Federalist No. 6

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Federalist No. 6 Alexander Hamilton A17950.jpg
Alexander Hamilton, author of Federalist No. 6
AuthorAlexander Hamilton
Original titleConcerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
SeriesThe Federalist
PublisherThe Independent Journal
Publication date
November 14, 1787
Media typeNewspaper
Preceded byFederalist No. 5 
Followed byFederalist No. 7 

Federalist No. 6, titled "Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States", is a political essay written by Alexander Hamilton and the sixth of The Federalist Papers. It was first published in the Independent Journal on November 14, 1787, under the pseudonym Publius, the name under which all The Federalist Papers were published. It is one of two essays by Hamilton advocating political union against those who believed that states, or confederations of multiple states could peacefully coexist. Hamilton argued that natural rivalries and competition could lead to war between the states. This argument continues in Federalist No. 7.

Federalist No. 6 argues that nations are predisposed to wage war against their neighbors as a natural consequence of human nature. Hamilton counters the belief that republicanism and commerce prevent war by arguing that the leaders and citizens of a nation will frequently be led by passion rather than reason. Federalist No. 6 makes extensive use of historical examples like the wars Athenian statesman Pericles initiated as well as contemporaneous examples like Shay's Rebellion.

Summary

Hamilton explained that in addition to external threats, the states could face threats from one another if they do not seek union. He recounted numerous examples of republican governments that engaged in war for a variety of reasons, including the pursuit of power, commercial rivalry, and the personal interest of leaders. He pointed to examples in which leaders or influential figures have started wars for personal gain under the guise of the public good. He argued, for example, that Pericles, for a variety of personal reasons, initiated the action that turned into the Peloponnesian War which led to its defeat by Sparta. He also recountd how Cardinal Thomas Wolsey, Chief Minister and Lord Chancellor to Henry VIII, used his position to engage in war with their neighbor, France, in order to gain more power.

He argued against those "utopians" who argue that republicanism and commerce prevent war because mutual interests serve to cultivate mutual amity instead of enmity. He countered that people are more commonly led by their passions than by reason. He provided numerous examples of republics that engaged in commerce and yet still frequently sought war, including Sparta, Athens, Rome, Carthage, Venice, and Holland. He also identified Great Britain as a semi-representative government with considerable investment in commerce, but also one of the most war-prone nations. He argued that war is just as popular among the people as it is among leaders.

Hamilton concluded from this history that the former colonies are no more likely to avoid war than any other nation. He identified instances of unrest in the states as further evidence, concluding that only a union of all the states can prevent conflict from eventually erupting.

Background and publication

Federalist No. 6 was written by Alexander Hamilton. Following the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Hamilton worked with James Madison and John Jay to write a series of essays to explain the provisions of the Constitution of the United States and persuade New York to ratify it. They published these essays in New York newspapers under the shared pseudonym Publius.[1] It was first published in the Independent Journal on November 14, 1787, followed by the Daily Advertiser on November 15 and the New-York Packet on November 16.[2] Federalist No. 6 was published after the essays written by John Jay. Both present arguments for union between the states, but Jay argued that the states are natural allies while Hamilton warned that they risk being natural enemies.[3]

Analysis

International conflict

In Federalist No. 6, Hamilton argued that it is utopian to believe the states would not engage in regular conflict were they not unified into a nation.[3] States, like individuals, are frequently guided not by mere commercial interests but by human passions that guide the policies of nations.[4] Proximity between nations does not necessarily promote amity but can also lead to rivalry and conflict.[5] Hamilton noted that it is not just individuals but also popular assemblies that succumb to impulses like rage, jealousy and other violent tendencies. Citizens can also be influenced by the desire of their leaders for greater power.[6] While not all people submit to these passions, great numbers will.[7]

Hamilton's argument in Federalist No. 6 contrasted with that of John Jay in the preceding entries of The Federalist Papers. While both advocated for union between the states under the new U. S. Constitution, Jay argued that the states were naturally unified through divine providence. Hamilton's view was more pessimistic. He warned that the states were predisposed to rivalry and competition and therefore to conflict unless they existed in a political union.[3] Hamilton dismissed the idea that the states would naturally coexist peacefully as "utopian speculations."[7] His argument was a strong version of federalism, supporting a strong federal government to prevent the states from fighting one another as separate nations.[8]

Hamilton addressed global economic growth and commerce in its relationship to conflict between nations.[9] At the time that the Federalist Papers were written, political philosophers such as Montesquieu and Thomas Paine popularized the theory that republics engaged in commerce were unlikely to engage in war.[10] Federalist No. 6 was a direct response to this argument.[8] He rejected Montesquieu's stance, arguing that while commerce mitigated war in some ways, it incentivized it in others.[10] He agreed that a strong economy encouraged peace by providing avenues of enrichment, giving people more to lose from war, and increasing the demands on armies as warfare became more complex.[9] Despite these factors, commercial nations were still receptive to war, citing historical examples of nations that engaged heavily in commerce, such as the Dutch Republic and Great Britain, that nevertheless maintained popular support for war.[10]

