal of extended debate and talking past one another. Following Habermas' publication of "Beyond a Temporalized Philosophy of Origins: Derrida" (in ''The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity''), Derrida, citing Habermas as an example, remarked that, "those who have accused me of reducing philosophy to literature or logic to rhetoric ... have visibly and carefully avoided reading me" ("Is There a Philosophical Language?," p. 218, in ''Points...''). Others prominent in [[deconstruction]], notably [[Jean-François Lyotard]], engaged in more extended polemics against Habermas, whereas others, such as [[Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe]], found these polemics counterproductive.  
+
Habermas and [[Jacques Derrida]] engaged in somewhat acrimonious disputes beginning in the 1980s, that culminated in a refusal to continue the communication. Following Habermas' publication of "Beyond a Temporalized Philosophy of Origins: Derrida" (in ''The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity''), Derrida, citing Habermas as an example, remarked that, "those who have accused me of reducing philosophy to literature or logic to rhetoric ... have visibly and carefully avoided reading me" ("Is There a Philosophical Language?," p. 218, in ''Points...''). Others prominent in [[deconstruction]], notably [[Jean-François Lyotard]], engaged in more extended diatribes against Habermas, whereas others, such as [[Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe]], found these polemics counterproductive.  
  
In the aftermath of [[September 11, 2001 attacks|9/11]], Derrida and Habermas established a limited political solidarity and put their previous disputes behind them in the interest of "friendly and open-minded interchange," as Habermas put it. After laying out their individual opinions on 9/11 in Giovanna Borradori's ''Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida,'' Derrida wrote a foreword expressing his unqualified subscription to Habermas' declaration, "February 15, or, What Binds Europeans Together: Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in Core Europe,” in ''Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe'' (Levy  2005). Habermas offered further context for this declaration in an interview  with Eduardo Mendieta.  
+
In the aftermath of [[September 11, 2001 attacks|9/11]], Derrida and Habermas established a limited political solidarity and put their previous disputes behind them, in the interest of "friendly and open-minded interchange," as Habermas put it. After laying out their individual opinions on 9/11 in Giovanna Borradori's ''Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida,'' Derrida wrote a foreword expressing his unqualified subscription to Habermas' declaration, "February 15, or, What Binds Europeans Together: Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in Core Europe,” in ''Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe'' (Levy  2005). Habermas offered further context for this declaration in an interview  with Eduardo Mendieta.  
  
 
Quite distinct from this, Geoffrey Bennington (1996), a close associate of Derrida's, in a further conciliatory gesture, offered an account of deconstruction intended to provide some mutual intelligibility. Derrida was already extremely ill by the time the two had begun their new exchange, and the two were not able to develop this such that they could substantially revisit previous disagreements or find more profound terms of discussion before Derrida's death. Nevertheless, this late collaboration encouraged other scholars to revisit the positions, recent and past, of both thinkers, vis-a-vis the other.
 
Quite distinct from this, Geoffrey Bennington (1996), a close associate of Derrida's, in a further conciliatory gesture, offered an account of deconstruction intended to provide some mutual intelligibility. Derrida was already extremely ill by the time the two had begun their new exchange, and the two were not able to develop this such that they could substantially revisit previous disagreements or find more profound terms of discussion before Derrida's death. Nevertheless, this late collaboration encouraged other scholars to revisit the positions, recent and past, of both thinkers, vis-a-vis the other.
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Habermas influenced numerous modern [[philosophy|philosophers]] and [[sociology|sociologists]]. Among his most prominent students have been the political sociologist Claus Offe (professor at [[Berlin, University of|Humboldt University of Berlin]]), the sociological theorist Hans Joas (professor at the Free University of Berlin and at the [[University of Chicago]]*), the theorist of societal [[evolution]] Klaus Eder, the social philosopher Axel Honneth (director of the Institute for Social Research), and the American philosopher Thomas A. McCarthy.
 
Habermas influenced numerous modern [[philosophy|philosophers]] and [[sociology|sociologists]]. Among his most prominent students have been the political sociologist Claus Offe (professor at [[Berlin, University of|Humboldt University of Berlin]]), the sociological theorist Hans Joas (professor at the Free University of Berlin and at the [[University of Chicago]]*), the theorist of societal [[evolution]] Klaus Eder, the social philosopher Axel Honneth (director of the Institute for Social Research), and the American philosopher Thomas A. McCarthy.
  
