Difference between revisions of "Civil disobedience" - New World Encyclopedia

From New World Encyclopedia
(Claimed)
(43 intermediate revisions by 7 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
 
[[Category:Politics and social sciences]]
 
[[Category:Politics and social sciences]]
 
[[Category:Law]]
 
[[Category:Law]]
{{Claimed}}
+
[[Category:Sociology]]
 +
{{Submitted}}{{Images OK}}{{Approved}}{{Paid}}{{copyedited}}
 +
[[Image:Gandhi Salt March.jpg|thumb|400px|right|[[Gandhi]] during the Salt March (1930)]]
 +
'''Civil disobedience''' encompasses the active refusal to obey certain [[law]]s, demands, and commands of a [[government]] or of an occupying power without resorting to physical violence. Based on the position that laws can be unjust, and that there are [[human rights]] that supersede such laws, civil disobedience developed in an effort to achieve [[social change]] when all channels of negotiation failed. The act of civil disobedience involves the breaking of a law, and as such is a [[crime]] and the participants expect and are willing to suffer [[punishment]] in order to make their case known.
 +
{{toc}}
 +
Civil disobedience has been used successfully in nonviolent resistance movements in [[India]] ([[Mahatma Gandhi]]'s [[social welfare]] campaigns and campaigns to speed up independence from the [[British Empire]]), in [[South Africa]] in the fight against [[apartheid]], and in the [[African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968)|American Civil Rights Movement]], among others. Until all people live under conditions in which their human rights are fully met, and there is prosperity and [[happiness]] for all, civil disobedience may be necessary to accomplish those goals.
  
==Deifinition==
+
==Definition==
[[Image:Midge potts arrested.jpg|thumb|240px|right|An anti-war activist is arrested for civil disobedience on the steps of the [[Supreme Court of the United States]] on [[February 9]], [[2005]].]]  
+
[[Image:Midge potts arrested.jpg|thumb|300px|right|An anti-war activist is arrested for civil disobedience on the steps of the [[Supreme Court of the United States]] on February 9, 2005.]]  
'''Civil disobedience''' encompasses the active refusal to obey certain [[law]]s, demands and commands of a [[government]] or of an occupying [[power (international)|power]] without resorting to physical violence. It could be said that it is [[compassion]] in the form a respectful disagreement.  Civil disobedience has been used in [[nonviolent resistance]] movements in [[India]] ([[Mahatma Ghandi|Gandhi's]] social welfare campaigns and campaigns to speed up independence from the British Empire), in [[South Africa]] in the fight against [[apartheid]], and in the [[American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968)|American Civil Rights Movement]].
+
The [[United States|American]] author [[Henry David Thoreau]] pioneered the modern theory behind the practice of '''civil disobedience''' in his 1849 essay, ''Civil Disobedience,'' originally titled ''Resistance to Civil Government''. The driving idea behind the essay was that of self-reliance, and how one is in morally good standing as long as one can "get off another man's back;" so one doesn't have to physically fight the government, but one must not support it or have it support one (if one is against it). This essay has had a wide influence on many later practitioners of civil disobedience. Thoreau explained his reasons for having refused to pay [[tax]]es as an act of [[protest]] against [[slavery]] and against the [[Mexican-American War]].
The [[United States|American]] author [[Henry David Thoreau]] pioneered the modern theory behind this practice in his 1849 essay ''[[Civil Disobedience (Thoreau)|Civil Disobedience]]'' ([[wikisource:Civil Disobedience - Henry David Thoreau|Wikisource Text]]),  originally titled "Resistance to Civil Government". The driving idea behind the essay was that of self-reliance, and how one is in morally good standing as long as one can "get off another man's back"; so one doesn't have to physically fight the government, but one must not support it or have it support one (if one is against it). This essay has had a wide influence on many later practitioners of civil disobedience. In the essay, Thoreau explained his reasons for having [[tax resistance|refused to pay taxes]] as an act of [[protest]] against [[slavery]] and against the [[Mexican-American War]].
 
  
== Theories and techniques of civil disobedience ==
+
Civil disobedience can be distinguished from other active forms of protest, such as [[riot]]ing, because of its passivity and non-violence.
In seeking an active form of civil disobedience, one may choose to deliberately break certain laws, such as by forming a peaceful blockade or occupying a facility illegally. Protesters practice this non-violent form of [[civil disorder]] with the expectation that they will be arrested, or even attacked or beaten by the authorities. Protesters often undergo training in advance on how to react to arrest or to attack, so that they will do so in a manner that quietly or limply resists without threatening the authorities.
+
 
 +
== Theories and techniques ==
 +
In seeking an active form of civil disobedience, one may choose to deliberately break certain [[law]]s, such as by forming a peaceful [[blockade]] or occupying a facility illegally. Protesters practice this non-violent form of civil disorder with the expectation that they will be [[arrest]]ed, or even attacked or beaten by the authorities. Protesters often undergo training in advance on how to react to arrest or to attack, so that they will do so in a manner that quietly or limply resists without threatening the authorities.
  
 
For example, [[Mahatma Gandhi]] outlined the following rules:
 
For example, [[Mahatma Gandhi]] outlined the following rules:
#A civil resister (or ''[[Satyagraha|satyagrahi]]'') will harbour no anger.
+
#A civil resister (or ''[[Satyagraha|satyagrahi]]'') will harbor no anger
#He will suffer the anger of the opponent.
+
#He will suffer the anger of the opponent
#In so doing he will put up with assaults from the opponent, never retaliate; but he will not submit, out of fear of punishment or the like, to any order given in anger.
+
#In so doing he will put up with assaults from the opponent, never retaliate; but he will not submit, out of fear of punishment or the like, to any order given in anger
#When any person in authority seeks to arrest a civil resister, he will voluntarily submit to the arrest, and he will not resist the attachment or removal of his own property, if any, when it is sought to be confiscated by authorities.
+
#When any person in authority seeks to arrest a civil resister, he will voluntarily submit to the arrest, and he will not resist the attachment or removal of his own property, if any, when it is sought to be confiscated by authorities
#If a civil resister has any property in his possession as a trustee, he will refuse to surrender it, even though in defending it he might lose his life. He will, however, never retaliate.
+
#If a civil resister has any property in his possession as a trustee, he will refuse to surrender it, even though in defending it he might lose his life. He will, however, never retaliate
#Retaliation includes swearing and cursing.
+
#Retaliation includes swearing and cursing
#Therefore a civil resister will never insult his opponent, and therefore also not take part in many of the newly coined cries which are contrary to the spirit of ''[[ahimsa]]''.
+
#Therefore a civil resister will never insult his opponent, and therefore also not take part in many of the newly coined cries which are contrary to the spirit of ''ahimsa''
#A civil resister will not [[salute]] the [[Union Jack]], nor will he insult it or officials, English or Indian.
+
#A civil resister will not salute the Union Jack, nor will he insult it or officials, English or Indian
#In the course of the struggle if anyone insults an official or commits an assault upon him, a civil resister will protect such official or officials from the insult or attack even at the risk of his life.
+
#In the course of the struggle if anyone insults an official or commits an assault upon him, a civil resister will protect such official or officials from the insult or attack even at the risk of his life
 
   
 
   
Gandhi distinguished between his idea of ''[[satyagraha]]'' and the [[passive resistance]] of the west.
+
Gandhi distinguished between his idea of ''[[satyagraha]]'' and the [[passive resistance]] of the west. Gandhi's rules were specific to the Indian independence movement, but many of the ideas are used by those practicing civil disobedience around the world. The most general principle on which civil disobedience rests is non-violence and passivity, as protesters refuse to retaliate or take action.
  
==Examples of Civil Disobedience==
+
The writings of [[Leo Tolstoy]] were influential on Gandhi. Aside from his literature, Tolstoy was famous for advocating [[pacifism]] as a method of social reform. Tolstoy himself was influenced by the Sermon on the Mount, in which [[Jesus]] tells his followers to turn the other cheek when attacked. Tolstoy's philosophy is outlined in his work, ''Kingdom of God is Within You''.
=== Use in independence movements===
 
Civil disobedience has served as a major tactic of [[nationalism|nationalist]] movements in former [[colony|colonies]] in [[Africa]] and [[Asia]] prior to their gaining [[independence]]. Most notably [[Mahatma Gandhi]] developed civil disobedience as an anti-colonialist tool. Gandhi said "Civil disobedience is the inherent right of a citizen to be civil, implies discipline, thought, care, attention and sacrifice". Gandhi learned of Civil Disobedience from Thoreau's classic essay, which caused Gandhi to adopt a non-violent approach.
 
  
===India===
+
Many who practice civil disobedience do so out of [[religion|religious]] [[faith]], and clergy often participate in or lead actions of civil disobedience. A notable example is [[Philip Berrigan]], a [[Roman Catholic]] priest who was arrested dozens of times in acts of civil disobedience in antiwar protests.
  
The first '''[[Satyagraha]]''' revolutions inspired by [[Mahatma Gandhi]] in the [[Indian Independence Movement]] occurred in [[Kheda]] district of [[Gujarat]] and the [[Champaran]] district of [[Bihar]] between the years of 1918 and 1919.
+
==Philosophy of civil disobedience==
 +
The practice of civil disobedience comes into conflict with the [[law]]s of the country in which it takes place. Advocates of civil disobedience must strike a balance between obeying these laws and fighting for their beliefs without creating a society of [[anarchy]]. [[Immanuel Kant]] developed the "categorical imperative" in which every person's action should be just so that it could be taken to be a universal law. In civil disobedience, if every person were to act that way, there is the danger that anarchy would result.
  
====Champaran, Bihar====
+
Therefore, those practicing civil disobedience do so when no other recourse is available, often regarding the law to be broken as contravening a higher principle, one that falls within the categorical imperative. Knowing that breaking the law is a [[crime|criminal]] act, and therefore that [[punishment]] will ensue, civil disobedience marks the law as unjust and the lawbreaker as willing to suffer in order that justice may ensue for others.  
In Champaran, a district in the then-province, now state of [[Bihar]], tens of thousands of landless serfs, indentured laborers and poor farmers were forced to grow [[indigo]] and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. Suppressed by the ruthless militias of the landlords (mostly British), they were given measly compensation, leaving them mired in extreme poverty. The villages were kept extremely dirty and unhygienic, and [[alcoholism]], [[untouchability]] and [[purdah]] were rampant. Now in the throes of a devastating famine, the British levied an oppressive tax which they insisted on increasing in rate. The situation was desperate.
 
  
====Kheda, Gujarat====
+
Within the framework of [[democracy]], ideally rule by the people, debate exists over whether or not practices such as civil disobedience are in fact not illegal because they are legitimate expressions of the people's discontent. When the incumbent government breaks the existing [[social contract]], some would argue that citizens are fully justified in rebelling against it as the government is not fulfilling the citizens' needs. Thus, one might consider civil disobedience validated when legislation enacted by the government is in violation of [[natural law]].
In [[Kheda]], a district of villages and small towns in [[Gujarat]], the peasants mostly owned their own lands, and were economically better-off than their compatriots in Bihar, although on the whole, the district was plagued by poverty, scant resources, the social evils of alcoholism and [[untouchability]], and overall British indifference and hegemony.
 
  
However, a terrible famine had struck the district and a large part of Gujarat, and virtually destroyed the agrarian economy. The poor peasants had barely enough to feed themselves, but the British government of the [[Bombay Presidency]] insisted that the farmers not only pay full taxes, but also pay the 23 percent increase slated to take effect that very year.
+
The principle of civil disobedience is recognized as justified, even required, under exceptional circumstance such as [[war crime]]s. In the [[Nuremberg Trials]] following [[World War II]], individuals were held accountable for their failure to resist laws that caused extreme [[suffering]] to innocent people.
  
Purdah is not a means of supression as metioned here. it is really a mark of dignity and a procalamation that woman is not commodity.
+
==Examples of civil disobedience==
 +
Civil disobedience in was used to great effect in [[Civil disobedience#India|India]] by [[Gandhi]], in [[Civil disobedience#Poland|Poland]] by the [[Solidarity]] movement against [[Communism]], in [[Civil disobedience#South Africa|South Africa]] against [[apartheid]], and in the [[Civil disobedience#The United States|United States]] by [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] against [[racism]]. It was also used as a major tactic of [[nationalism|nationalist]] movements in former [[colony|colonies]] in [[Africa]] and [[Asia]] prior to their gaining [[independence]].  
  
====Gandhi's solution====
+
===India===
While many civic groups sent petitions and published editorials, Gandhi proposed ''satyagraha'' - non-violent, mass [[civil disobedience]]. While it was strictly non-violent, Gandhi was proposing real action, a real revolt that the oppressed peoples of India were dying to undertake.
+
[[Gandhi]] first used his ideas of ''[[Satyagraha]]'' in [[India]] on a local level in 1918, in Champaran, a district in the state of Bihar, and in Kheda in the state of Gujarat. In response to [[poverty]], scant resources, the social evils of [[alcoholism]] and untouchability, and overall British indifference and hegemony, Gandhi proposed ''satyagraha''--non-violent, mass civil disobedience. While it was strictly non-violent, Gandhi was proposing real action, a real revolt that the oppressed peoples of India were dying to undertake.  
 