Human nature

Federalist No. 6 presents a measured view of human nature that persists throughout much of the Federalist Papers. Hamilton explained his view that human vices and impulses are often given precedence over rational interests or broader principles.[11] As an Enlightenment figure he accepted that one's best interest could be described as an objective truth determined by reason, but he questioned whether most people would actually seek this truth.[12] Hamilton and the other Founding Fathers saw a leader waging war to seek power and glory as one of the nation's greatest threats. Their remedy was the separation of powers, assigning the power to wage war not to the U. S. President but to the U. S. Congress.[13]

The contrast between reason and passion in Federalist No. 6 reflects the arguments of The Federalist Papers more broadly: the authors argued throughout the series that their position is supported by reason, but that the behavior of most people naturally tends toward passion and self-interest.[14] It is this view of human nature that, in the opinion of Hamilton and his co-authors, necessitates government.[11] Their argument about human nature is a universal claim about humanity, applicable to all peoples and nations rather than a specific claim based on the circumstances of the states.[15] Hamilton's description of humanity ruled more by passion than reason reflected the state of nature theory of the period promulgated by Thomas Hobbes, applied to relations between nations.[16]

Hamilton's perception of human nature illustrated the federalists' preference for a republican government and opposition to direct democracy. They associated democracy with mob rule.[17] He rejected the exceptionalist idea of a political "golden age" in which the American people would be so wise and virtuous as to rise above their passions, calling it a "deceitful dream." He instead sought a practical framework for government that took such passions into consideration. Hamilton's view of human nature was the opposite of his Federalist Papers co-author John Jay, who assumed a more Lockean position, trusting the people to generally act on reason despite their proclivity toward self-interest.[7] Hamilton's description of government also challenged the traditional conception of republicanism as described by Montesquieu, which emphasizes civic virtue as a defining attribute. Hamilton instead accepted a flawed republicanism in which citizens are not expected to possess "perfect wisdom and perfect virtue."[18]

Use of historical precedent

Hamilton described the actions of Pericles to demonstrate that the passions of leaders may lead their nations into war, even when it is not in their best interest.

Hamilton described several historical figures that he believed caused harm to their nations through the exercise of personal passion and self-interest.[19] He focused on Pericles, recounting his actions as described in Plutarch's Life of Pericles. He argued that Pericles's pursuit of self-interest caused the destruction of Samos and incited the Peloponnesian War.[4] This reflects one of the interpretations described by Plutarch, though Hamilton did not address a second, more prominent interpretation which claimed that it was public distrust of Pericles that caused harm.[4] Pericles is associated with the idea of civic virtue, which Hamilton discounted as a secure basis for government. He used Pericles as an example of a ruler driven by personal passion rather than civic virtue, undermining the Athenian republic.[15]

Hamilton's invocation of republics such as Rome and Sparta reflects the ideas of thinkers like Montesquieu and Niccolò Machiavelli who argued that a balance of democracy and aristocracy was necessary to moderate the republic. These philosophers warned that without such moderation, inclinations toward war and conquest would lead to the fall of a republic.[20] Hamilton also used examples from his own time. He described the Regulator Movement, the Pennsylvania Mutiny of 1783, and Shays' Rebellion as recent examples of political and social unrest leading to violence.[17] He points to Daniel Shay's own finances as potentially playing a role in driving Shay's Rebellion.

Federalist No. 6 presents an empirical argument reflecting the influence of David Hume's empiricism during this era. Hamilton argued based on empirical evidence and experience rather than logical axioms.Hamilton used empirical evidence based on historical precedents rather than rationalist criteria. Hamilton described an historical pattern of republics that were brought down by individuals engaging in self-interested actions. By inference he suggested that by observing these examples which displayed the flaws of human nature, the fledgling nation could assume the same outcome from political division.[21]

Legacy

The argument for politica union in Federalist No. 6 is continued by Hamilton in Federalist No. 7. There he took up the potential of war between the states.[22] Political scientist Michael Zuckert described Federalist No. 6 as "one of the classic essays of the series."[8] James Madison revisited the idea of human nature causing division in Federalist No. 10. Madison presented an empirical argument similar to Hamilton's, though he emphasized an a priori argument from human nature rather than providing examples.[23] Both authors proposed in their respective essays that the best interest of a nation was an objective truth that could be determined through reason.[24]