==References==
+
==Publications==
*Bennington, Geoffrey. 1996. [http://userwww.service.emory.edu/~gbennin/habermas.doc "Ex-Communication"] Paper delivered to the Social and Political Thought Seminar, University of Sussex, 4 March 1996: round table with Peter Dews and William Outhwaite
 
 
 
*Borradori, Giovanna. 2003. ''Philosophy in a Time of Terror : Dialogues with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida''. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226066649
 
 
 
*Derrida, Jacques. 1995. ''Points . . .: Interviews, 1974-1994''. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0804723958
 
 
 
*Levy, D., Pensky, M. & Torpey, J. (2005). ''Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War''. Verso. ISBN 184467018X
 
 
 
*Mendieta, Eduardo. [http://www.logosjournal.com/habermas_america.htm ''America and the World: A Conversation with Jürgen Habermas]
 
 
 
==Bibliography==
 
  
 
*Habermas, Jurgen. 1971. ''Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics'' (J.J. Shapiro, transl.; original work 1967). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807041777  
 
*Habermas, Jurgen. 1971. ''Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics'' (J.J. Shapiro, transl.; original work 1967). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807041777  
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*McCarthy, Thomas A. 1978. ''The Critical Theory of Jürgen Habermas''. MIT Press. ISBN 0262131382
 
*McCarthy, Thomas A. 1978. ''The Critical Theory of Jürgen Habermas''. MIT Press. ISBN 0262131382
 +
 +
==References==
 +
*Bennington, Geoffrey. 1996. [http://userwww.service.emory.edu/~gbennin/habermas.doc "Ex-Communication"] Paper delivered to the Social and Political Thought Seminar, University of Sussex, 4 March 1996: round table with Peter Dews and William Outhwaite
 +
 +
*Borradori, Giovanna. 2003. ''Philosophy in a Time of Terror : Dialogues with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida''. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226066649
 +
 +
*Derrida, Jacques. 1995. ''Points . . .: Interviews, 1974-1994''. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0804723958
 +
 +
*Levy, D., Pensky, M. & Torpey, J. (2005). ''Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War''. Verso. ISBN 184467018X
 +
 +
*Mendieta, Eduardo. [http://www.logosjournal.com/habermas_america.htm ''America and the World: A Conversation with Jürgen Habermas]
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
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*[http://habermasians.blogspot.com/  Habermasian Reflections blog]
 
*[http://habermasians.blogspot.com/  Habermasian Reflections blog]
 
*[http://www.georgetown.edu/faculty/bassr/gaynor/intro.htm Democracy in the Age of Information: A Reconception of the Public Sphere by Denis Gaynor]
 
*[http://www.georgetown.edu/faculty/bassr/gaynor/intro.htm Democracy in the Age of Information: A Reconception of the Public Sphere by Denis Gaynor]
 +
*[http://www.ucalgary.ca/~frank/habermas.html Notes on Habermas: Lifeworld and System]
 
*[http://www.signandsight.com/features/676.html ''Towards a United States of Europe''], by Jürgen Habermas, at signandsight.com
 
*[http://www.signandsight.com/features/676.html ''Towards a United States of Europe''], by Jürgen Habermas, at signandsight.com
  
 
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Revision as of 21:55, 7 September 2006


Jürgen Habermas (born June 18, 1929) is a German Neo-Marxist philosopher, political scientist, and sociologist in the tradition of critical theory, best known for his concept of the "public sphere."

Life

Jürgen Habermas was born in Düsseldorf, Germany, in 1929. His father, a director at the local seminary, was involved in the Nazi regime, and encouraged his son to join the Hitler Youth. Habermas was sent to the western front in the last months of WWII, when he was only 15 years old. After the Nuremberg trials, where the secrets of the concentration camps were revealed, Habermas came to realize the true nature of Nazi regime, something he had been fighting for. This experience changed his life, and is reflected in his philosophical works on political systems.

After the war, in 1946, Habermas enrolled in the University of Bonn. There, he came under influence of thinkers such as Marx, Hegel, and Georg Lukacs. He received his Ph.D. in 1954. Habermas burst onto the German intellectual scene soon after, with an influential critique of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger.