+
[[Image:Gandhi Kheda 1918.jpg|right|thumb|300px|[[Gandhi]] in 1918, when he led the Kheda Satyagraha against allegedly unjust taxation.]]
Gandhi also insisted that neither the protestors in Bihar nor in Gujarat allude to or try to propagate the concept of ''Swaraj'', or ''Independence''. This was not about political freedom, but a revolt against abject tyranny amidst a terrible humanitarian disaster. While accepting participants and help from other parts of India, Gandhi insisted that no other district or province revolt against the Government, and that the [[Indian National Congress]] not get involved apart from issuing resolutions of support, to prevent the British from giving it cause to use extensive suppressive measures and brand the revolts as treason.
+
Gandhi insisted that the protesters neither allude to or try to propagate the concept of ''Swaraj,'' or ''Independence''. The action was not about political freedom, but a revolt against abject tyranny amidst a terrible humanitarian disaster. While accepting participants and help from other parts of India, Gandhi insisted that no other district or province revolt against the government, and that the [[Indian National Congress]] not get involved apart from issuing resolutions of support, to prevent the British from giving it cause to use extensive suppressive measures and brand the revolts as [[treason]].  
 
 
=====In Champaran=====
 
Gandhi established an [[ashrama]] in Champaran, organizing scores of his veteran supporters and fresh volunteers from the region. He organized a detailed study and survey of the villages, accounting the atrocities and terrible episodes of suffering, including the general state of degenerate living. Building on the confidence of villagers, he began leading the clean-up of villages, building of schools and hospitals and encouraging the village leadership to undo purdah, untouchability and the suppression of women. He was joined by many young nationalists from the parts and all over India, including [[Brajkishore Prasad]], Dr. [[Rajendra Prasad]] and [[Jawaharlal Nehru]].
 
 
 
But his main assault came as he was arrested by police on the charge of creating unrest and was ordered to leave the province. Hundreds of thousands of people protested and rallied outside the jail, police stations and courts demanding his release, which the court unwillingly did. Gandhi led organized protests and strike against the landlords, who with the guidance of the British government, signed an agreement granting more compensation and control over farming for the poor farmers of the region, and cancellation of revenue hikes and collection until the famine ended. It was during this agitation, that Gandhi was addressed by the people as ''Bapu'' (''Father'') and ''Mahatma'' (''Great Soul'').  
 
  
=====In Kheda=====
+
In both states, Gandhi organized civil resistance on the part of tens of thousands of landless farmers and poor farmers with small lands, who were forced to grow [[indigo]] and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. It was an area of extreme poverty, unhygienic villages, rampant alcoholism and untouchables. In addition to the crop-growing restrictions, the British had levied an oppressive [[tax]]. Gandhi’s solution was to establish an [[ashram]] near Kheda, where scores of supporters and volunteers from the region did a detailed study of the villages—itemizing atrocities, suffering, and degenerate living conditions. He led the villagers in a clean up movement, encouraging social reform, and building [[school]]s and [[hospital]]s.  
[[Image:Gandhi Kheda 1918.jpg|right|thumb|200px|[[Gandhi]] in 1918, when he led the Kheda Satyagraha against allegedly unjust taxation.]]
 
In Gujarat, Gandhi was only the spiritual head of the struggle. His chief lieutenant, [[Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel]] and a close coterie of devoted Gandhians, namely [[Narhari Parikh]], [[Mohanlal Pandya]] and [[Ravi Shankar Vyas]] toured the countryside, organized the villagers and gave them political leadership and direction. Many aroused Gujaratis from the cities of [[Ahmedabad]] and [[Vadodara]] joined the organizers of the revolt, but Gandhi and Patel resisted the involvement of Indians from other provinces, seeking to keep it a purely Gujarati struggle.  
 
  
Patel and his colleagues organized a major tax revolt, and all the different ethnic and caste communities of Kheda rallied around it. The peasants of Kheda signed a petition calling for the tax for this year to be scrapped in wake of the famine. The government in Bombay rejected the charter. They warned that if the peasants did not pay, the lands and property would be confiscated and many arrested. And once confiscated, they would not be returned even if most complied. None of the villages flinched.  
+
For his efforts, Gandhi was arrested by [[police]] on the charges of unrest and was ordered to leave Bihar. Hundreds of thousands of people protested and rallied outside the [[jail]], police stations, and courts demanding his release, which was unwillingly granted. Gandhi then organized protests and strikes against the landlords, who finally agreed to more pay and allowed the farmers to determine what crops to raise. The government canceled tax collections until the famine ended.  
  
The tax withheld, the government's collectors and inspectors sent in [[Pathan]] thugs to seize property and cattle, while the police forfeited the lands and all agrarian property. The farmers did not resist arrest, nor retaliate to the force employed with violence. Instead, they used their cash and valuables to donate to the ''Gujarat Sabha'' which was officially organizing the protest.
+
In Kheda, Gandhi’s associate, [[Sardar Vallabhai Patel]] led the actions, guided by Gandhi's ideas. The revolt was astounding in terms of discipline and unity. Even when all their personal property, land, and livelihood were seized, a vast majority of Kheda's farmers remained firmly united in support of Patel. Gujaratis sympathetic to the revolt in other parts resisted the government machinery, and helped to shelter the relatives and property of the protesting [[peasant]]s. Those Indians who sought to buy the confiscated lands were ostracized from society. Although nationalists like [[Sardul Singh Caveeshar]] called for sympathetic revolts in other parts, Gandhi and Patel firmly rejected the idea.  
  
The revolt was astounding in terms of discipline and unity. Even when all their personal property, land and livelihood were seized, a vast majority of Kheda's farmers remained firmly united in the support of Patel. Gujaratis sympathetic to the revolt in other parts resisted the government machinery, and helped the shelter the relatives and property of the protesting peasants. Those Indians who sought to buy the confiscated lands were ostracized from society. Although nationalists like [[Sardul Singh Caveeshar]] called for sympathetic revolts in other parts, Gandhi and Patel firmly rejected the idea.  
+
The government finally sought to foster an honorable agreement for both parties. The tax for the year in question and the next would be suspended, and the increase in rate reduced, while all confiscated property would be returned. The success in these situations spread throughout the country.  
  
The Government finally sought to foster an honorable agreement for both parties. The tax for the year in question, and the next would be suspended, and the increase in rate reduced, while all confiscated property would be returned.
+
Gandhi used Satyagraha on a national level in 1919, the year the [[Rowlatt Act]] was passed, allowing the government to imprison persons accused of sedition without trial. Also that year, in Punjab, 1-2,000 people were wounded and 400 or more were killed by British troops in the ''[[Amritsar massacre]]''.<ref>[https://www.mkgandhi.org/bio5000/bio5index.htm Gandhi's Life in 5000 words] From the book ''Mahatma Gandhi - His Life in pictures''. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref> A traumatized and angry nation engaged in retaliatory acts of violence against the British. Gandhi criticized both the British and the Indians. Arguing that all violence was evil and could not be justified, he convinced the national party to pass a resolution offering condolences to British victims and condemning the Indian riots.<ref> Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'' (Navjivan Trust, 2011, ISBN 978-8172291389).</ref> At the same time, these incidents led Gandhi to focus on complete self-government and complete control of all government institutions. This matured into ''Swaraj,'' or complete individual, spiritual, political independence.  
 
 
Gujaratis also worked in cohesion to return the confiscated lands to their rightful owners. The ones who had bought the lands seized were influenced to return them, even though the British had officially said it would stand by the buyers.
 
 
 
====Success and legacy====
 
 
 
Gandhi's resulting fame spread like fire all over the nation. He had become a defining influence on [[Indian Nationalism]]. People in Gujarat still revere Gandhi and [[Sardar Patel]], and their role in the freedom struggle. [[Gujarat]] is the most industrialized and progressive state in [[India]] today. In [[Bihar]], poverty and social conflict pervades what was the founding of the Satyagraha movement. The [[Naxalite]] insurgency is centered around the same age-old problem of class struggle between poor farmers and rich landlords, now involving [[terrorism]].
 
  
 +
The first move in the ''Swaraj'' non-violent campaign was the famous [[Salt March]]. The government monopolized the [[salt]] trade, making it illegal for anyone else to produce it, even though it was readily available to those near the sea coast. Because the tax on salt affected everyone, it was a good focal point for protest. Gandhi marched 400 kilometers (248 miles) from Ahmedabad to Dandi, Gujarat, to make his own salt near the sea. In the 23 days (March 12 to April 6) it took, the march gathered thousands. Once in Dandi, Gandhi encouraged everyone to make and trade salt. In the next days and weeks, thousands made or bought illegal salt, and by the end of the month, more than 60,000 had been arrested. It was one of his most successful campaigns. Although Gandhi himself strictly adhered to non-violence throughout his life, even [[fasting]] until violence ceased, his dream of a unified, independent India was not achieved and his own life was taken by an assassin. Nevertheless, his ideals have lived on, inspiring those in many other countries to use non-violent civil disobedience against oppressive and unjust governments.
  
 
===Poland===
 
===Poland===
{{Main|Solidarity}}
+
[[Image:Poleglych Stoczniowcow.jpg|right|thumb|300px|Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the [[Gdańsk Agreement]], and unveiled December 16, 1980.]]
 
 
Civil disobedience was a tactic used by the [[Poland|Polish]] in offense to the former communist government.
 
 
 
 
 
In the 1970s and 1980s, the initial success of ''Solidarity'' in particular, and of [[dissident]] movements in general, was fed by a deepening crisis within Soviet-style societies brought about by declining morale, worsening economic conditions (a [[shortage economy]]), and the growing stresses of the [[Cold War]].<ref name = "Int Soc"> {{cite web
 
|title = The rise of Solidarnosc
 
|author = Colin Barker
 
|authorlink = Colin Barker
 
|work = International Socialism, Issue: 108
 
|url = http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=136&issue=108
 
|accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
}} </ref>After a brief period of economic boom, from 1975 the policies of the Polish government, led by Party First Secretary [[Edward Gierek]], precipitated a slide into increasing depression, as [[foreign debt]] mounted.<ref name="Lepak-100">
 
{{ cite book
 
| last = Lepak
 
| first = Keith John
 
| title = Prelude to Solidarity
 
| publisher = Columbia University Press
 
| year = 1989
 
| id = ISBN 0-231-06608-2
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=YQRcqE5Kht4C&pg=PA100&lpg=PA100&dsig=9NOnsdesZ-I1sxQ8c4LtLYlsh4A p. 100]
 
}} </ref> In June 1976, the first workers' strikes took place, involving violent incidents at factories in [[Radom]] and [[Ursus (district in Warsaw)|Ursus]].<ref name="Falk-34">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = Barbara J. Falk
 
| title = The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings
 
| publisher = Central European University Press
 
| year = 2003
 
| id = ISBN 963-9241-39-3
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=ZsR0CGdWCC0C&pg=PA34&lpg=PA34&sig=trvZ7qPN4WlIdUsqqvs_wVHP4T0 p.34]
 
}} </ref> When these incidents were quelled by the government, the worker's movement received support from [[intelligentsia|intellectual dissidents]], many of them associated with the [[Workers' Defence Committee|Committee for Defense of the Workers]] ({{lang-pl|Komitet Obrony Robotników}}, abbreviated ''KOR''), formed in 1976.<ref name = "Int Soc"/><ref name=Falk-35">Falk, op.cit., [http://books.google.com/books?id=ZsR0CGdWCC0C&pg=PA35&lpg=PA34&sig=gR89xv6t5I02RBj29BhTldMBpXo Google Print, p.35] </ref> The following year, ''KOR'' was renamed the [[Committee for Social Self-defence]] (''KSS-KOR'').
 