The idea challenged by Hamilton in this essay—that commerce-based republics were less likely to engage in war—developed over the modern era into democratic peace theory.[10][15] Thomas Paine wrote in "Common Sense" in 1776: "The Republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace." Paine argued that kings would go to war out of pride in situations where republics would not.[25][26] French historian and social scientist Alexis de Tocqueville also argued, in Democracy in America (1835–1840), that democratic nations were less likely to wage war. "When the principle of equality spreads, as in Europe now, not only within one nation, but at the same time among several neighboring peoples, the inhabitants of these various countries, despite different languages, customs, and laws, always resemble each other in an equal fear of war and love of peace. In vain do ambitious or angry princes arm for war; in spite of themselves, they are calmed down by some sort of general apathy and goodwill which makes the sword fall from their hands. Wars become rarer."[27] Hamilton's argument represented a caution against placing too much faith in reason or commercial interests to prevent war. With the advent of globalization, the concept of "neighboring nations" has changed, and the arguments presented by Hamilton about neighboring nations may be interpreted more broadly and applied to all nations.[15]

Notes

  1. ↑ Library of Congress, "Federalist Papers: Primary Documents in American History," U.S. Library of Congress. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  2. ↑ Library of Congress, "Federalist Essays in Historic Newspapers," U.S. Library of Congress. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 David F. Epstein, The Political Theory of The Federalist (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0226213002), 20. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 David F. Epstein, The Political Theory of The Federalist (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0226213002, 30. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  5. ↑ David F. Epstein, The Political Theory of The Federalist (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0226213002), 117. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  6. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 117. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 Edward Millican, One United People: The Federalist Papers and the National Idea (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2014, ISBN 978-0813160337), 79–80. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Michael Zuckert, "The Federalist's New Federalism" in The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers, Jack N. Rakove, and Colleen A. Sheehan, eds. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-1107136397), 169.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 David F. Epstein, The Political Theory of The Federalist (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0226213002), 17-18. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 Max M. Edling, "'A Vigorous National Government': Hamilton on Security, War, and Revenue," in The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers, Jack N. Rakove, and Colleen A. Sheehan, eds. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-1107136397), 90–91.
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 Kyle Scott, The Federalist Papers: A Reader's Guide (London, U.K.: A&C Black, 2013, ISBN 1441185860), 46.
  12. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 123. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  13. ↑ David J. Bederman, The Classical Foundations of the American Constitution: Prevailing Wisdom (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0521885362), 169–170. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  14. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 113. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading "The Federalist" in the 21st Century (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0300199598), 26–29. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  16. ↑ Kathleen O. Potter, The Federalist's Vision of Popular Sovereignty in the New American Republic (New York, New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2002, ISBN 978-1931202442), 34–35.
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 Kathleen O. Potter, The Federalist's Vision of Popular Sovereignty in the New American Republic (New York, New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2002, ISBN 978-1931202442), 75.
  18. ↑ David F. Epstein, The Political Theory of The Federalist (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0226213002), 124. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  19. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 44. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  20. ↑ David J. Bederman, The Classical Foundations of the American Constitution: Prevailing Wisdom (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0521885362), 71–72. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  21. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 44. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  22. ↑ Harvey C. Mansfield, "The Republican Form of Government in in The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers, Jack N. Rakove, and Colleen A. Sheehan, eds. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-1107136397), 561.
  23. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195363074), 66. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  24. ↑ Morton White, Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989, ISBN 978-0195059489), 119. Retrieved July 26, 2026.
  25. ↑ Jack S. Levy and William R. Thompson, Causes of War (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2011, ISBN 978-1405175593),
  26. ↑ Thomas Paine, The Life and Major Writings of Thomas Paine, Philip S. Foner, ed. (New York, NY: The Citadel Press, 1945), 27.
  27. ↑ Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. J. P. Mayer, (New York, New York: Harper Perennial, 1988, ISBN 978-0060915223), 659–660.

References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

  • Bederman, David J. The Classical Foundations of the American Constitution: Prevailing Wisdom. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0521885362
  • de Tocqueville, Alexis. Democracy in America, edited by J. P. Mayer. New York, NY: Harper Perennial, 1988. ISBN 978-0060915223
  • Epstein, David F. The Political Theory of The Federalist. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0226213002
  • Levinson, Sanford. An Argument Open to All: Reading “The Federalist” in the 21st Century. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015. ISBN 978-0300199598
  • Levy, Jack S., and William R. Thompson. Causes of War. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2011. ISBN 978-1405175593
  • Millican, Edward. One United People: The Federalist Papers and the National Idea. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2014. ISBN 978-0813160337
  • Paine, Thomas. The Life and Major Writings of Thomas Paine, edited by Philip S. Foner. New York, NY: The Citadel Press, 1945. ASIN B0007DTQPK
  • Potter, Kathleen O. The Federalist's Vision of Popular Sovereignty in the New American Republic. New York, NY: LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2002. ISBN 978-1931202442
  • Rakove, Jack N., and Colleen A. Sheehan, (eds.) The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN 978-1107136397
  • Scott, Kyle. The Federalist Papers: A Reader's Guide. London, U.K.: A&C Black, 2013. ISBN 1441185860
  • White, Morton. Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution. Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1989. ISBN 978-0195059489

External links

All links retrieved July 26, 2026.


Federalist Papers
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