Habermas had studied philosophy and sociology at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University of Frankfurt am Main since 1956, under critical theorists Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno. However, because of a rift over his dissertation between the two—Horkheimer believed that Habermas was too radical and had made unacceptable demands for revision—as well as his own belief that the Frankfurt School had become paralyzed with politicial skepticism and disdain for modern culture, he took his Habilitation in political science at the University of Marburg under Wolfgang Abendroth, one of the new Marxist professors in Germany.

In 1961, Habermas became a privatdozent in Marburg, and in an unusual move for the German academic scene at that time, he was called to an "extraordinary professorship" of philosophy at the University of Heidelberg (at the instigation of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Karl Löwith) in 1962. In 1964, strongly supported by Adorno, Habermas returned to Frankfurt to take over Horkheimer's chair in philosophy and sociology.

He accepted the position of director of the Max Planck Institute in Starnberg, (near Munich) in 1971, and worked there until 1983, two years after the publication of his masterpiece The Theory of Communicative Action. Habermas then returned to his chair at Frankfurt and the directorship of the Institute for Social Research.

In 1986, he received the Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Prize of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, which is the highest honor awarded in German research. He was also appointed Permanent Visiting Professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, in the United States. Since retiring from Frankfurt in 1993, Habermas continued to publish extensively.

Habermas visited the People's Republic of China in April 2001, and received a warm welcome. He gave numerous speeches under titles such as "Nation-States under the Pressure of Globalization." Habermas was also the 2004 Kyoto Laureate in the Arts and Philosophy section. He traveled to San Diego, and on March 5, 2005, as part of the University of San Diego's Kyoto Symposium, gave a speech entitled "The Public Role of Religion in Secular Context," regarding the evolution of the separation of Church and State from neutrality to intense secularism. He received the 2005 Holberg International Memorial Prize.

Work

Habermas' writings are complex, focusing on such varied themes as the foundations of social theory and epistemology; the analysis of advanced capitalist industrial society and of democracy; the rule of law in a critical social-evolutionary context; and contemporary, especially German, politics. He developed a theoretical system devoted to revealing the possibility of reason, emancipation, and rational-critical communication embedded in modern liberal institutions, and in the human capabilities to communicate, deliberate, and pursue rational interests.

Habermas has integrated into a comprehensive framework of social theory and philosophy an extreme wealth of ideas:

Jürgen Habermas considers his own major achievement to be the development of the concept and theory of "communicative reason" or "communicative rationality," which distinguishes itself from the rationalist tradition by locating rationality in structures of interpersonal linguistic communication rather than in the structure of either the objective world or the knowing subject. This social theory advances the goals of human emancipation, while maintaining an inclusive universalist moral framework. This framework rests on the argument called universal pragmatics—that all speech acts have an inherent telos (the Greek word for "purpose" or "goal")—the goal of mutual understanding, and that human beings possess the communicative competence to bring about such understanding.

Habermas carried forward the traditions of Kant and the Enlightenment and of democratic socialism through his emphasis on the potential for transforming the world and arriving at a more humane, just, and egalitarian society through the realization of the human potential for reason, in part through discourse ethics. While he conceded that the Enlightenment is an "unfinished project," he argued it should be corrected and complemented, not discarded. In this he distanced himself from the Frankfurt School, criticizing it and much of postmodernist thought for excessive pessimism, misdirected radicalism, and exaggeration.

Within sociology, Habermas' major contribution is the development of a comprehensive theory of societal evolution and modernization, focusing on the difference between communicative rationality and rationalization on the one hand and strategic/instrumental rationality and rationalization on the other.

Habermas sees the rationalization, humanization, and democratization of society in terms of the institutionalization of the potential for rationality that is inherent in the communicative competence that is unique to the human species. Habermas believes communicative competence has developed through the course of evolution, but in contemporary society it is often suppressed or weakened by the way in which major domains of social life, such as the market, the state, and organizations, have been given over to or taken over by strategic/instrumental rationality, so that the logic of the system supplants that of the "lifeworld" (the lived realm of culturally-grounded relationships and identities),

His defense of modernity and civil society has been a source of inspiration to others, and is considered a major philosophical alternative to poststructuralism. He has also offered an influential analysis of late capitalism.

The public sphere

File:2004 katholische-akademie-habermas-ratzinger 1-799x533.jpg
Jürgen Habermas (left) speaking with Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI, 2004.