 
 
On [[October 16]], [[1978]], the [[Bishop of Kraków]], [[Karol Wojtyła]], was elected [[Pope John Paul II]]. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland, his masses were attended by millions of his countrymen. The Pope called for the respecting of [[nation]]al and [[religion|religious]] traditions and advocated for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles, he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against brute material forces; he was a [[bellwether]] of change, and became an important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come.<ref name="Weigel-Pope">
 
{{cite book
 
| last = Weigel
 
| first = George
 
| authorlink = George Weigel
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor =
 
| others =
 
| title = The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism
 
| origdate =
 
| origyear =
 
| origmonth =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=6kFfjei_XCEC&pg=PA136&lpg=PA136&sig=CuKF-pVRfgLmpUxq_o8Wava9ouY
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
| edition =
 
| year = 2003
 
| month = May
 
| publisher = Oxford University Press US
 
| id = ISBN 0-19-516664-7
 
| pages = p. 136
 
}}</ref><ref name="Weigel-Witness">
 
{{ cite book
 
| first = George
 
| last = Weigel
 
| authorlink = George Weigel
 
| title =Witness to Hope: The Biography of Pope John Paul II
 
| publisher = HarperCollins
 
| year = 2005
 
| id = ISBN 0-06-073203-2
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?&id=-mzOGzb2T2UC&pg=PA292&lpg=PA292&sig=dh-4ur6H-RVsIWEl8oAk5TwvTsQ p. 292]
 
}} </ref>
 
 
 
====Early strikes (1980–81)====
 
Strikes did not occur merely due to problems that had emerged shortly before the labor unrest, but due to governmental and economic difficulties spanning more than a decade. In July 1980, [[Edward Gierek]]'s government, facing economic crisis, decided to raise prices while slowing the growth of wages. At once there ensued a wave of strikes and factory occupations.<ref name = "Int Soc"/> Although the strike movement had no coordinating center, the workers had developed an information network to spread news of their struggle. A "dissident" group, the Committee for the Defense of the Workers (''KOR''), which had originally been set up in 1976 to organize aid for victimized workers, attracted small groups of working-class militants in major industrial centers.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> At the [[Lenin Shipyard]] in [[Gdańsk]], the firing of [[Anna Walentynowicz]], a popular crane operator and activist, galvanized the outraged workers into action.<ref name = "Int Soc" /><ref name="BBC-80">{{cite web
 
| title=The birth of Solidarity (1980)
 
| work=BBC News
 
| url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/special_report/1999/09/99/iron_curtain/timelines/poland_80.stm
 
| accessdate=2006-07-10
 
}}</ref>
 
 
 
On August 14, the shipyard workers began their strike, organized by the [[Free Trade Unions of the Coast]] (''Wolne Związki Zawodowe Wybrzeża'').<ref name="B&S">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = Michael Bernhard
 
| coauthor = Henryk Szlajfer
 
| title = From The Polish Underground
 
| publisher = Penn State Press
 
| year = 2004
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=nUhiPCkawCoC&pg=PA405&lpg=PA405&sig=CzMr6IlR2B-Q1rZ_vmbDXdM-6wk p. 405]
 
}} </ref> The workers were led by electrician [[Lech Wałęsa]], a former shipyard worker who had been dismissed in 1976, and who arrived at the shipyard late in the morning of August 14.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> The strike committee demanded the rehiring of Walentynowicz and Wałęsa, as well as the according of respect to workers' rights and other social concerns. In addition, they called for the raising of a [[Monument to fallen Shipyard Workers|monument to the shipyard workers]] who had been killed in 1970 and for the legalization of independent trade unions.<ref name="Perdue-39">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = William D Perdue,
 
| title = Paradox of Change: The Rise and Fall of Solidarity in the New Poland
 
| publisher = Praeger/Greenwood,
 
| year = 1995
 
| id = ISBN 0-275-95295-9,
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?d=6WnLe3_hhgUC&pg=PA39&lpg=PA39&sig=qC29FZhY_jznp29dptxpdtXjPLs p.39]
 
}}</ref>
 
 
 
[[Image:Strike Gdansk 1980.jpg|thumb|left|200px|1980 strike at [[Gdańsk Shipyard]], birthplace of [[Solidarity]].]]
 
The Polish government enforced censorship, and official media said little about the "sporadic labor disturbances in Gdańsk"; as a further precaution, all phone connections between the coast and the rest of Poland were soon cut.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> Nonetheless, the government failed to contain the information: a spreading wave of ''[[samizdat]]''s ([[Polish language|Polish]]: ''bibuła''),<ref name="bibula">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = Michael H. Bernhard
 
| title = The Origins of Democratization in Poland
 
| publisher = Columbia University Press
 
| year = 1993
 
| id = ISBN 0-231-08093-X
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=TF_DXcqeMBEC&pg=PA149&lpg=PA149&sig=kErUdt1a52vlaL2-AePTOtDfbo4 p. 149]
 
}} </ref> including ''[[Robotnik (1983-1990)|Robotnik]]'' (The Worker), and [[Grapevine (gossip)|grapevine gossip]], along with [[Radio Free Europe]] broadcasts that penetrated the [[Iron Curtain]],<ref name="RFE">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = G. R. Urban
 
| title = Radio Free Europe and the Pursuit of Democracy: My War Within the Cold War
 
| publisher = Yale University Press
 
| id = ISBN 0-300-06921-9
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=a4BFvTBOT6oC&pg=PA147&lpg=PA147&sig=ZS9gAMrvOUHPMJpfTP-d4-yUv54 p. 147]
 
}}</ref> ensured that the ideas of the emerging Solidarity movement quickly spread.
 
 
 
On August 16, delegations from other strike committees arrived at the shipyard.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> Delegates ([[Bogdan Lis]], [[Andrzej Gwiazda]] and others) together with shipyard strikers agreed to create an [[Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee]] (''Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy'', or ''MKS'').<ref name = "Int Soc" /> On August 17 a priest, [[Henryk Jankowski]], performed a mass outside the shipyard's gate, at which [[21 demands of MKS|21 demands of the ''MKS'']] were put forward. The list went beyond purely local matters, beginning with a demand for new, independent trade unions and going on to call for a relaxation of the [[censorship]], a right to strike, new rights for the Church, the freeing of political prisoners, and improvements in the national health service.<ref name = "Int Soc" />
 
 
 
[[Image:Lechu.JPG|thumb|right|200px|[[Lech Wałęsa]] (left) with [[Mieczysław Jagielski]] (1980).]]
 
Next day, a delegation of ''KOR'' [[intelligentsia]], including [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]], arrived to offer their assistance with negotiations. A ''[[bibuła]]'' news-sheet, ''Solidarność'', produced on the shipyard’s [[printing press]] with ''KOR'' assistance, reached a daily print run of 30,000 copies.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> Meanwhile, [[Jacek Kaczmarski]]'s [[protest song]], ''[[Mury (song)|Mury]]'' (''Walls''), gained popularity with the workers.<ref name="Kaczmarski"> [http://www.warsawvoice.pl/view/9158/ Yalta 2.0], [[Warsaw Voice]], 31 August 2005, last accessed on 8 October 2006.</ref>
 
 
 
On August 18, the [[Szczecin Shipyard]] joined the strike, under the leadership of [[Marian Jurczyk]]. A tidal wave of strikes swept the coast, closing ports and bringing the economy to a halt. With ''KOR'' assistance and support from many intellectuals, workers occupying factories, mines and shipyards across Poland joined forces. Within days, over 200 factories and enterprises had joined the strike committee.<ref name = "Int Soc" /><ref name="BBC-80"/> By August 21, most of Poland was affected by the strikes, from coastal shipyards to the mines of the [[Upper Silesian Industrial Area]]. More and more new unions were formed, and joined the federation.
 
[[Image:Poleglych Stoczniowcow.jpg|left|thumb|200px|Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the [[Gdańsk Agreement]], and unveiled [[December 16]], [[1980]].]]
 
Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their demands. On August 21 a Governmental Commission (''Komisja Rządowa'') including [[Mieczysław Jagielski]] arrived in Gdańsk, and another one with [[Kazimierz Barcikowski]] was dispatched to Szczecin. On August 30 and 31, and on September 3, representatives of the workers and the government signed an agreement ratifying many of the workers' demands, including the right to strike.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> This agreement came to be known as the August or [[Gdańsk agreement]] (''Porozumienia sierpniowe'').<ref name="BBC-80"/> Though concerned with labor-union matters, the agreement enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the communist political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the [[PZPR|Party's]] monopoly of power.<ref name="Davies">
 
{{ cite book
 
| last = Davies
 
| first = Norman
 
| authorlink = Norman Davies
 
| title = [[God's Playground]]
 
| year = 2005
 
| id = ISBN 0-231-12819-3
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=EBpghdZeIwAC&pg=PA483&lpg=PA483&sig=8z6yTa2wvwLje4ZDT481E0jk00k p. 483]
 
}} </ref> The workers' main concerns were the establishment of a labor union independent of communist-party control, and recognition of a legal right to strike. Workers’ needs would now receive clear representation.<ref name="Seleny-100">
 
{{ cite book
 
| first = Anna
 
| last = Seleny
 
| title = The Political Economy of State-Society Relations in Hungary and Poland
 
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
 
| year = 2006
 
| id = ISBN 0-521-83564-X
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=i89VOJzIuOAC&pg=RA1-PA100&lpg=RA1-PA100&sig=YDunSm2HPSYExZm1oPJgZshaEe8 p.100]
 
}} </ref> Another consequence of the Gdańsk Agreement was the replacement, in September 1980, of Edward Gierek by [[Stanisław Kania]] as Party First Secretary.<ref name="Seleny-115">Anna Seleny, op.cit., [http://books.google.com/books?id=i89VOJzIuOAC&pg=RA7-PP1&lpg=RA7-PP1&sig=EkhruwtJ0yh3j9vj-9-BLaN_3g0 Google Print, p.115]</ref>
 
 
 
 
 
Encouraged by the success of the August strikes, on September 17 workers' representatives, including Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide labor union, Solidarity (''Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy (NSZZ) "Solidarność"'').<ref name = "Int Soc"/><ref name="BBC-80"/><ref name="WIEM"> [http://portalwiedzy.onet.pl/12313,,,,solidarnosc_nszz,haslo.html Solidarność NSZZ] in [[WIEM Encyklopedia]]. Last accessed on 10 October 2006 {{pl icon}} </ref> It was the first independent labor union in a Soviet-bloc country.<ref name=EB>''[http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9068595/Solidarity Solidarity]'', [[Encyclopedia Britannica]].</ref> Its name was suggested by [[Karol Modzelewski]], and its famous [[Solidarity logo|logo]] was conceived by [[Jerzy Janiszewski]], designer of many Solidarity-related posters. The new union's supreme powers were vested in a [[legislature|legislative body]], the Convention of Delegates (''Zjazd Delegatów''). The [[executive]] branch was the National Coordinating Commission (''Krajowa Komisja Porozumiewawcza''), later renamed the National Commission (''Komisja Krajowa''). The Union had a regional structure, comprising 38 regions (''region'') and two districts (''okręg'').<ref name="WIEM"/> On [[December 16]], [[1980]], the [[Monument to fallen Shipyard Workers|Monument to Fallen Shipyard Workers]] was unveiled. On [[January 15]], [[1981]], a Solidarity delegation, including Lech Wałęsa, met in [[Rome]] with [[Pope John Paul II]]. From September 5 to 10, and from September 26 to October 7, Solidarity's first national congress was held, and Lech Wałęsa was elected its president.<ref name="Kalendarium"> [http://www.solidarity25.pap.pl/kalendarium-NSZZ-pl.pdf KALENDARIUM NSZZ „SOLIDARNOŚĆ” 1980-1989]. {{pdf}} Last accessed on 15 October 2006 {{pl icon}} </ref>
 
 
 
 
 
Meanwhile Solidarity had been transforming itself from a trade union into a social movement<ref name="Misztal">
 
{{ cite book
 
| first = Bronisław
 
| last = Misztal
 
| title = Poland after Solidarity: Social Movements Vs. the State
 
| publisher = Transaction Publishers
 
| year = 1985
 
| id = ISBN 0-88738-049-2
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=5yeK_1TXSVwC&pg=PA4&lpg=PA4&sig=vvchTYv5G5zcq7y9GsT4weN67A8 p.4]
 
}}</ref> or more specifically, a [[revolutionary movement]].<ref name="Goodwin">[[Jeff Goodwin]], ''No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945-1991''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Chapter 1 and 8.</ref> Over the 500 days following the Gdańsk Agreement, 9-10 million workers, intellectuals and students joined it or its suborganizations,<ref name = "Int Soc" /> such as the [[Independent Students Union|Independent Student Union]] (''Niezależne Zrzeszenie Studentów'', created in September 1980), the Independent Farmers' Trade Union (''NSZZ Rolników Indywidualnych "Solidarność"'', created in May 1981) and the Independent Craftsmen's Trade Union.<ref name="WIEM"/> It was the only time in recorded history that a quarter of a country's population (some 80% of the total Polish work force) had voluntarily joined a single organization.<ref name = "Int Soc"/><ref name="WIEM"/> ''"History has taught us that there is no bread without freedom,"'' the Solidarity program stated a year later. ''"What we had in mind was not only bread, butter and sausages, but also justice, democracy, truth, legality, human dignity, freedom of convictions, and the repair of the republic."''<ref name="BBC-80"/>
 
 
 
[[Image:WieczorWroclawia20marca1981.jpg|thumb|350px|right|March 20-21, 1981, issue of ''Wieczór Wrocławia'' (The [[Wrocław]] Evening). Blank spaces remain after the government [[censor]] has pulled articles from page 1 (''right'', "What happened at [[Bydgoszcz]]?") and from the last page (''left'', "Country-wide strike alert"), leaving only their titles. The printers—[[Solidarity trade union|Solidarity-trade-union]] members—have decided to run the newspaper as is, with blank spaces intact. The bottom of page 1 of this [[master (original)|master]] copy bears the hand-written Solidarity confirmation of that decision.]]
 
Using strikes and other protest actions, Solidarity sought to force a change in government policies. At the same time, it was careful never to use force or violence, so as to avoid giving the government any excuse to bring security forces into play.<ref name="Wehr">
 
{{cite book
 
| last =
 
| first =
 
| authorlink =
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor = Paul Wehr, Guy Burgess, Heidi Burgess
 
| others =
 
| title = Justice Without Violence
 
| origdate =
 
| origyear =
 
| origmonth =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=o8ipY9HVHmcC&lpg=PA29&pg=PA28&sig=ot7HF0E-YXDJQ8_zMpuVSuvl8Ig
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-06
 
| edition =
 
| year = 1994
 
| month = Feb
 
| publisher = Lynne Rienner Publishers
 
| id = ISBN 1-55587-491-6
 
| pages = p 28
 
}}</ref><ref name="O'K">
 
{{cite book
 
| last = Cavanaugh-O'Keefe
 
| first = John
 
| authorlink =
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor =
 
| others =
 
| title = Emmanuel, Solidarity: God's Act, Our Response
 
| origdate =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=_P9owylILP4C&pg=PA68&lpg=PA68&sig=a531pYBFmXgNUIeXQ-PguOVwrts
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-06
 
| edition =
 
| date =
 
| year = 2001
 
| month = Jan
 
| publisher = Xlibris Corporation
 
| id = ISBN 0-7388-3864-0
 
| pages = p 68
 
}}</ref> After 27 [[Bydgoszcz]] Solidarity members, including [[Jan Rulewski]], [[Bydgoszcz events|were beaten up]] on March 19, a 4-hour strike on March 27, involving over half a million people, paralyzed the country.<ref name = "Int Soc"/> This was the largest strike in the history of the [[Eastern bloc]],<ref name="MacEachin">
 
{{cite book
 
| last = MacEachin
 
| first = Douglas J
 
| authorlink =
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor =
 
| others =
 
| title = U.S. Intelligence and the Confrontation in Poland, 1980-1981
 
| origdate =
 
| origyear =
 
| origmonth =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=93eUER87BmsC&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&sig=2PGSLWEZSI4RfSpZpR5EJv3IcnM
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
| edition =
 
| year = 2004
 
| month = Aug
 
| publisher = Penn State Press
 
| id = ISBN 0-271-02528-X
 
| pages = p 120
 
}}</ref> and it forced the government to promise an investigation into the beatings.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> This concession, and Wałęsa's agreement to defer further strikes, proved a setback to the movement, as the euphoria that had swept Polish society subsided.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> Nonetheless the Polish communist party—the [[Polish United Workers Party|Polish United Workers' Party]] (''PZPR'')—had lost its total control over society.<ref name="Davies"/>
 
 
 
Yet while Solidarity was ready to take up negotiations with the government,<ref name="BBC-81">
 
{{cite web
 
| title = Martial law (1981)
 
| work = BBC News
 
| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/special_report/1999/09/99/iron_curtain/timelines/poland_81.stm
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
}}</ref> the [[Polish communists]] were unsure what to do, as they issued empty declarations and bid their time.<ref name="Seleny-115"/> Against the background of a deteriorating communist shortage economy and unwillingness to negotiate seriously with Solidarity, it became increasingly clear that the Communist government would eventually have to suppress the Solidarity movement as the only way out of the impasse, or face a truly revolutionary situation. The atmosphere was increasingly tense, with various local chapters conducting a growing number of uncoordinated strikes in response to the worsening economic situation.<ref name = "Int Soc" />On December 3 Solidarity announced that a 24-hour strike would be held if the government were granted additional powers to suppress dissent, and that a general strike would be declared if those powers were used.
 
  
====Martial law (1981–83)====
+
Civil disobedience was a tactic used by the [[Poland|Polish]] in protest of the former communist government. In the 1970s and 1980s, there occurred a deepening crisis within Soviet-style societies brought about by declining morale, worsening economic conditions (a [[shortage economy]]), and the growing stresses of the [[Cold War]].<ref name = "Int Soc">Colin Barker, [http://isj.org.uk/the-rise-of-solidarnosc/ The rise of Solidarnosc] ''International Socialism'', October 17, 2005. Retrieved May 4, 2021.</ref> After a brief period of economic boom, from 1975, the policies of the Polish government, led by Party First Secretary [[Edward Gierek]], precipitated a slide into increasing [[depression (economics)|depression]], as [[foreign debt]] mounted.<ref>Keith John Lepak, ''Prelude to Solidarity'' (Columbia University Press, 1989, ISBN 0231066082).</ref> In June 1976, the first workers' [[strike]]s took place, involving violent incidents at factories in [[Radom]] and [[Ursus]].<ref>Barbara J. Falk, ''The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings'' (Central European University Press, 2003, ISBN 9639241393).</ref>
  
After the [[Gdańsk Agreement]], the Polish government was under increasing pressure from the [[Soviet Union]] to take action and strengthen its position. [[Stanisław Kania]] was viewed by Moscow as too independent, and on [[October 18]], [[1981]], the Party Central Committee put him in the minority. Kania lost his post as First Secretary, and was replaced by Prime Minister (and Minister of Defence) Gen. [[Wojciech Jaruzelski]], who adopted a strong-arm policy.<ref name="BBC-81"/>
+
On October 16, 1978, the [[Bishop of Kraków]], [[Karol Wojtyła]], was elected [[Pope John Paul II]]. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland, his masses were attended by millions of his countrymen. The Pope called for the respecting of [[nation]]al and [[religion|religious]] traditions and advocated for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles, he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against brute material forces; he was a [[bellwether]] of change, and became an important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come. He was later to define the concept of "solidarity" in his Encyclical ''Sollicitudo Rei Socialis'' (December 30, 1987).<ref>George Weigel, ''The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism'' (Oxford University Press, 2003, ISBN 0195166647).</ref>  
  
On [[December 13]], [[1981]], Jaruzelski began a crack-down on Solidarity, declaring [[martial law in Poland|martial law]] and creating a [[Military Council of National Salvation]] (''Wojskowa Rada Ocalenia Narodowego'', or ''WRON''). Solidarity's leaders, gathered at [[Gdańsk]], were arrested and isolated in facilities guarded by the Security Service (''[[Służba Bezpieczeństwa]]'' or ''SB''), and some 5,000 Solidarity supporters were arrested in the middle of the night.<ref name = "Int Soc"/><ref name="WIEM"/> Censorship was expanded, and military forces appeared on the streets.<ref name="BBC-81"/> A couple of hundred strikes and occupations occurred, chiefly at the largest plants and at several [[Silesia]]n coal mines, but were broken by [[ZOMO]] paramilitary [[riot police]]. One of the largest demonstrations, on [[December 16]], [[1981]], took place at the [[Wujek Coal Mine]], where government forces opened fire on demonstrators, killing 9<ref name = "Int Soc" /> and seriously injuring 22.<ref name="Kalendarium"/>  Next day, during protests at [[Gdańsk]], government forces again fired at demonstrators, killing 1 and injuring 2. By [[December 28]], [[1981]], strikes had ceased, and Solidarity appeared crippled. On [[October 8]], [[1982]], the organization was delegalized and banned.<ref name="Perdue">
+
On July of 1980, the government of Edward Gierek, facing an economic crisis, decided to raise the [[prices]] while slowing the growth of the [[wages]]. A wave of strikes and factory occupations began at once.<ref name = "Int Soc"/> At the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, workers were outraged at the sacking of Anna Walentynowicz, a popular crane operator and well-known activist who became a spark that pushed them into action.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/special_report/1999/09/99/iron_curtain/timelines/poland_80.stm The birth of Solidarity] ''BBC News''. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref> The workers were led by electrician [[Lech Wałęsa]], a former shipyard worker who had been dismissed in 1976, and who arrived at the shipyard on August 14.<ref name = "Int Soc" /> The strike committee demanded rehiring of Anna Walentynowicz and Lech Wałęsa, raising [[Monument to fallen Shipyard Workers|a monument to the casualties of 1970]], respecting of worker's rights and additional social demands.  
{{cite book
 
| last = Perdue
 
| first = William D
 
| authorlink =
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor =
 
| others =
 
| title = Paradox of Change: The Rise and Fall of Solidarity in the New Poland
 
| origdate =
 
| origyear =
 
| origmonth =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=6WnLe3_hhgUC&pg=PA9&lpg=PA9&sig=wPq4m12vM31b5dJzGDPJkc-Yne0
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
| edition =
 
| year = 1995
 
| month = Oct
 
| publisher = Praeger/Greenwood
 
| id = ISBN 0-275-95295-9
 
| pages = p 9
 
}}</ref>
 
  
 +
By August 21, most of Poland was affected by the strikes, from coastal shipyards to the mines of the [[Upper Silesian Industrial Area]]. Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their demands. Though concerned with [[labor union]] matters, the Gdańsk agreement enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the communist political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the Party's monopoly of power.<ref>Norman Davies, ''God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 1: The Origins to 1795'' (Columbia University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0231128179).</ref>
  
The [[international community]] outside the [[Iron Curtain]] condemned Jaruzelski's actions and declared support for Solidarity.<ref name="WIEM"/> [[US President]] [[Ronald Reagan]] imposed [[economic sanctions]] on Poland, which eventually would force the Polish government into liberalizing its policies.<ref name="Neier">
+
Buoyed by the success of the strike, on the September 17, the representatives of Polish workers, including Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide trade union, Solidarity (''Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy'' "''Solidarność''"). On December 16, 1980, the Monument to fallen Shipyard Workers was unveiled. On January 15, 1981, a delegation from Solidarity, including Lech Wałęsa, met [[Pope John Paul II]] in Rome. Between September 5 and 10 and September 26 to October 7, the first national congress of Solidarity was held, and Lech Wałęsa was elected its president.  
{{ cite book
 
| author = Aryeh Neier
 
| title = Taking Liberties: Four Decades in the Struggle for Rights
 
| publisher = Public Affairs
 
| year = 2003
 
| id = ISBN 1-891620-82-7
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=Z5_hgLHYUiwC&pg=PA251&lpg=PA251&sig=4wxxUWdD8jgieONsxFO8tDcJPKU p. 251]
 
}} </ref> Meanwhile the [[CIA]]<ref name="Schweizer">
 
{{cite book
 
| last = Schweizer
 
| first = Peter
 
| authorlink = Peter Schweizer
 
| coauthors =
 
| editor =
 
| others =
 
| title = Victory: The Reagan Administration's Secret Strategy That Hastened the Collapse of the Soviet...
 
| origdate =
 
| origyear =
 
| origmonth =
 
| url = http://books.google.com/books?ie=UTF-8&vid=ISBN0871136333&id=rfia4MnyOykC&dq=Solidarity+Poland+left&lpg=PA85&pg=PA86&sig=9MUPgcK3WOQgL1iS9DZQL503Fy8
 
| format = ebook
 
| accessdate = 2006-07-10
 
| edition =
 
| year = 1996
 
| month = May
 
| publisher = Atlantic Monthly Press
 
| id = ISBN 0-87113-633-3
 
| pages = p 86
 
}}</ref> together with the Catholic Church and various Western trade unions such as the [[AFL-CIO]] provided funds, equipment and advice to the Solidarity underground.<ref name="Hannaford">
 
{{ cite book |
 
| author = Peter D. Hannaford
 
| title = Remembering Reagan
 
| publisher = Regnery Publishing
 
| year = 2000
 
| id = ISBN 0-89526-514-1
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=8HJf1be87bgC&pg=PA70&lpg=PA70&sig=HVl-NLDpy1bBNMUn6PNz0wzV-Hw p. 170], [http://books.google.com/books?id=8HJf1be87bgC&pg=PA71&lpg=PA70&sig=CJijLi-Efn41LmokPWGpWhQoR8Q p. 171]
 
}} </ref> The political alliance of Reagan and the Pope would prove important to the future of Solidarity.<ref name="Hannaford"/> The Polish public also supported what was left of Solidarity; a major medium for demonstrating support of Solidarity became masses held by priests such as [[Jerzy Popiełuszko]].<ref name="Auer">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = Stefan Auer
 
| authorlink = Stefan Auer
 
| title = Liberal Nationalism in Central Europe
 
| publisher = Routledge
 
| year = 2004
 
| id = ISBN 0-415-31479-8
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=b2IRot3UaQ0C&pg=PA70&lpg=PA70&sig=F2UH_aPJWyTSiUNT2UNLGPcTbqg p. 70]
 
}} </ref>
 
 
 
In July 1983, martial Law was formally lifted, though many heightened controls on civil liberties and political life, as well as food rationing, remained in place through the mid- to late 1980s.<ref name="HSE">
 
{{ cite book
 
| author = Gary Clyde Hufbauer
 
| coauthors = Jeffrey J. Schott , Kimberly Ann Elliott
 
| title = Economic Sanctions Reconsidered: History and Current Policy
 
| publisher = Institute for International Economics
 
| year = 1990
 
| id = ISBN 0-88132-136-2
 
| pages = [http://books.google.com/books?id=bBJ9LgZ58vYC&pg=PA193&lpg=PA193&sig=JBaZ5_US3HyRwwseXQpH7JMyS2k p. 193]
 
}} </ref>
 
  
 +
In the meantime Solidarity transformed from a trade union into a [[social movement]]. Over the next 500 days following the Gdańsk Agreement, 9 to 10 million workers, intellectuals, and students joined it or its sub-organizations. It was the first and only recorded time in the history that a quarter of a country's population have voluntarily joined a single organization. "History has taught us that there is no bread without freedom," the Solidarity program stated a year later. "What we had in mind were not only bread, butter, and sausage but also justice, democracy, truth, legality, human dignity, freedom of convictions, and the repair of the republic."
  