Jürgen Habermas wrote extensively on the concept of the "public sphere," using accounts of dialogue that took place in coffee houses in eighteenth century England. Habermas argued that it was this public sphere of rational debate on matters of political importance, made possible by the development of the bourgeois culture centered around coffeehouses, intellectual and literary salons, and the print media that helped to make parliamentary democracy possible, and which promoted Enlightenment ideals of equality, human rights, and justice. The public sphere was guided by a norm of rational argumentation and critical discussion, in which the strength of one's argument was more important than one's identity.

Habermas described this sphere in terms of both the actual infrastructure that supported it, and the norms and practices that helped the critical political discourse flourish. He distinguished between looking at the public sphere as a concept and as a historical formation. In his view, the idea of the public sphere involved the notion that private entities would draw together as a public entity and engage in rational deliberation, ultimately making decisions that would influence the state. As a historical formation, the public sphere involved a "space" separated from family life, the business world, and the state.

According to Habermas, a variety of factors resulted in the eventual decay of the bourgeois public sphere of the Enlightenment. Most importantly, structural forces, particularly the growth of a commercial mass media, resulted in a situation in which the media became more of a commodity— something to be consumed—rather than a tool for public discourse.

In his magnum opus, Theory of Communicative Action (1984) he criticized the one-sided process of modernization led by forces of economic and administrative rationalization. Habermas traced the growing intervention of formal systems in our everyday lives as parallel to development of the welfare state, corporate capitalism, and the culture of mass consumption. These reinforcing trends rationalize widening areas of public life, submitting them to generalizing logic of efficiency and control. As routinized political parties and interest groups substitute for participatory democracy, society is increasingly administered at a level remote from the input of its citizens. As a result, boundaries between public and private, the individual and society, the system and the "lifeworld" deteriorate. Democratic public life only thrives where institutions enable citizens to debate matters of public importance. He described the "ideal speech situation," where actors are equally endowed with the capacities of discourse, recognize each other's basic social equality, and in which their speech is completely undistorted by ideology or misrecognition.

Habermas, however, remained optimistic about the possibilty of the revival of the public sphere. He sees hope for the future in the new era of political community that transcends the national state, based on ethnic and cultural likeness, into one based on the equal rights and obligations of legally vested citizens. This discoursive theory of democracy requires a political community which can collectively define its political will and implement it as policy at the level of the legislative system. This political system requires an activist public sphere, where matters of common interest and political issues can be discussed, and the force of public opinion can influence the decision-making process.

Criticims of Habermas' notion regarding the public sphere have been expressed by several noted academics. John Thompson, sociology professor at the University of Cambridge, pointed out that Habermas' notion of the public sphere is antiquated due to the proliferation of mass media communications. Michael Schudson, from the University of California in San Diego, argued more generally that a public sphere as a place of purely rational independent debate never existed.

Historians' Quarrel

Habermas is famous as an outspoken, public intellectual. Most notably, in the 1980s he used the popular press to attack historians Ernst Nolte and Andreas Hillgruber, who, arguably, had tried to demarcate Nazi rule and the Holocaust from the mainstream of German history, explaining away Nazism as a reaction to Bolshevism, and partially rehabilitating the reputation of the Wehrmacht (German Army) during World War II. This so-called Historikerstreit ("Historians' Quarrel") was not at all one-sided, because Habermas was himself attacked by scholars such as Joachim Fest and Klaus Hildebrand.

Habermas has continued to be outspoken, as in his opposition to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Habermas and Derrida

Habermas and Jacques Derrida engaged in somewhat acrimonious disputes beginning in the 1980s, that culminated in a refusal to continue the communication. Following Habermas' publication of "Beyond a Temporalized Philosophy of Origins: Derrida" (in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity), Derrida, citing Habermas as an example, remarked that, "those who have accused me of reducing philosophy to literature or logic to rhetoric ... have visibly and carefully avoided reading me" ("Is There a Philosophical Language?," p. 218, in Points...). Others prominent in deconstruction, notably Jean-François Lyotard, engaged in more extended diatribes against Habermas, whereas others, such as Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, found these polemics counterproductive.

In the aftermath of 9/11, Derrida and Habermas established a limited political solidarity and put their previous disputes behind them, in the interest of "friendly and open-minded interchange," as Habermas put it. After laying out their individual opinions on 9/11 in Giovanna Borradori's Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida, Derrida wrote a foreword expressing his unqualified subscription to Habermas' declaration, "February 15, or, What Binds Europeans Together: Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in Core Europe,” in Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe (Levy 2005). Habermas offered further context for this declaration in an interview with Eduardo Mendieta.