 +
Using [[strike]]s and other [[protest action]]s, Solidarity sought to force a change in the governmental policies. At the same time it was careful to never use force or violence, to avoid giving the government any excuse to bring the security forces into play. Solidarity's influence led to the intensification and spread of anti-communist ideals and movements throughout the countries of the Eastern Bloc, weakening their communist governments. In 1983, Lech Wałęsa received the [[Nobel Prize]] for Peace, but the Polish government refused to issue him a passport and allow him to leave the country. Finally, Roundtable Talks between the weakened Polish government and Solidarity-led opposition led to semi-free elections in 1989. By the end of August, a Solidarity-led coalition government was formed, and in December, [[Lech Wałęsa]] was elected president.
  
 
===South Africa===
 
===South Africa===
Both Archbishop [[Desmond Tutu]] and [[Steve Biko]] advocated civil disobedience. The result can be seen in such notable events as the 1989 [[Purple Rain Protest|Purple Rain Revolt]], and the [[Cape Town Peace March]] which defied apartheid laws.
+
Both Archbishop [[Desmond Tutu]] and [[Steve Biko]] advocated civil disobedience in the fight against [[apartheid]]. The result can be seen in such notable events as the 1989 [[Civil disobedience#Purple Rain Protest|Purple Rain Protest]], and the [[Civil disobedience#Cape Town Peace March|Cape Town Peace March]], which defied apartheid laws.
  
====Purple Rain Protest====
+
====Purple rain protest====
 +
On September 2, 1989, four days before [[South Africa]]'s racially segregated parliament held its elections, a police water cannon with purple dye was turned on thousands of [[Mass Democratic Movement]] supporters who poured into the city in an attempt to march on South Africa's Parliament on Burg Street in [[Cape Town]]. Protesters were warned to disperse but instead knelt in the street and the water cannon was turned on them. Some remained kneeling while others fled. Some had their feet knocked out from under them by the force of the jet. A group of about 50 protesters streaming with purple dye, ran from Burg Street, down to the parade. They were followed by another group of clergymen and others who were stopped in Plein Street. Some were then arrested. A lone protester, Philip Ivey, redirected the water cannon toward the local headquarters of the ruling National Party. The headquarters, along with the historic, white-painted Old Town House, overlooking Greenmarket Square, were doused with purple dye.<ref> [https://sthp.saha.org.za/memorial/articles/the_day_the_purple_governed.htm The Day the Purple Governed] ''Sunday Times Heritage Project''. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref>
  
 +
On the Parade, a large contingent of police arrested everyone they could find who had purple dye on them. When they were booed by the crowd, police dispersed them. About 250 people marching under a banner stating, "The People Shall Govern," dispersed at the intersection of Darling Street and Sir Lowry Road after being stopped by police.<ref> Scott Kract, [https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1989-09-03-mn-2412-story.html 500 Arrested During Protest in Cape Town] ''Los Angeles Times'', September 3, 1989. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref>
  
On September 2, 1989, four days before [[South Africa]]'s racially segregated parliament held its elections, Burg Street in [[Cape Town]] ran '''purple'''. A police water cannon with purple dye was turned on thousands of [[Mass Democratic Movement]] supporters who poured into the city in an attempt to march on South Africa's Parliament. Office blocks off Greenmarket Square were sprayed purple four stories high as a protester leapt onto the roof of the water cannon vehicle, seized the nozzle and attempted to turn the jet away from the crowds. <ref> Weekend Argus, "Purple Rain halts city demo", front page, Saturday, September 2, 1989</ref>
+
====Cape Town peace march====
 +
On September 12, 1989, 30,000 [[Cape Town|Capetonians]] marched in support of peace and the end of [[apartheid]]. The event lead by Mayor [[Gordon Oliver]], [[Desmond Tutu|Archbishop Tutu]], Rev [[Frank Chikane]], [[Moulana Faried Esack]], and other religious leaders was held in defiance of the government's ban on political marches. The demonstration forced President [[de Klerk]] to relinquish the hardline against transformation, and the eventual unbanning of the [[African National Congress|ANC]], and other political parties, and the release of [[Nelson Mandela]] less than six months later.
  
The historic Town House, a national monument, was sprayed purple and the force of the jet smashed windows in the Central Methodist Church.
+
=== The United States ===
 +
There is a long history of civil disobedience in the [[United States]]. One of the first practitioners was [[Henry David Thoreau]] whose 1849 essay, ''Civil Disobedience,'' is considered a defining exposition of the modern form of this type of action. It advocates the idea that people should not support any government attempting unjust actions. Thoreau was motivated by his opposition to the institution of [[slavery]] and the fighting of the [[Mexican-American War]]. Those participating in the movement for women's [[suffrage]] also engaged in civil disobedience.<ref> [https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/woman-suffrage Woman Suffrage and the 19th Amendment] The National Archives. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref> The labor movement in the early twentieth century used sit-in strikes at plants and other forms of civil disobedience. Civil disobedience has also been used by those wishing to protest the [[Vietnam War]], [[apartheid]] in [[South Africa]], and against American intervention in [[Central America.]]<ref>[https://actupny.org/documents/CDdocuments/HistoryNV.html History of Mass Nonviolent Action] ''Civil Disobedience Training''. Retrieved May 28, 2021.</ref>
  
[[Teargas]] was fired and the crowd that had knelt defiantly in the purple jet fled. Adderley Street was closed to traffic as scores of shops and businesses closed their doors and hundreds of people were arrested, including Dr Allan Boesak, UCT academic Dr Charles Villa-Vincencia, Western Cape Council of Churches official Rev. Pierre van den Heever and lawyer Essa Moosa.
+
[[Image:Martin Luther King - March on Washington.jpg|thumb|right|300px|King is perhaps most famous for his "[[I Have a Dream]]" speech, given in front of the [[Lincoln Memorial]] during the 1963 [[March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom]].]]
 +
[[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] is one of the most famous activists who used civil disobedience to achieve reform. In 1953, at the age of twenty-four, King became pastor of the [[Dexter Avenue Baptist Church]], in [[Montgomery]], [[Alabama]]. King correctly recognized that organized, nonviolent protest against the racist system of southern segregation known as [[Jim Crow laws]] would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights. Indeed, journalistic accounts and [[television|televised]] footage of the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by southern blacks, and of segregationist violence and harassment of civil rights workers and marchers, produced a wave of sympathetic public opinion that made the [[African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968)|Civil Rights Movement]] the single most important issue in American politics in the early-1960s. King organized and led marches for blacks' right to [[Voting|vote]], [[desegregation]], [[labor rights]], and other basic civil rights. Most of these rights were successfully enacted into [[Law of the United States|United States law]] with the passage of the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] and the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]].
  
 +
On December 1, 1955, [[Rosa Parks]] was arrested for refusing to comply with the [[Jim Crow laws|Jim Crow law]] that required her to give up her seat to a white man. The [[Montgomery Bus Boycott]], led by King, soon followed. The boycott lasted for 382 days, the situation becoming so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] decision outlawing [[racial segregation]] on all public transport. 
  
Journalists including Brenton Geach (''Weekend Argus''), Rehana Rousouw (''South'') and Gaye Davis (''Weekly Mail'') were held.
+
King was instrumental in the founding of the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]] (SCLC) in 1957, a group created to harness the moral authority and organizing power of black churches to conduct nonviolent protests in the service of civil rights reform. King continued to dominate the organization. King was an adherent of the philosophies of nonviolent civil disobedience used successfully in [[India]] by [[Mahatma Gandhi]], and he applied this philosophy to the protests organized by the SCLC.
 
 
 
 
Protesters were warned to disperse but instead knelt in the street and the water cannon was turned on them. Some remained kneeling while others fled. Some had their feet knocked out from under them by the force of the jet. In Adderley Street, shoppers ran for cover, their eyes streaming, and a young couple with a baby in a pram were hurriedly ushered into a shop which then locked its doors. A group of about 50 protesters streaming with purple dye, ran from Burg Street, down to the parade. They were followed by another group of clergymen and others who were stopped in Plein Street. Some were then arrested. On the Parade, a large contingent of policemen arrested everyone they could find who had purple dye on them. When they were booed by the crowd, police dispersed them. About 250 people marching under a banner stating "The People Shall Govern" dispersed at the intersection of Darling Street and Sir Lowry Road after being stopped by police. <ref> Weekend Argus, "Purple Rain halts city demo", front page, Saturday, September 2, 1989</ref>
 
 
 
====Cape Town Peace March====
 
On September 12, 1989, 30 000 [[Cape Town|Capetonians]] marched in support of peace and the end of [[apartheid]]. The event lead by Mayor [[Gordon Oliver]], [[Desmond Tutu|Archbishop Tutu]], Rev [[Frank Chikane]], [[Moulana Faried Esack]] and other religious leaders was held in defiance of the government's ban on political marches. The demonstration forced President [[de Klerk]] to relinquish the hardline against transformation, and the eventual unbanning of the [[African National Congress|ANC]], and other political parties, and the release of [[Nelson Mandela]] less than six months later.
 
 
 
=== Civil disobedience in the United States ===
 
{{Main|Martin Luther King, Jr.}}
 
 
 
[[Martin Luther King, Jr.|Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.]], a leader of the US civil rights movement in the [[United States]] in the 1960s also adopted civil disobedience techniques, and [[pacifism|antiwar]] activists both during and after the [[Vietnam War]] have done likewise. Since the 1970s, pro-life or anti-abortion groups have practiced civil disobedience against the U.S. government over the issue of legalized [[abortion]].
 
 
 
In 1953, at the age of twenty-four, King became pastor of the [[Dexter Avenue Baptist Church]], in [[Montgomery, Alabama]]. On December 1, 1955, [[Rosa Parks]] was arrested for refusing to comply with the [[Jim Crow laws|Jim Crow law]] that required her to give up her seat to a white man. The [[Montgomery Bus Boycott]], led by King, soon followed. (This, despite the fact that in March of the same year, a 15 year old school girl, Claudette Colvin, suffered the same fate but King refused to become involved, instead preferring to focus on leading his church.<ref>Scott-King, Correta, ''My life with Martin Luther King Jr.'' (New York, 1969) p.124-5</ref>) The boycott lasted for 382 days, the situation becoming so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] decision outlawing [[racial segregation]] on all public transport. 
 
 
 
King was instrumental in the founding of the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]] (SCLC) in 1957, a group created to harness the moral authority and organizing power of black churches to conduct nonviolent protests in the service of civil rights reform. King continued to dominate the organization. King was an adherent of the philosophies of nonviolent [[civil disobedience]] used successfully in [[India]] by [[Mahatma Gandhi]], and he applied this philosophy to the protests [[Community organizing|organize]]d by the SCLC.
 
 
 
 
 
The FBI began [[wiretapping]] King in 1961, fearing that communists were trying to infiltrate the Civil Rights Movement, but when no such evidence emerged, the bureau used the incidental details caught on tape over six years in attempts to force King out of the pre-eminent leadership position.
 
 
 
King correctly recognized that organized, nonviolent protest against the racist system of southern segregation known as [[Jim Crow laws]] would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights. Indeed, journalistic accounts and [[television|televised]] footage of the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by southern blacks, and of segregationist violence and harassment of civil rights workers and marchers, produced a wave of sympathetic public opinion that made the [[Civil rights|Civil Rights Movement]] the single most important issue in American politics in the early-1960s.
 
 
 
 
 
King organized and led marches for blacks' right to [[Voting|vote]], [[desegregation]], [[labor rights]] and other basic civil rights. Most of these rights were successfully enacted into [[Law of the United States|United States law]] with the passage of the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] and the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]].
 
 
 
King and the SCLC applied the principles of nonviolent protest with great success by strategically choosing the method of protest and the places in which protests were carried out in often dramatic stand-offs with segregationist authorities. Sometimes these confrontations turned violent. King and the SCLC were instrumental in the unsuccessful protest movement in [[Albany, Georgia|Albany]], in 1961 & 1962, where divisions within the black community and the canny, low-key response by local government defeated efforts; in the [[Birmingham, Alabama|Birmingham]] protests in the summer of 1963; and in the protest in [[St. Augustine, Florida]], in 1964. King and the SCLC joined forces with SNCC in [[Selma, Alabama]], in December 1964, where SNCC had been working on voter registration for a number of months.
 
<ref>
 
{{cite news
 
  | last = Haley
 
  | first = Alex
 
  | title = Martin Luther King
 
  | work = The Playboy Interview
 
  | publisher = [[Playboy]]
 
  | date = January 1965
 
  | url = http://www.playboy.com/arts-entertainment/features/mlk/index.html
 
  | accessdate = 2006-09-17 }}</ref> His 1964 book ''Why We Can't Wait'' elaborated this idea further, presenting it as an application of the [[common law]] regarding settlement of unpaid labor.<ref>{{cite book
 
  | last = King
 
  | first = Martin L.
 
  | title = Why We Can't Wait
 
  | publisher = Signet Classics
 
  | year = 2000
 
  | id = ISBN 0-451-52753-4 }}</ref>
 
 
 
=====The March on Washington=====
 
[[Image:Martin Luther King - March on Washington.jpg|thumb|right|King is perhaps most famous for his "[[I Have a Dream]]" speech, given in front of the [[Lincoln Memorial]] during the 1963 [[March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom]].]]
 
King, representing SCLC, was among the leaders of the so-called "Big Six" civil rights organizations who were instrumental in the organization of the [[March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom]] in 1963. The other leaders and organizations comprising the Big Six were: [[Roy Wilkins]], [[NAACP]]; [[Whitney Young]], Jr., [[National Urban League|Urban League]]; [[A. Philip Randolph]], [[Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters]]; [[John Lewis (politician)|John Lewis]], SNCC; and [[James L. Farmer, Jr.|James Farmer]] of the [[Congress of Racial Equality]] (CORE). For King, this role was another which courted controversy, as he was one of the key figures who acceded to the wishes of President [[John F. Kennedy]] in changing the focus of the march. Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would negatively impact the drive for passage of civil rights legislation, but the organizers were firm that the march would proceed.
 
 
 
The march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition of blacks in [[Southern United States|the South]] and a very public opportunity to place organizers' concerns and grievances squarely before the seat of power in the nation's capital. Organizers intended to excoriate and then challenge the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights and physical safety of civil rights workers and blacks, generally, in the South. However, the group acquiesced to presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident tone.
 
 
 
As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony; [[Malcolm X]] called it the "Farce on Washington," and members of the [[Nation of Islam]] who attended the march faced a temporary suspension.<ref name=infoplease>{{cite web
 
  | last = Ross
 
  | first = Shmuel Ross
 
  | title = March on Washington
 
  | work = Features
 
  | publisher = [[Infoplease]]
 
  | date = 2006
 
  | url = http://www.infoplease.com/spot/marchonwashington.html
 
  | accessdate = 2006-09-17 }}</ref>
 
 
 
The march did, however, make specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public school; meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment; protection of civil rights workers from police brutality; a $2 minimum wage for all workers; and self-government for the [[Washington, D.C.|District of Columbia]], then governed by congressional committee.
 
 
 
Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success. More than a quarter of a million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, sprawling from the steps of the [[Lincoln Memorial]] onto the [[National Mall]] and around the reflecting pool. At the time, it was the largest gathering of protesters in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]]'s history. King's [[I Have a Dream]] speech electrified the crowd. It is regarded, along with [[Abraham Lincoln|President Lincoln]]'s [[Gettysburg Address]], as one of the finest speeches in the history of American oratory. President Kennedy, himself opposed to the march, met King afterwards with enthusiasm - repeating King's line back to him; "I have a dream", while nodding with approval.
 
 
 
Throughout his career of service, King wrote and spoke frequently, drawing on his long experience as a preacher. His "[[Letter from Birmingham Jail]]", written in 1963, is a passionate statement of his crusade for [[justice]]. On [[October 14]], [[1964]], King became the youngest recipient of the [[Nobel Peace Prize]], which was awarded to him for leading non-violent resistance to end racial prejudice in the [[United States]].
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
=====Stance on compensation=====
 
On several occasions King expressed a view that black Americans, as well as other disadvantaged Americans, should be compensated for historical wrongs. Speaking to [[Alex Haley]] in 1965, he said that granting black Americans only equality could not realistically close the economic gap between them and whites. King said that he did not seek a full restitution of wages lost to slavery, which he believed impossible, but proposed a government compensatory program of US$50 billion over ten years to all disadvantaged groups.  He posited that "the money spent would be more than amply justified by the benefits that would accrue to the nation through a spectacular decline in school dropouts, family breakups, crime rates, illegitimacy, swollen relief rolls, rioting and other social evils."<ref name=playboy>{{cite news
 
  | last = Haley
 
  | first = Alex
 
  | title = Martin Luther King
 
  | work = The Playboy Interview
 
  | publisher = [[Playboy]]
 
  | date = January 1965
 
  | url = http://www.playboy.com/arts-entertainment/features/mlk/index.html
 
  | accessdate = 2006-09-17 }}</ref> His 1964 book ''Why We Can't Wait'' elaborated this idea further, presenting it as an application of the [[common law]] regarding settlement of unpaid labor.<ref>{{cite book
 
  | last = King
 
  | first = Martin L.
 
  | title = Why We Can't Wait
 
  | publisher = Signet Classics
 
  | year = 2000
 
  | id = ISBN 0-451-52753-4 }}</ref>
 
 
 
====="Bloody Sunday"=====
 
 
 
King and [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference|SCLC]], in partial collaboration with [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee|SNCC]], then attempted to organize a march from [[Selma, Alabama|Selma]] to the state capital of [[Montgomery, Alabama|Montgomery]], for [[March 25]], [[1965]]. The first attempt to march on [[March 7]] was aborted due to mob and police violence against the demonstrators. This day has since become known as [[Selma to Montgomery marches|Bloody Sunday]]. Bloody Sunday was a major turning point in the effort to gain public support for the [[Civil rights|Civil Rights Movement]], the clearest demonstration up to that time of the dramatic potential of King's [[nonviolence]] strategy. King, however, was not present. After meeting with [[President]] [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], he attempted to delay the march until [[March 8]], but the march was carried out against his wishes and without his presence by local civil rights workers. Filmed footage of the [[police brutality]] against the protesters was broadcast extensively, and aroused national public outrage.
 
 
 
The second attempt at the march on [[March 9]] was ended when King stopped the procession at the [[Edmund Pettus Bridge]] on the outskirts of Selma, an action which he seemed to have negotiated with city leaders beforehand. This unexpected action aroused the surprise and anger of many within the local movement. The march finally went ahead fully on [[March 25]], and it was during this march that Willie Ricks coined the phrase "[[Black Power]]" (widely credited to [[Stokely Carmichael]]).
 
 
 
=====Bayard Rustin=====
 
African American civil rights activist [[Bayard Rustin]] counseled King to dedicate himself to the principles of non-violence in 1956, and had a leadership role in organizing the 1963 March on Washington. However, Rustin's open [[homosexuality]] and support of [[democratic socialism]] and (long-abandoned) ties to the [[Communist Party USA]] caused many white and African American leaders to demand that King distance himself from Rustin, which he did on several occasions, but not all — such as when he ensured Rustin's role in the March on Washington.{{fact}}
 
 
 
====Chicago====
 
In 1966, after several successes in the South, King and other people in the civil rights organizations tried to spread the movement to the North, with Chicago as its first target. King and [[Ralph Abernathy]], both middle class folk, moved into Chicago's slums as an educational experience and to demonstrate their support and empathy for the poor.
 
 
 
Their organization, The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) formed a coalition with CCCO, Coordinating Committee of Community Organizations, an organization itself founded by Albert Raby, Jr., and the combined organizations' efforts were fostered under the aegis of The Chicago Freedom Movement (CFO).  During that Spring a number of dual white couple/black couple tests on real estate offices uncovered the practice, now banned by the Real Estate Industry, of "steering"; these  tests revealed the racially selective processing of housing requests by couples who were exact matches in income, background, number of children, and other attributes, with the only difference being their race. Without exception, the black couples were rejected and the white couples were accepted at the real estate offices, which were then picketed by CFO.
 
 
 
The needs of the movement for radical change grew and several larger marches were planned and executed, including those in the following neighborhoods: Bogan, Belmont-Cragin, Jefferson Park, Evergreen Park (A Suburb southwest of Chicago), Gage Park and Marquette Park, among others.
 
 
 
In Chicago, Abernathy would later write, they received a worse reception than they had in the South. Their marches were met by thrown bottles and screaming throngs, and they were truly afraid of starting a riot. King's beliefs mitigated against his staging a violent event; if King had intimations that a peaceful march would be put down with violence he would call it off for the safety of others. Nonetheless, he led these marches in the face of death threats to his person. And in Chicago the violence was so formidable it shook the two friends.
 
 
 
Another problem was the duplicitousness of the city leaders. Abernathy and King secured agreements on action to be taken, but this action was subverted after-the-fact by politicians within Mayor [[Richard J. Daley]]'s corrupt machine. Abernathy could not stand the slums and secretly moved out after a short period. King stayed and wrote of the emotional impact Coretta and his children suffered from the horrid conditions.
 
 
 
When King and his allies returned to the south, they left [[Jesse Jackson]], a seminary student who had previously joined the movement in the south, in charge of their organization. Jackson displayed oratorical skill, and organized the first successful boycotts against what have since become known as "Big Box" stores. One such campaign targeted A&P Stores which refused to hire blacks as clerks; the campaign was so effective that it laid the groundwork for the equal opportunity programs begun in the 1970's. Jackson also initiated the first "Black Expo" under the auspices of SCLC as [[Operation Breadbasket]], and continued free standing as [[Operation PUSH]] after a split with SCLC. Black Expo became P.U.S.H. Expo, which continued to showcase the many long-standing and newly formed Black Businesses such as Johnson Publishing, Parker House Sausage, Seaway National Bank, and many businesses that continue today, and which owe their existence to P.U.S.H. EXCEL, the current form of the organization.
 
 
 
====Further challenges====
 
 
 
 
 
Starting in 1965, King began to express doubts about the United States' role in the [[Vietnam War]]. On April 4, 1967 — exactly one year before his death — King spoke out strongly against the US's role in the war, insisting that the US was in Vietnam "to occupy it as an American colony" and calling the US government "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today." But he also argued that the country needed larger and broader moral changes:
 
 
 
:A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in [[Asia]], [[Africa]] and [[South America]], only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: "This is not just."<ref name=VietnamSpeech>{{cite web
 
  | last = King
 
  | first = Martin Luther
 
  | authorlink = Martin Luther King, Jr.
 
  | title = Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence
 
  | work = Speech
 
  | publisher = Hartford Web Publishing
 
  | date = April 4 1967
 
  | url = http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/058.html
 
  | accessdate = 2006-09-17 }}</ref>
 
 
 
King was long hated by many white [[Southern United States|southern]] segregationists, but this speech turned the more mainstream media against him. ''[[Time (magazine)|TIME]]'' called the speech "demagogic slander that sounded like a script for [[Radio Hanoi]]", and ''[[The Washington Post]]'' declared that King had "diminished his usefulness to his cause, his country, his people."
 
 
 
With regards to [[Vietnam]], King often claimed that North Vietnam "did not begin to send in any large number of supplies or men until American forces had arrived in the tens of thousands." (Quoted in Michael Lind, ''Vietnam: The Necessary War'', 1999 p. 182) King also praised North Vietnam's land reform. (Quoted in Lind, 1999) He accused the [[United States]] of having killed a million Vietnamese "mostly children." (Guenter Lewey, ''America in Vietnam'', 1978 pp. 444-5) He once even equated U.S. involvement in Vietnam to [[Nazi Germany]]'s use of concentration camps. (Quoted in Lind, 1999)]]
 
 
 
The speech was a reflection of King's evolving political advocacy in his later years, sparked in part by his affiliation with and training at the progressive [[Highlander Research and Education Center]]. King began to speak of the need for fundamental changes in the political and economic life of the nation. Toward the end of his life, King more frequently expressed his opposition to the war and his desire to see a redistribution of resources to correct racial and economic injustice. Though his public language was guarded, so as to avoid being linked to [[communism]] by his political enemies, in private he sometimes spoke of his support for [[democratic socialism]]:
 
 
 
:You can't talk about solving the economic problem of the Negro without talking about billions of dollars. You can't talk about ending the slums without first saying profit must be taken out of slums. You're really tampering and getting on dangerous ground because you are messing with folk then. You are messing with captains of industry.... Now this means that we are treading in difficult water, because it really means that we are saying that something is wrong... with [[capitalism]].... There must be a better distribution of wealth and maybe America must move toward a democratic [[socialism]]. (Frogmore, S.C. [[November 14]], [[1966]]. Speech in front of his staff.)
 
 
 
King also stated in his "Beyond Vietnam" speech that "True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring." From Vietnam to South Africa to Latin America, King said, the U.S. was "on the wrong side of a world revolution." King questioned "our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America," and asked why the U.S. was suppressing revolutions "of the shirtless and barefoot people" in the Third World, instead of supporting them.
 
 
 
In 1968, King and the SCLC organized the "[[Poor People's Campaign]]" to address issues of economic justice. However, according to the article "Coalition Building and Mobilization Against Poverty", King and SCLC's Poor People's Campaign was not supported by the other leaders of the Civil Rights Movement, including [[Bayard Rustin]]. Their opposition incorporated arguments that the goals of Poor People Campaign was too broad, the demands unrealizable, and thought these campaigns would accelerate the backlash and repression on the poor and the black.<ref>[http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=725018301&SrchMode=1&sid=2&Fmt=10&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1145436762&clientId=12010]</ref>{{fact}}
 
 
 
The campaign culminated in a march on [[Washington, D.C.]] demanding economic aid to the poorest communities of the United States. He crisscrossed the country to assemble "a multiracial army of the poor" that would descend on Washington — engaging in nonviolent civil disobedience at the Capitol, if need be — until Congress enacted a poor people's bill of rights. Reader's Digest warned of an "insurrection."
 