Quite distinct from this, Geoffrey Bennington (1996), a close associate of Derrida's, in a further conciliatory gesture, offered an account of deconstruction intended to provide some mutual intelligibility. Derrida was already extremely ill by the time the two had begun their new exchange, and the two were not able to develop this such that they could substantially revisit previous disagreements or find more profound terms of discussion before Derrida's death. Nevertheless, this late collaboration encouraged other scholars to revisit the positions, recent and past, of both thinkers, vis-a-vis the other.

Legacy

Habermas influenced numerous modern philosophers and sociologists. Among his most prominent students have been the political sociologist Claus Offe (professor at Humboldt University of Berlin), the sociological theorist Hans Joas (professor at the Free University of Berlin and at the University of Chicago), the theorist of societal evolution Klaus Eder, the social philosopher Axel Honneth (director of the Institute for Social Research), and the American philosopher Thomas A. McCarthy.

Publications

  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1971. Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics (J.J. Shapiro, transl.; original work 1967). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807041777
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1972. Knowledge and Human Interests. (J.J. Shapiro, transl.). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807015415
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1975. Legitimation Crisis, (Thomas McCarthy, trans.; original work 1973). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807015210
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1985. Philosophical-Political Profiles, (Frederick Lawrence, trans.; original work 1983). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262580713
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1985. The Theory of Communicative Action, 2 vols. (original work 1981). Beacon Press. ISBN 0807015075
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1988. Theory and Practice (John Viertel, trans.; original work 1963). Beacon Press. ISBN 080701527X
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1990. On the Logic of the Social Sciences, (Shierry Weber Nicholsen & Jerry A. Stark, Trans.; original work 1967). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581043
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1990. The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, (Frederick Lawrence, trans.; original work 1985). Polity Press. ISBN 0745608302
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1991. Communication and the Evolution of Society, (original work 1976). Polity Press. ISBN 0745608469
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1991. The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians' Debate, (Shierry Weber Nicholson, trans.; original work 1985). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581078
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1991. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. (original work 1962). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581086
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1992. Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, (Christian Lenhardt & Shierry Weber Nicholsen, trans.; original work 1983). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581183
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1994. Justification and Application, (Ciaran P. Cronin, trans.; original work 1991). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581361
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1994. Postmetaphysical Thinking, (WilliamMark Hohengarten, trans.; original work 1988). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581302
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1997. A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany (Modern German Culture and Literature). (Steven Rendall, trans.). University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0803273061
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 1998. Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, (William Rehg, transl.; original work 1992). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581620
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2000. The Inclusion of the Other: Studies in Political Theory, (original work 1996). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581868
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2000. On the Pragmatics of Communication, (original work 1992). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262581876
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2001. On the Pragmatics of Social Interaction, (original work 1976). Polity Press. ISBN 0745625517
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2001. The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays, (original work 1998). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262582066
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2002. Rationality and Religion: Essays on Reason, God and Modernity, (original work 1998). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262582163
  • Habermas, Jurgen. 2005. Truth and Justification, (Barbara Fultner, transl.; original work 1998). The MIT Press. ISBN 0262582589

Works on Habermas

  • Eriksen, Erik Oddvar & Jarle Weigard, 2003. Understanding Habermas: Communicative Action and Deliberative Democracy. Continuum International Publishing. ISBN 082646064X
  • Finlayson, Gordon J. 2005. Habermas: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press. ISBN 0192840959
  • Geuss, Raymond. 1981. The Idea of a Critical Theory: Habermas and the Frankfurt School. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521284228
  • McCarthy, Thomas A. 1978. The Critical Theory of Jürgen Habermas. MIT Press. ISBN 0262131382

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Bennington, Geoffrey. 1996. "Ex-Communication" Paper delivered to the Social and Political Thought Seminar, University of Sussex, 4 March 1996: round table with Peter Dews and William Outhwaite
  • Borradori, Giovanna. 2003. Philosophy in a Time of Terror : Dialogues with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226066649
  • Derrida, Jacques. 1995. Points . . .: Interviews, 1974-1994. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0804723958
  • Levy, D., Pensky, M. & Torpey, J. (2005). Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War. Verso. ISBN 184467018X

External links

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