 
 
King's economic bill of rights called for massive government jobs programs to rebuild America's cities. He saw a crying need to confront a Congress that had demonstrated its "hostility to the poor" — appropriating "military funds with alacrity and generosity," but providing "poverty funds with miserliness." His vision was for change that was more revolutionary than mere reform: he cited systematic flaws of racism, poverty, militarism and materialism, and that "reconstruction of society itself is the real issue to be faced." [[Garrow, op.cit. p. 214]].
 
 
 
In [[April 3]], [[1968]], King prophetically told a euphoric crowd during his "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech:
 
 
 
:It really doesn't matter what happens now.... some began to... talk about the threats that were out — what would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers.... Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place, but I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's ''allowed'' me to go up to the mountain! And I've looked over, and I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land. And so I'm happy tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any man. Mine eyes have seen the Glory of the coming of the Lord!
 
 
 
=== Civil disobedience and religion ===
 
Many who practice civil disobedience do so out of [[religious faith]], and clergy often participate in or lead actions of civil disobedience. A notable example is [[Philip Berrigan]], a [[Roman Catholic]] priest who was arrested dozens of times in acts of civil disobedience in antiwar protests. Also, groups like [http://www.soulforce.org/ Soulforce], who favor non-discrimination and equal rights for gays and lesbians, have engaged in acts of civil disobedience to change church positions and public policy.
 
  
 +
Civil disobedience has continued to be used into the twenty-first century in the United States by protesters against numerous alleged injustices, including discrimination against [[homosexuality|homosexuals]] by [[church]] and other authorities, American intervention in [[Iraq]], as well as by anti-[[abortion]] protesters and others.
  
 
==Notes==
 
==Notes==
 
<references/>
 
<references/>
 +
 
==References==
 
==References==
*''Peasant Nationalists of Gujarat : Kheda District, 1917-1934'' by David Hardiman
+
*Arendt, Hannah. ''Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution''. Harvest Books, 1972. ISBN 0156232006
*''Patel: A Life'' by [[Rajmohan Gandhi]]
+
*Davies, Norman. ''God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 1: The Origins to 1795''. Columbia University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0231128179
*''[[The Story of My Experiments with Truth|My Autobiography, Or The Story Of My Experiments With Truth]]'' (1929) by [[M.K. Gandhi]]
+
*Falk, Barbara J. ''The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings''. Central European University Press, 2003. ISBN 9639241393
 +
*Gandhi, Rajmohan. ''Patel: A Life''. Navjivan Trust, 2011. ISBN 978-8172291389
 +
*Hendrick, George. ''Why Not Every Man? African Americans and Civil Disobedience in the Quest for the Dream''. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, 2005. ISBN 1566636450
 +
*Lepak, Keith John. ''Prelude to Solidarity''. Columbia University Press, 1989. ISBN 0231066082
 +
*Polner, Murray, and Jim O'Grady. ''Disarmed and Dangerous: The Radical Life and Times of Daniel and Philip Berrigan, Brothers in Religious Faith and Civil Disobedience''. Westview Press, 2001. ISBN 0813334497
 +
*Thoreau, Henry David. ''On the Duty of Civil Disobedience''. Book Jungle, 2007. ISBN 978-1594625268
 +
*Thoreau, Henry David. ''Civil Disobedience And Other Essays the Collected Essays of Henry David Thoreau''. Digireads.com, 2005. ISBN 978-1420925227
 +
*Tolstoy, Leo. ''Writings on Civil Disobedience and Nonviolence''. New Society Pub., 1987. ISBN 0865711097
 +
*Weigel, George. ''The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism''. Oxford University Press, 2003. ISBN 0195166647
 +
*Zinn, Howard. ''The Zinn Reader: Writings on Disobedience and Democracy''. Seven Stories Press, 1997. ISBN 1888363541
  
 
==External links==
 
==External links==
 
+
All links retrieved May 27, 2021.
*[http://www.sikhism.com/articles/origin_non_violence.htm Origin of Non Violence]
+
*[https://sniggle.net/TPL/index5.php?entry=rtcg “Resistance to Civil Government” (“Civil Disobedience”)] by H.D. Thoreau
* [http://www.activistmagazine.com/index.php?option=content&task=category&sectionid=9&id=200&Itemid=80 Pensions for Peace ~ ACT for the Earth]
+
*[https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/civil-disobedience/ Civil Disobedience] ''Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy''
*[http://www.earlham.edu/~peters/writing/civ-dis.htm Civil Disobedience], by Peter Suber. From ''Philosophy of Law: An Encyclopedia'', edited by Christopher Berry Gray, Garland Pub. Co., 1999, vol. I, pp. 110-113.
 
*[http://sniggle.net/Experiment/index.php?entry=rtcg On Resistance to Civil Government] by [[Henry David Thoreau]]
 
*[http://eserver.org/thoreau/theory.html The Theory, Practice, and Influence of Thoreau's Civil Disobedience], by Lawrence Rosenwald. From William Cain, ed.,''The Oxford Historical Companion to Thoreau''
 
*[http://eserver.org/thoreau/civil.html Annotated version of Thoreau's Civil Disobedience] 
 
*[http://home.snafu.de/mkgandhi/manifest.htm Manifesto against conscription and the military system, with an updated list of all signatories from 1993 to 2005]
 
*[http://www.reclaimingquarterly.org ReclaimingQuarterly.org features photo-coverage of contemporary civil disobedience actions]
 
*[http://www.directaction.org DirectAction.org offers online organizing resources for civil disobedience]
 
*[http://www.sikhism.com/articles/origin_non_violence.htm Origin of Non Violence]
 
  
 
{{Credit6|Civil_disobedience|86250212|Champaran_and_Kheda_Satyagraha|88174630|History_of_Solidarity|90838856|Martin_Luther_King,_Jr.|90906328|Purple_Rain_Protest|89823373|Cape_Town_Peace_March|81337139|}}
 
{{Credit6|Civil_disobedience|86250212|Champaran_and_Kheda_Satyagraha|88174630|History_of_Solidarity|90838856|Martin_Luther_King,_Jr.|90906328|Purple_Rain_Protest|89823373|Cape_Town_Peace_March|81337139|}}

Revision as of 23:29, 4 October 2021


Gandhi during the Salt March (1930)

Civil disobedience encompasses the active refusal to obey certain laws, demands, and commands of a government or of an occupying power without resorting to physical violence. Based on the position that laws can be unjust, and that there are human rights that supersede such laws, civil disobedience developed in an effort to achieve social change when all channels of negotiation failed. The act of civil disobedience involves the breaking of a law, and as such is a crime and the participants expect and are willing to suffer punishment in order to make their case known.

Civil disobedience has been used successfully in nonviolent resistance movements in India (Mahatma Gandhi's social welfare campaigns and campaigns to speed up independence from the British Empire), in South Africa in the fight against apartheid, and in the American Civil Rights Movement, among others. Until all people live under conditions in which their human rights are fully met, and there is prosperity and happiness for all, civil disobedience may be necessary to accomplish those goals.

Definition

An anti-war activist is arrested for civil disobedience on the steps of the Supreme Court of the United States on February 9, 2005.

The American author Henry David Thoreau pioneered the modern theory behind the practice of civil disobedience in his 1849 essay, Civil Disobedience, originally titled Resistance to Civil Government. The driving idea behind the essay was that of self-reliance, and how one is in morally good standing as long as one can "get off another man's back;" so one doesn't have to physically fight the government, but one must not support it or have it support one (if one is against it). This essay has had a wide influence on many later practitioners of civil disobedience. Thoreau explained his reasons for having refused to pay taxes as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican-American War.

Civil disobedience can be distinguished from other active forms of protest, such as rioting, because of its passivity and non-violence.

Theories and techniques

In seeking an active form of civil disobedience, one may choose to deliberately break certain laws, such as by forming a peaceful blockade or occupying a facility illegally. Protesters practice this non-violent form of civil disorder with the expectation that they will be arrested, or even attacked or beaten by the authorities. Protesters often undergo training in advance on how to react to arrest or to attack, so that they will do so in a manner that quietly or limply resists without threatening the authorities.

For example, Mahatma Gandhi outlined the following rules:

  1. A civil resister (or satyagrahi) will harbor no anger
  2. He will suffer the anger of the opponent
  3. In so doing he will put up with assaults from the opponent, never retaliate; but he will not submit, out of fear of punishment or the like, to any order given in anger
  4. When any person in authority seeks to arrest a civil resister, he will voluntarily submit to the arrest, and he will not resist the attachment or removal of his own property, if any, when it is sought to be confiscated by authorities
  5. If a civil resister has any property in his possession as a trustee, he will refuse to surrender it, even though in defending it he might lose his life. He will, however, never retaliate
  6. Retaliation includes swearing and cursing
  7. Therefore a civil resister will never insult his opponent, and therefore also not take part in many of the newly coined cries which are contrary to the spirit of ahimsa
  8. A civil resister will not salute the Union Jack, nor will he insult it or officials, English or Indian
  9. In the course of the struggle if anyone insults an official or commits an assault upon him, a civil resister will protect such official or officials from the insult or attack even at the risk of his life

Gandhi distinguished between his idea of satyagraha and the passive resistance of the west. Gandhi's rules were specific to the Indian independence movement, but many of the ideas are used by those practicing civil disobedience around the world. The most general principle on which civil disobedience rests is non-violence and passivity, as protesters refuse to retaliate or take action.

The writings of Leo Tolstoy were influential on Gandhi. Aside from his literature, Tolstoy was famous for advocating pacifism as a method of social reform. Tolstoy himself was influenced by the Sermon on the Mount, in which Jesus tells his followers to turn the other cheek when attacked. Tolstoy's philosophy is outlined in his work, Kingdom of God is Within You.

Many who practice civil disobedience do so out of religious faith, and clergy often participate in or lead actions of civil disobedience. A notable example is Philip Berrigan, a Roman Catholic priest who was arrested dozens of times in acts of civil disobedience in antiwar protests.

Philosophy of civil disobedience

The practice of civil disobedience comes into conflict with the laws of the country in which it takes place. Advocates of civil disobedience must strike a balance between obeying these laws and fighting for their beliefs without creating a society of anarchy. Immanuel Kant developed the "categorical imperative" in which every person's action should be just so that it could be taken to be a universal law. In civil disobedience, if every person were to act that way, there is the danger that anarchy would result.

Therefore, those practicing civil disobedience do so when no other recourse is available, often regarding the law to be broken as contravening a higher principle, one that falls within the categorical imperative. Knowing that breaking the law is a criminal act, and therefore that punishment will ensue, civil disobedience marks the law as unjust and the lawbreaker as willing to suffer in order that justice may ensue for others.

Within the framework of democracy, ideally rule by the people, debate exists over whether or not practices such as civil disobedience are in fact not illegal because they are legitimate expressions of the people's discontent. When the incumbent government breaks the existing social contract, some would argue that citizens are fully justified in rebelling against it as the government is not fulfilling the citizens' needs. Thus, one might consider civil disobedience validated when legislation enacted by the government is in violation of natural law.

The principle of civil disobedience is recognized as justified, even required, under exceptional circumstance such as war crimes. In the Nuremberg Trials following World War II, individuals were held accountable for their failure to resist laws that caused extreme suffering to innocent people.

Examples of civil disobedience

Civil disobedience in was used to great effect in India by Gandhi, in Poland by the Solidarity movement against Communism, in South Africa against apartheid, and in the United States by Martin Luther King, Jr. against racism. It was also used as a major tactic of nationalist movements in former colonies in Africa and Asia prior to their gaining independence.

India

Gandhi first used his ideas of Satyagraha in India on a local level in 1918, in Champaran, a district in the state of Bihar, and in Kheda in the state of Gujarat. In response to poverty, scant resources, the social evils of alcoholism and untouchability, and overall British indifference and hegemony, Gandhi proposed satyagraha—non-violent, mass civil disobedience. While it was strictly non-violent, Gandhi was proposing real action, a real revolt that the oppressed peoples of India were dying to undertake.

Gandhi in 1918, when he led the Kheda Satyagraha against allegedly unjust taxation.

Gandhi insisted that the protesters neither allude to or try to propagate the concept of Swaraj, or Independence. The action was not about political freedom, but a revolt against abject tyranny amidst a terrible humanitarian disaster. While accepting participants and help from other parts of India, Gandhi insisted that no other district or province revolt against the government, and that the Indian National Congress not get involved apart from issuing resolutions of support, to prevent the British from giving it cause to use extensive suppressive measures and brand the revolts as treason.

In both states, Gandhi organized civil resistance on the part of tens of thousands of landless farmers and poor farmers with small lands, who were forced to grow indigo and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. It was an area of extreme poverty, unhygienic villages, rampant alcoholism and untouchables. In addition to the crop-growing restrictions, the British had levied an oppressive tax. Gandhi’s solution was to establish an ashram near Kheda, where scores of supporters and volunteers from the region did a detailed study of the villages—itemizing atrocities, suffering, and degenerate living conditions. He led the villagers in a clean up movement, encouraging social reform, and building schools and hospitals.

For his efforts, Gandhi was arrested by police on the charges of unrest and was ordered to leave Bihar. Hundreds of thousands of people protested and rallied outside the jail, police stations, and courts demanding his release, which was unwillingly granted. Gandhi then organized protests and strikes against the landlords, who finally agreed to more pay and allowed the farmers to determine what crops to raise. The government canceled tax collections until the famine ended.

In Kheda, Gandhi’s associate, Sardar Vallabhai Patel led the actions, guided by Gandhi's ideas. The revolt was astounding in terms of discipline and unity. Even when all their personal property, land, and livelihood were seized, a vast majority of Kheda's farmers remained firmly united in support of Patel. Gujaratis sympathetic to the revolt in other parts resisted the government machinery, and helped to shelter the relatives and property of the protesting peasants. Those Indians who sought to buy the confiscated lands were ostracized from society. Although nationalists like Sardul Singh Caveeshar called for sympathetic revolts in other parts, Gandhi and Patel firmly rejected the idea.

The government finally sought to foster an honorable agreement for both parties. The tax for the year in question and the next would be suspended, and the increase in rate reduced, while all confiscated property would be returned. The success in these situations spread throughout the country.

Gandhi used Satyagraha on a national level in 1919, the year the Rowlatt Act was passed, allowing the government to imprison persons accused of sedition without trial. Also that year, in Punjab, 1-2,000 people were wounded and 400 or more were killed by British troops in the Amritsar massacre.[1] A traumatized and angry nation engaged in retaliatory acts of violence against the British. Gandhi criticized both the British and the Indians. Arguing that all violence was evil and could not be justified, he convinced the national party to pass a resolution offering condolences to British victims and condemning the Indian riots.[2] At the same time, these incidents led Gandhi to focus on complete self-government and complete control of all government institutions. This matured into Swaraj, or complete individual, spiritual, political independence.

The first move in the Swaraj non-violent campaign was the famous Salt March. The government monopolized the salt trade, making it illegal for anyone else to produce it, even though it was readily available to those near the sea coast. Because the tax on salt affected everyone, it was a good focal point for protest. Gandhi marched 400 kilometers (248 miles) from Ahmedabad to Dandi, Gujarat, to make his own salt near the sea. In the 23 days (March 12 to April 6) it took, the march gathered thousands. Once in Dandi, Gandhi encouraged everyone to make and trade salt. In the next days and weeks, thousands made or bought illegal salt, and by the end of the month, more than 60,000 had been arrested. It was one of his most successful campaigns. Although Gandhi himself strictly adhered to non-violence throughout his life, even fasting until violence ceased, his dream of a unified, independent India was not achieved and his own life was taken by an assassin. Nevertheless, his ideals have lived on, inspiring those in many other countries to use non-violent civil disobedience against oppressive and unjust governments.

Poland

Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the Gdańsk Agreement, and unveiled December 16, 1980.

Civil disobedience was a tactic used by the Polish in protest of the former communist government. In the 1970s and 1980s, there occurred a deepening crisis within Soviet-style societies brought about by declining morale, worsening economic conditions (a shortage economy), and the growing stresses of the Cold War.[3] After a brief period of economic boom, from 1975, the policies of the Polish government, led by Party First Secretary Edward Gierek, precipitated a slide into increasing depression, as foreign debt mounted.[4] In June 1976, the first workers' strikes took place, involving violent incidents at factories in Radom and Ursus.[5]

On October 16, 1978, the Bishop of Kraków, Karol Wojtyła, was elected Pope John Paul II. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland, his masses were attended by millions of his countrymen. The Pope called for the respecting of national and religious traditions and advocated for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles, he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against brute material forces; he was a bellwether of change, and became an important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come. He was later to define the concept of "solidarity" in his Encyclical Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (December 30, 1987).[6]

On July of 1980, the government of Edward Gierek, facing an economic crisis, decided to raise the prices while slowing the growth of the wages. A wave of strikes and factory occupations began at once.[3] At the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, workers were outraged at the sacking of Anna Walentynowicz, a popular crane operator and well-known activist who became a spark that pushed them into action.[7] The workers were led by electrician Lech Wałęsa, a former shipyard worker who had been dismissed in 1976, and who arrived at the shipyard on August 14.[3] The strike committee demanded rehiring of Anna Walentynowicz and Lech Wałęsa, raising a monument to the casualties of 1970, respecting of worker's rights and additional social demands.

By August 21, most of Poland was affected by the strikes, from coastal shipyards to the mines of the Upper Silesian Industrial Area. Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their demands. Though concerned with labor union matters, the Gdańsk agreement enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the communist political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the Party's monopoly of power.[8]

Buoyed by the success of the strike, on the September 17, the representatives of Polish workers, including Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide trade union, Solidarity (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy "Solidarność"). On December 16, 1980, the Monument to fallen Shipyard Workers was unveiled. On January 15, 1981, a delegation from Solidarity, including Lech Wałęsa, met Pope John Paul II in Rome. Between September 5 and 10 and September 26 to October 7, the first national congress of Solidarity was held, and Lech Wałęsa was elected its president.

In the meantime Solidarity transformed from a trade union into a social movement. Over the next 500 days following the Gdańsk Agreement, 9 to 10 million workers, intellectuals, and students joined it or its sub-organizations. It was the first and only recorded time in the history that a quarter of a country's population have voluntarily joined a single organization. "History has taught us that there is no bread without freedom," the Solidarity program stated a year later. "What we had in mind were not only bread, butter, and sausage but also justice, democracy, truth, legality, human dignity, freedom of convictions, and the repair of the republic."

Using strikes and other protest actions, Solidarity sought to force a change in the governmental policies. At the same time it was careful to never use force or violence, to avoid giving the government any excuse to bring the security forces into play. Solidarity's influence led to the intensification and spread of anti-communist ideals and movements throughout the countries of the Eastern Bloc, weakening their communist governments. In 1983, Lech Wałęsa received the Nobel Prize for Peace, but the Polish government refused to issue him a passport and allow him to leave the country. Finally, Roundtable Talks between the weakened Polish government and Solidarity-led opposition led to semi-free elections in 1989. By the end of August, a Solidarity-led coalition government was formed, and in December, Lech Wałęsa was elected president.

South Africa

Both Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Steve Biko advocated civil disobedience in the fight against apartheid. The result can be seen in such notable events as the 1989 Purple Rain Protest, and the Cape Town Peace March, which defied apartheid laws.

Purple rain protest

On September 2, 1989, four days before South Africa's racially segregated parliament held its elections, a police water cannon with purple dye was turned on thousands of Mass Democratic Movement supporters who poured into the city in an attempt to march on South Africa's Parliament on Burg Street in Cape Town. Protesters were warned to disperse but instead knelt in the street and the water cannon was turned on them. Some remained kneeling while others fled. Some had their feet knocked out from under them by the force of the jet. A group of about 50 protesters streaming with purple dye, ran from Burg Street, down to the parade. They were followed by another group of clergymen and others who were stopped in Plein Street. Some were then arrested. A lone protester, Philip Ivey, redirected the water cannon toward the local headquarters of the ruling National Party. The headquarters, along with the historic, white-painted Old Town House, overlooking Greenmarket Square, were doused with purple dye.[9]

On the Parade, a large contingent of police arrested everyone they could find who had purple dye on them. When they were booed by the crowd, police dispersed them. About 250 people marching under a banner stating, "The People Shall Govern," dispersed at the intersection of Darling Street and Sir Lowry Road after being stopped by police.[10]

Cape Town peace march

On September 12, 1989, 30,000 Capetonians marched in support of peace and the end of apartheid. The event lead by Mayor Gordon Oliver, Archbishop Tutu, Rev Frank Chikane, Moulana Faried Esack, and other religious leaders was held in defiance of the government's ban on political marches. The demonstration forced President de Klerk to relinquish the hardline against transformation, and the eventual unbanning of the ANC, and other political parties, and the release of Nelson Mandela less than six months later.

The United States

There is a long history of civil disobedience in the United States. One of the first practitioners was Henry David Thoreau whose 1849 essay, Civil Disobedience, is considered a defining exposition of the modern form of this type of action. It advocates the idea that people should not support any government attempting unjust actions. Thoreau was motivated by his opposition to the institution of slavery and the fighting of the Mexican-American War. Those participating in the movement for women's suffrage also engaged in civil disobedience.[11] The labor movement in the early twentieth century used sit-in strikes at plants and other forms of civil disobedience. Civil disobedience has also been used by those wishing to protest the Vietnam War, apartheid in South Africa, and against American intervention in Central America.[12]

King is perhaps most famous for his "I Have a Dream" speech, given in front of the Lincoln Memorial during the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

Martin Luther King, Jr. is one of the most famous activists who used civil disobedience to achieve reform. In 1953, at the age of twenty-four, King became pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, in Montgomery, Alabama. King correctly recognized that organized, nonviolent protest against the racist system of southern segregation known as Jim Crow laws would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights. Indeed, journalistic accounts and televised footage of the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by southern blacks, and of segregationist violence and harassment of civil rights workers and marchers, produced a wave of sympathetic public opinion that made the Civil Rights Movement the single most important issue in American politics in the early-1960s. King organized and led marches for blacks' right to vote, desegregation, labor rights, and other basic civil rights. Most of these rights were successfully enacted into United States law with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to comply with the Jim Crow law that required her to give up her seat to a white man. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, led by King, soon followed. The boycott lasted for 382 days, the situation becoming so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States Supreme Court decision outlawing racial segregation on all public transport.

King was instrumental in the founding of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957, a group created to harness the moral authority and organizing power of black churches to conduct nonviolent protests in the service of civil rights reform. King continued to dominate the organization. King was an adherent of the philosophies of nonviolent civil disobedience used successfully in India by Mahatma Gandhi, and he applied this philosophy to the protests organized by the SCLC.

Civil disobedience has continued to be used into the twenty-first century in the United States by protesters against numerous alleged injustices, including discrimination against homosexuals by church and other authorities, American intervention in Iraq, as well as by anti-abortion protesters and others.

Notes

  1. Gandhi's Life in 5000 words From the book Mahatma Gandhi - His Life in pictures. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
  2. Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life (Navjivan Trust, 2011, ISBN 978-8172291389).
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 Colin Barker, The rise of Solidarnosc International Socialism, October 17, 2005. Retrieved May 4, 2021.
  4. Keith John Lepak, Prelude to Solidarity (Columbia University Press, 1989, ISBN 0231066082).
  5. Barbara J. Falk, The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings (Central European University Press, 2003, ISBN 9639241393).
  6. George Weigel, The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism (Oxford University Press, 2003, ISBN 0195166647).
  7. The birth of Solidarity BBC News. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
  8. Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 1: The Origins to 1795 (Columbia University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0231128179).
  9. The Day the Purple Governed Sunday Times Heritage Project. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
  10. Scott Kract, 500 Arrested During Protest in Cape Town Los Angeles Times, September 3, 1989. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
  11. Woman Suffrage and the 19th Amendment The National Archives. Retrieved May 28, 2021.
  12. History of Mass Nonviolent Action Civil Disobedience Training. Retrieved May 28, 2021.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Arendt, Hannah. Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. Harvest Books, 1972. ISBN 0156232006
  • Davies, Norman. God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 1: The Origins to 1795. Columbia University Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0231128179
  • Falk, Barbara J. The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings. Central European University Press, 2003. ISBN 9639241393
  • Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. Navjivan Trust, 2011. ISBN 978-8172291389
  • Hendrick, George. Why Not Every Man? African Americans and Civil Disobedience in the Quest for the Dream. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, 2005. ISBN 1566636450
  • Lepak, Keith John. Prelude to Solidarity. Columbia University Press, 1989. ISBN 0231066082
  • Polner, Murray, and Jim O'Grady. Disarmed and Dangerous: The Radical Life and Times of Daniel and Philip Berrigan, Brothers in Religious Faith and Civil Disobedience. Westview Press, 2001. ISBN 0813334497
  • Thoreau, Henry David. On the Duty of Civil Disobedience. Book Jungle, 2007. ISBN 978-1594625268
  • Thoreau, Henry David. Civil Disobedience And Other Essays the Collected Essays of Henry David Thoreau. Digireads.com, 2005. ISBN 978-1420925227
  • Tolstoy, Leo. Writings on Civil Disobedience and Nonviolence. New Society Pub., 1987. ISBN 0865711097
  • Weigel, George. The Final Revolution: The Resistance Church and the Collapse of Communism. Oxford University Press, 2003. ISBN 0195166647
  • Zinn, Howard. The Zinn Reader: Writings on Disobedience and Democracy. Seven Stories Press, 1997. ISBN 1888363541

External links

All links retrieved May 27, 2021.

Credits

New World Encyclopedia writers and editors rewrote and completed the Wikipedia article in accordance with New World Encyclopedia standards. This article abides by terms of the Creative Commons CC-by-sa 3.0 License (CC-by-sa), which may be used and disseminated with proper attribution. Credit is due under the terms of this license that can reference both the New World Encyclopedia contributors and the selfless volunteer contributors of the Wikimedia Foundation. To cite this article click here for a list of acceptable citing formats.The history of earlier contributions by wikipedians is accessible to researchers here:

The history of this article since it was imported to New World Encyclopedia:

Note: Some restrictions may apply to use of individual images which are separately licensed.